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•ajep  anp  oj 
joud  sAep  f  apeui  aq  Aeiu  sa3jei|33J  pus 


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s^ooq  3u|3uijq  Aq  pa&iepaj  aq  Aeiu  sueo|  q)uoui-g 

*QO^C-Z^9  Bujiieo  Aq  paMauaj  aq  Aeui  sueo|  q)uoui-i 

•M0|aq  paduieis  a^ep  JSBI  aq;  uo  anp  s;  >jooq  Sjqi 

NIVW 


3WOH 


OF  -HE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 

c 


GRANT  IN  PEACE. 


FROM 


APPOMATTOX   TO   MOUNT   McGREGOR. 


A    PERSONAL    MEMOIR. 


BY 

ADAM  BADEAU, 

BREVET    BRIGADIER-GENERAL   UNITED    STATES    ARMY,    MILITARY   SECRETARY 

AND  AIDE-DE-CAMP  TO  GENERAL  GRANT,  AUTHOR  OF  MILITARY  HISTORY 

OF  ULYSSES  S.  GRANT,  OF  ARISTOCRACY  IN  ENGLAND,  AND 

OF  CONSPIRACY,  A  CUBAN  ROMANCE. 


HARTFORD: 
S.     S.     SCR^^TON    &     CO. 

1887. 


_i£.i,i»i.i;jB  6  \  Li  .-.LJ 
§Lr--e,  ,*,•*»- 

Copyright,  1887. 
BY  ADAM  EADEAU. 


&/  ^^Z^k^x*-^- 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 
INTRODUCTORY  —  RELATIONS  OF  THE  AUTHOR  WITH  GENERAL 

GRANT, 11 

CHAPTER    II. 
THE  TERMS  AT  APPOMATTOX, 18 

CHAPTER    III. 
GRANT  AND  THE  SOUTH  AFTER  THE  WAR,         ....      25 

CHAPTER    IV. 
GRANT   AND   ANDREW  JOHNSON — THEIR   ORIGINAL   CONCORD 

AND  THE  GROWTH  OF  A  DIFFERENT  FEELING,         .        .      32 

CHAPTER  V. 
GRANT'S  FIRST  STEP  IN  POLITICS, 42 

CHAPTER   VI. 
JOHNSON'S  MANOEUVRES, 49 

CHAPTER  VII. 
CONGRESSIONAL  RECONSTRUCTION, 57 

CHAPTER   VIII. 
PRESIDENTIAL  OBSTRUCTION, 64 

CHAPTER    IX. 
CONTINUED  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  GRANT  AND  JOHNSON>    .        .      71 

CHAPTER  X. 
GRANT  AND  STANTON, 77 

CHAPTER   XL 

GRANT,  STANTON,  AND  JOHNSON, 84 

(5) 


6  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

CHAPTER   XII. 
GRANT  AND  SHERIDAN, 95 

CHAPTER   XIII. 
GRANT  IN  THE  CABINET, 106 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
GRANT  AND  SHERMAN, 116 

CHAPTER   XV. 
GRANT,  SHERMAN,  AND  JOHNSON, 124 

CHAPTER   XVI. 
THE  IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON, 134 

CHAPTER   XVII. 
GRANT  AS  A  PRESIDENTIAL  CANDIDATE, 141 

CHAPTER   XVIII. 
PRESIDENT-ELECT, 150 

CHAPTER   XIX. 
CABINET-MAKING, 159 

CHAPTER   XX. 
GRANT  IN  SOCIETY, 0     170 

CHAPTER   XXI. 
THE  FRENCH  IN  MEXICO, 180 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
GRANT  AND  SEWARD, 190 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 
GRANT  AND  MOTLEY, 197 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 
GRANT  AND  SUMNER, 210 

CHAPTER  XXV. 
GRANT  AND  GLADSTONE, 221 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 
GRANT  AND  FISH, 231 


CONTENTS.  7 

PAGB 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
LIFE  AT  THE  WHITE  HOUSE, 239 

CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

GRANT  AND  HAYES, 247 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 
LEAVING  THE  WHITE  HOUSE, 255 

CHAPTER  XXX. 
GRANT  IN  ENGLAND, 263 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 
GRANT  AND  THE  PRINCE  OF  WALES, 272 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 
GRANT  AT  WINDSOR, 281 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 
PALACE  AND  PRESIDENT, 290 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 
GRANT  AS  A  TRAVELER, 297 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 
THE  WANDERINGS  OF  ULYSSES, 307 

CHAPTER  XXXVI. 
THE  THIRD  TERM, 3TS 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 
GRANT  AND  GARFIELD, 324 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 
GRANT  AND  ARTHUR, 334 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 
GRANT  AND  ELAINE, 342 

CHAPTER  XL. 
GRANT  AND  MEXICO, 34$ 

CHAPTER   XLI. 
THE  GRANTS  AND  THE  LINCOLNS, 355 


8  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XLII. 
GRANT  AND  LOGAN, 365 

CHAPTER   XLIII. 
GRANT  AND  HANCOCK, 369 

CHAPTER   XLIV. 
GRANT  AND  CATACAZY, 373 

CHAPTER   XLV. 
GRANT  AND  SICKLES,      ..........    382 

CHAPTER   XLVI. 
GRANT  AND  ROMERO, 391 

CHAPTER  XLVII. 
GRANT  AND  HIS  FRIENDS, 400 

CHAPTER   XLVIII. 
GRANT  AND  HIS  FAMILY, 407 

CHAPTER   XLIX. 
THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT,         ....  416 

CHAPTER   L. 
LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT  TO  GENERAL  BADEAU,       .        .    462 

CHAPTER   LI. 
MISCELLANEOUS  CORRESPONDENCE, 566 

CHAPTER   LII. 
CONCLUSION, cg0 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


THE  SURRENDER  OF  LEE, Frontispiece. 

PRESIDENT  ELECT, *49 

THE  BOY  STOOD  ON  THE  BURNING  DECK,  ...  175 

SEWARD  ANNOUNCING  VICTORY, "191 

GRANT  MEETING  GLADSTONE,        .....  "230 

NELLIE  GRANT'S  WEDDING, "243 

GRANT  RECEIVING  ENGLISH  WORKINGMEN,         .        .  "        270 

DINING  WITH  THE  PRINCE  OF  WALES,         ...  "        276 

GRANT  AT  WINDSOR, 288 

DINING  WITH  THE  KING  OF  THE  BELGIANS,         .        .  "        294 

HIDE  AND  SEEK  IN  THE  ALPS, "309 

GRANT  AND  GARFIELD  BREAKFASTING,        ...  "        32§ 
MR.  PRESIDENT:     I  WANT  TO  MARRY  YOUR  DAUGHTER,        "        413 

FALLING  ON  THE  ICE, 4J6 

GRANT  AND  WARD, "        419 

AWAITING  DEATH, "        42& 

DEATH  OF  GENERAL  GRANT, "        461 

WRITING  HISTORY, "        564 

RIVERSIDE, "        591 


(9) 


FAC-SIMILES. 


PAGE. 
EXTRACT  FROM  LETTER  OF  GENERAL  GRANT  TO  GENERAL 

BADEAU,  REFERRING  TO  HIS  POLITICAL  HISTORY,  .  .  3 
LETTER  OF  GENERAL  LEE  TO  COLONEL  BADEAU,  ...  24 
Two  NOTES  OF  PRESIDENT  JOHNSON  TO  GENERAL  GRANT,  .  36 
LETTER  OF  SECRETARY  STANTON  TO  GENERAL  GRANT,  .  48 
THE  SCOUT'S  LETTER  TO  GENERAL  GRANT,  ....  56 

GRANT'S  ERASED  LETTER  TO  STANTON, 92-93 

EXTRACT  FROM  LETTER  OF  GENERAL  SHERIDAN  TO  GENERAL 

BADEAU, 100 

NOTE  OF  MRS,  LINCOLN  TO  GENERAL  GRANT,  .  .  .361 
EXTRACT  FROM  LETTER  OF  GENERAL  SHERMAN  TO  GENERAL 

BADEAU; 589 


(10) 


GRANT  IN  PEACE. 


CHAPTER    I. 

INTRODUCTORY— RELATIONS    OF   THE    WRITER    WITH 
GENERAL    GRANT. 

GENERAL  GRANT  did  his  country  quite  as  indispen 
sable  and  efficient  service  during  the  years  immedi 
ately  after  the  Civil  War  as  in  the  field ;  a  service  often  un 
known  to  the  world,  or  to  more  than  a  very  few  of  the  actors, 
or  nearest  observers  of  the  time.  I  propose  to  tell  the  story 
of  the  part  of  which  I  was  a  personal  witness,  or  in  regard 
to  which  I  can  bear  peculiar  testimony.  I  shall  treat  his 
relations  with  the  most  prominent  persons  of  the  epoch,  set 
ting  forth  his  opinions  of  them  and  his  feelings  toward  them, 
and  lift  the  veil  from  events  of  importance  to  history,  or  to 
the  understanding  of  Grant's  character  and  influence.  I 
propose  also  to  make  known  some  of  the  circumstances  of 
his  Presidency  and  later  career  which  have  not  hitherto  been 
disclosed. 

General  Grant  always  knew  that  I  contemplated  writing 
his  political  history,  and  approved  the  intention.  He  prom 
ised  me  all  the  assistance  he  could  give  in  its  preparation, 
and  refused  his  sanction  to  others  who  proposed  a  similar 
task.  During  his  last  illness,  when  it  became  certain  that 
his  military  memoir  would  be  widely  read,  I  urged  him  to 
attempt  himself  a  political  volume,  and  he  consented  to  do 
so  if  I  would  aid  him.  The  chapters  I  now  offer  will  include 
material  that  would  have  formed  part  of  such  a  memoir, 
whether  it  had  been  written  by  himself  or  had  remained  my 
work,  supervised  and  corrected  by  General  Grant.  To  this 


I2  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

I  shall  add  personal  details  too  delicate  to  have  been  sub 
mitted  to  their  subject,  or  to  have  been  given  to  the  world 
during  his  lifetime. 

My  relations  with  General  Grant  began  in  May,  1863. 
On  the  5th  of  that  month,  immediately  after  crossing  the 
Mississippi  River  in  the  Vicksburg  campaign,  he  requested 
my  appointment  to  duty  on  his  staff.  He  had  never  seen 
me  at  the  time,  and  made  the  application  on  the  recommend 
ation  of  General  James  H.  Wilson,  his  inspector-general. 
I  was  then  a  captain  serving  on  the  staff  of  General  T.  W. 
Sherman,  in  Banks's  campaign  against  Port  Hudson.  My 
orders  did  not  reach  me  till  the  2/th  of  May,  just  as  the 
assault  on  Port  Hudson  was  beginning.  I  was  wounded 
in  that  assault,  and  unable  to  report  to  General  Grant  in 
person  until  the  following  February.  I  thus  first  saw  him  at 
Nashville,  where  he  had  established  his  headquarters,  after 
the  battle  of  Chattanooga. 

Our  relations  at  once  became  more  than  cordial.  I  was 
still  on  crutches,  and  he  gave  me  a  desk  in  his  own  room  at 
headquarters,  threw  open  his  entire  official  correspondence 
to  me,  and  delighted  from  the  first  to  tell  me  all  the  details 
of  his  battles  and  campaigns.  The  bill  creating  the  grade 
of  lieutenant-general  was  then  before  Congress,  and  I  had 
carried  messages  to  him  presaging  its  success.  He  dis 
cussed  the  subject  freely,  told  me  he  felt  no  anxiety  for  the 
promotion,  and  would  take  no  step  to  secure  it;  but,  if  it 
came,  he  would  do  his  best  to  fulfill  the  higher  duties  it  im 
posed.  If  otherwise,  he  would  neither  be  disappointed  nor 
in  any  way  less  devoted  to  the  cause  he  served. 

On  the  3d  of  March  he  was  ordered  to  Washington,  and 
on  the  nth  assumed  command  of  the  armies  of  the  United 
States.  He  at  once  assigned  me  to  duty  as  military  secre 
tary,  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel  on  his  staff.  I 
remained  with  him  in  this  capacity  till  the  end  of  the  war ; 
went  through  the  Wilderness  campaign  and  the  siege  of 


INTRODUCTORY.  ^ 

Richmond  by  his  side,  and  was  present  at  the  fall  of  Peters 
burg  and  the  surrender  of  Lee.  During  the  next  four  years, 
those  of  the  administration  of  Andrew  Johnson,  I  was  his 
confidential  secretary  and  aide-de-camp.  I  opened  all  his 
letters,  answered  many  that  were  seen  by  no  other  man,  and 
necessarily  knew  his  opinions  on  most  subjects  closely  and 
intimately.  Wherever  he  went  at  this  time  I  accompanied 
him.  In  his  tour  through  the  South  after  the  close  of  the 
war,  in  his  visit  to  Canada,  his  journey  over  the  entire  North, 
which  was  one  long  triumphal  procession  ;  his  stay  at  his 
little  Galena  home ;  during  the  stormy  days  of  Reconstruc 
tion  and  the  struggle  between  Congress  and  the  President ; 
at  the  time  of  the  removal  of  Stanton ;  the  impeachment 
of  Johnson ;  the  attempt  to  send  General  Grant  out  of  the 
country;  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1868;  down  to  the 
preparations  for  his  first  administration,  I  was  constantly  in 
his  society  and  confidence. 

Enjoying  these  opportunities  for  knowing  the  man,  and 
engaged  at  the  time  in  writing  his  military  history,  I  natu 
rally  took  to  studying  his  peculiar  characteristics.  For  a 
long  while  he  was  just  as  much  of  an  enigma  to  me  as  to 
the  rest  of  the  world.  The  apparent  absence  of  vanity,  of 
ambition,  of  pride  in  his  success,  of  selfishness,  was  so  com 
plete  and  so  unusual  in  a  man  who  had  achieved  such  success, 
that  I  could  not  at  first  comprehend  him.  I  soon,  however, 
grew  into  a  profound  affection  for  him,  which,  enhanced  by 
my  admiration  for  his  achievements,  became  the  paramount 
feeling  of  my  life.  All  my  object  and  ambition  were  to4ielp 
build  up  or  illustrate  his  fame. 

He  appreciated  this  regard  and,  I  thought,  returned  it 
with  a  warmth  that  he  did  not  often  display.  He  allowed 
me  to  say  things  to  him  that  few  men  say  to  each  other,  and 
at  last  he  permitted  me  to  see  beneath  the  veil  that  con 
cealed  the  mystery  from  mankind.  I  found  him  a  man  like 
other  men,  with  feelings  as  profound  as  those  of  the  most 


14  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

passionate,  but  with  a  power  of  concealing  them  almost  with 
out  example.  His  reserve,  however,  was  natural  in  part,  as 
well  as  in  part  the  result  of  intention.  At  times  there  was 
a  positive  inability  to  reveal  emotion,  a  sort  of  inarticulate 
undemonstrativeness  as  far  as  possible  from  stolidity. 

He  had  few  affections,  but   these  were  intense ;  he  did 
not  hate  many,  but  he  could   be  implacable.     He  was  not 
what  is  usually  called  ambitious,  but  after  he  had  been  long 
in  power  he  was  not  insensible  to  the  sweets  of  possession, 
and    was   decidedly   averse    to    relinquishing    what    he    had 
enjoyed.     He  was  not  vain,  but  he  knew  his  own  qualities, 
and,  though  he  had  the  faculty  of  receiving  adulation  with 
a  greater  appearance  of  equanimity  than  any  other  human 
being  I  have  known,  he  was  not  indifferent  to  the  recogni 
tion   of  the  world  or  the  praises  of    his  friends.     He  who 
never  betrayed  on  that  imperturbable  countenance  that  he 
relished  the  plaudits  of  the  multitude  has  told  me  often  with 
delicious  frankness    afterward  of   the   compliments   he   had 
received ;  he  who  seemed  so  careless  of  censure  or  criticism 
-after  some  little  attempt  at  a  speech  of  four  or  five  lines, 
has   looked  around   shyly  as   he  sat   down,  and  whispered  : 
"Was  that  all  right  ?"     The  disclosure  is  no  betrayal  of  his 
confidence,  now  that  his  modesty  can  no  longer  be  pained. 
It  cannot  but  make  his  calm  and  stalwart  nature  still  more 
interesting  to  know  that  it  covered  the  ordinary  softnesses 
of  humanity.     The  living,  breathing  man  is  nearer  to  us  than 
the  statue  of  stone  or  unreal  demi-god.     The  Grant  that  I 
knew  was  full  of  human   nature.     He  had  his  weaknesses, 
but  they  made  him  more   lovable  sometimes  to  those  who 
found  them  out ;  he  had  his  faults,  but  to  deny  this  would  be 
to  deny  that  he  was  mortal. 

I  took  a  great  delight  in  studying,  not  only  his  moral,  but 
his  intellectual  qualities.  He  was  not  in  the  least  a  critic 
by  nature  ;  especially  he  was  not  introspective.  But  he  was 
so  sure  of  me  that  he  was  willing  for  me  to  explore  his 


INTRODUCTORY.  T^ 

nature,  confident  that  I  could  find  little  to  depreciate  and  noth 
ing  to  dishonor  him.  I  used  to  ask  him  how  he  came  to  do  cer 
tain  notable  things,  how  the  idea  of  some  battle  or  campaign 
had  been  inspired  or  evolved  in  his  mind,  how  he  felt  in  a 
famous  emergency ;  and  he  always  tried  to  answer  me.  He 
was  curious  himself  when  I  suggested  the  inquiry.  It  had 
never  occurred  to  him  to  examine  himself  in  this  way,  and 
he  was  not  an  expert ;  but  he  would  tell  me  all  that  he  could 
remember  or  understand.  And  I  always  found  the  same 
simple,  unaffected  nature  underlying  all. 

If  he  was  unfair,  and  he  was  at  times,  he  did  not  know  it ; 
he  did  not  intend  to  be  so.  If  his  likes  or  dislikes  affected 
his  judgment,  and  they  did,  undoubtedly,  it  was  unconsciously 
to  himself ;  and  he  always  wanted  to  atone  for  a  wrong  when 
he  was  convinced  that  he  hacl  inflicted  one.  But  it  was  diffi 
cult  to  convince  him. 

It  is,  however,  the  intellectual  side  of  him  that  is  less 
understood.  I  never  saw  anything  more  curious  than  his 
intellectual  growth.  His  faculties  had  never  been  exercised 
upon  any  large  matters,  or  on  any  large  scale  until  the  war ; 
then  they  expanded  in  the  eminently  practical  career  of  a 
soldier.  All  his  military  greatness  came  of  the  plainest 
possible  qualities,  developed  to  an  astounding  degree.  The 
clearness  of  his  judgment,  the  control  of  his  emotions,  his 
quick  insight  into  a  subject,  his  large  grasp,  his  determined 
will  —  these  are  faculties  that  any  one  might  possess  in  an 
ordinary  measure  without  exciting  wonder,  but  these  he 
carried  into  the  most  extraordinary  circumstances,  and  ap 
plied  on  the  grandest  possible  theatre.  Notwithstanding  all 
this,  until  the  close  of  the  war  he  had  met  few  great  men 
except  soldiers,  he  had  studied  few  great  events  except  mili 
tary  ones,  he  knew  few  great  subjects  or  situations,  except 
battles  and  marches  and  sieges  and  campaigns. 

When  he  went  to  Washington  and  was  thrown  into  con 
tact  with  men  trained  in  the  political  and  social  arena,  at  first 


16 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


he  was  very  shy.  He  did  not  like  the  atmosphere  ;  he  was 
not  at  home  in  it.  He  avoided  the  world,  so  far  as  he,  at  the 
core  and  the  top  of  the  world,  could  avoid  it.  He  disliked 
politics  and  society,  but  soon  perceived  that  his  duty  and 
his  position  threw  him  into  both  politics  and  society,  and 
though  he  never  seemed  to  be  observing,  he  watched  closely. 
He  very  soon  conformed  to  etiquettes  which  at  first  had  been, 
not  only  unfamiliar,  but  distasteful.  He  learned  to  under 
stand  the  ways  of  men  —  and  women  —  long  yfted  to  arts  and 
artifices.  He  never  himself  became  a  skillful  simulator,  but 
he  could  dissimulate  as  well  as  any  man  that  ever  lived  ;  that 
is,  he  could  prevent  all  but  those  who  were  absolutely  closest 
to  him,  and  sometimes  these,  from  penetrating  further  than 
he  wished  into  his  thoughts  or  purposes  or  desires. 

I  had  not  seen  him  for  several  years  when  he  visited 
Europe,  and  I  was  very  much  struck,  at  that  time,  with  the 
growth  and  breadth  of  his  intellect.  I  was  with  him  at  the 
tables  of  kings ;  I  saw  him  in  the  company  of  the  greatest 
European  statesmen ;  at  more  than  one  brilliant  court ;  and 
he  rose  to  an  equality  that  the  foremost  recognized.  On  his 
return  to  America,  I  was  again  very  much  with  him,  almost, 
if  possible,  in  a  closer  intimacy  than  ever  before,  and  I  was 
convinced  that  he  had  learned  profoundly  by  his  experience 
of  the  Presidency  and  his  wonderful  journey  around  the 
world. 

I  saw  him  almost  to  the  last,  in  his  grim  struggle  with 
the  greatest  of  all  foes,  and  then  too  I  recognized  that  the 
massive  qualities  of  the  man,  though  on  so  grand  a  scale, 
were  after  all,  very  human  —  the  simple,  natural  traits  that 
he  shared  with  us  all.  He  was  a  typical  man,  with  his  faults 
and  virtues,  only  surpassing  the  rest  by  his  achievements 
and  his  developed  powers. 

It  is  my  intention  to  narrate  the  incidents  and  describe 
the  conduct  which  produced  in  me  this  idea  of  General 
Grant. 


INTRODUCTORY.  l^ 

The  following  letter  refers  to  my  plan  of  writing  General 
Grant's  political  history : 

GENERAL  GRANT  TO  GENERAL  BADEAU. 

NAPLES,  Dec.  18,  '77. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL,  —  Your  letter  and  enclosed  chapter  of 
history  were  received  here  on  our  arrival  yesterday.  I  have  read 
the  chapter  and  find  no  comments  to  make.  It  is,  no  doubt,  as 
correct  as  history  can  be  written,  "  except  when  you  speak  about 
me."  I  am  glad  to  see  you  are  progressing  so  well.  Hope  Vol. 
II.  will  soon  be  complete,  and  that  the  book  will  find  large  sale. 

No  doubt  but  Governor  Fish  will  take  great  pleasure  in  aiding 
you  in  your  next  book.  He  has  all  the  data,  so  far  as  his  own 
department  was  concerned.  It  was  his  habit  to  sum  up  the  pro 
ceedings  of  each  day  before  leaving  his  office,  and  to  keep  that 
information  for  his  private  perusal. 

To-day  we  ascend  Mt.  Vesuvius,  to-morrow  visit  Pompeii  and 
Herculaneum.  About  Saturday,  the  22d,  start  for  Palermo,  thence 
to  Malta,  where  we  will  probably  spend  the  25th.  From  there  we 
go  to  Alexandria  and  up  the  Nile.  That  is  about  as  far  as  I  have 
definitely  planned,  but  think  on  our  return  from  the  Nile  we  will 
go  to  Joppa,  and  visit  Jerusalem  from  there ;  possibly  Damascus 
and  other  points  of  interest  also,  and  take  the  ship  again  at  Bey- 
rout.  The  next  point  will  be  Smyrna,  then  Constantinople.  I  am 
beginning  to  enjoy  traveling,  and  if  the  money  holds  out,  or  if 
Consolidated  Virginia  mining  stock  does,  I  will  not  be  back  to  the 
Eastern  States  for  two  years  yet.  Should  they — the  stocks  — 
run  down  on  my  hands,  and  stop  dividends,  I  should  be  compelled 
to  get  home  the  nearest  way. 

Jesse  is  entirely  well  and  himself  again,  and  enjoys  his  travels 
under  these  changed  conditions  very  much.  I  wrote  a  letter  to 
Porter  a  good  while  ago,  but  have  received  no  answer  yet. 

Very  truly  yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  TERMS  AT  APPOMATTOX. 

THE  terms  at  Appomattox  were  neither  dictated  by  the 
Government,  nor  suggested  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  nor  in 
spired  by  any  subordinate.  Early  in  March,  1864,  the  Ad 
ministration  had  positively  prohibited  General  Grant  from 
attempting  to  settle  or  even  discuss  the  conditions  of  peace ; 
and  at  the  interview  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  commis 
sioners  sent  out  from  Richmond  in  February  Grant  was  not 
permitted  to  be  present.  There  was  a  determination  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Stanton  to  exclude  the  military 
authorities  altogether  from  the  final  settlement,  after  sub 
mission  should  be  secured.  During  Mr.  Lincoln's  stay  at 
City  Point,  prior  to  the  final  movements  of  the  war,  he  had 
many  conversations  with  Grant,  but  said  nothing  to  indicate 
definitely  what  steps  he  intended  to  take  at  the  close. 
Those  steps  were  probably  uncertain  in  his  own  mind,  for, 
like  all  sagacious  statesmen,  he  left  much  to  be  determined 
by  circumstances  as  they  might  arise.  Even  after  the  fall  of 
Petersburg,  when  the  end  of  the  war  was  evidently  at  hand, 
when  Mr.  Lincoln  came  up  and  conferred  for  an  hour  or  two 
with  Grant  in  the  captured  town,  there  was  no  definite  line 
laid  down  for  the  head  of  the  army.  Grant  only  knew  the 
general  magnanimity  of  the  President's  views  and  his  dis 
position  toward  clemency.  I  make  this  statement  from  his 
own  positive  declarations. 

So,  also,  it  is  within  my  knowledge  that  no  subordinate, 
however  great  or  however  near,  either  knew  or  suggested 

(18) 


THE   TERMS   AT   APPOMATTOX.  JQ 

in  advance  the  terms  that  Grant  would  impose  on  Lee. 
This  fact  he  has  repeatedly  stated  to  me.  Matters  of  such 
consequence  he  never  decided  until  the  moment  for  decision 
came,  and  he  never  in  his  life  arranged  the  details  of  any  mat 
ter  until  it  was  presented  to  him  for  actual  determination. 
Thus,  until  he  knew  that  he  had  the  remains  of  the  army  of 
Lee  within  his  grasp,  he  did  not  reduce  to  form,  even  in  his 
own  mind,  the  exact  conditions  upon  which  he  would  allow  it 
to  surrender.  He  had  indeed  long  felt  that  when  the  war  was 
ended  there  should  be  no  vindictive  policy  toward  the  van 
quished,  and  he  informed  Lee  at  once  when  they  met  that 
he  meant  to  accept  paroles;  but  the  important  final  provi 
sion,  that  which  gives  all  its  peculiar  character  to  the  capit 
ulation,  was  unstudied,  and  its  language  spontaneous.  Yet 
the  language  is  as  precise  as  words  can  make  it,  and  enun 
ciates  a  policy  which  has  done  as  much  as  victory  itself  to 
secure  the  results  of  the  war.  "  Each  officer  and  man  will 
be  allowed  to  return  to  his  home,  not  to  be  disturbed  by 
United  States  authority  so  long  as  they  observe  their  paroles 
and  the  laws  in  force  where  they  reside." 

The  terms,  however,  were  not  in  the  least  the  result  of 
chance,  or  carelessness,  or  indifference.  They  were  the 
legitimate  outgrowth  of  Grant's  judgment  and  feeling;  the 
consequence  of  all  that  had  gone  before ;  embodied  then  for 
the  first  time,  because  then  for  the  first  time  the  necessity 
for  the  embodiment  had  arrived.  In  this  way  Grant  always 
did  his  greatest  things.  It  may  be  strange  or  inexplicable, 
but  he  could  not  often  explain  his  methods,  nor,  indeed, 
always  his  reasons. 

He  had  at  this  moment  no  defined  large  views  about 
separating  the  military  from  the  civil  power,  far  less  any 
intent  of  encroaching  on  the  domain  or  prerogative  of 
politics.  He  did  not  even,  like  Sherman,  take  into  consid 
eration  the  fate  or  condition  of  other  forces  of  the  enemy, 
although  he  was  General-in-Chief ;  he  confined  himself  strictly 


20  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

to  the  business  before  him  —  the  disbanding  and  dispersion 
of  Lee's  army.  He  wanted  to  secure  that  neither  that  army 
nor  any  of  its  members  could  ever  again  resist  or  confront 
the  national  authority;  and  when  this  was  determined  he 
was  unwilling  to  inflict  on  one  of  those  members  a  single 
unnecessary  humiliation  or  suffering.  He  was,  I  am  sure, 
unconscious  of  any  special  magnanimity  in  this  course.  He 
thought  nothing  of  himself,  and  little  as  yet  of  the  far-reach 
ing  effect  of  his  terms  on  the  population  of  the  South. 
What  his  hand  found  to  do,  it  did,  and  no  more ;  in  peace  as 
well  as  in  war. 

The  corroboration  of  all  this  is  the  fact  that  the  idea  of 
allowing  the  officers  to  retain  their  sidearms  and  personal 
effects  was  suggested  to  him  as  he  wrote.  He  wore  no 
sword,  having  been  summoned  hastily  from  his  own  head 
quarters  two  days  before  to  a  distant  portion  of  the  field,  with 
no  opportunity  of  returning  afterward.  Lee,  however,  had 
dressed  himself  with  care  for  the  ceremony.  His  headquar 
ters'  train  had  been  burned  by  Sheridan  in  the  pursuit,  and 
Lee  and  his  officers,  able  to  save  only  a  single  suit  of  clothes, 
had  secured  the  finest.  In  this  way  Lee  was  handsomely 
clad;  he  wore  embroidered  gauntlets  and  the  sword  pre 
sented  to  him  by  the  ladies  of  Virginia.  The  conqueror, 
battle-stained,  in  a  common  soldier's  coat,  looked  up  at  his 
foe,  elaborately  arrayed,  and  the  glitter  of  the  rebel  weapon 
suggested  to  him  to  spare  the  conquered  the  humiliation  of 
surrendering  it.  Then  he  wrote  the  line  permitting  officers 
to  retain  their  side-arms,  horses,  and  personal  effects.  This 
statement  has  been  questioned,  but  I  give  it  on  General 
Grant's  authority.  He  examined  and  corrected  the  account 
of  the  interview  in  my  history  of  his  campaigns. 

I  stood  near  him  as  Lee  left  the  room,  and  thus  happened 
to  be  the  first  to  congratulate  him  upon  the  result.  I  said 
something  about  the  event  being  one  that  would  live  forever 
in  history.  I  am  sure  the  idea  had  not  occurred  to  him  until 


THE   TERMS   AT   APPOMATTOX.  21 

I  uttered  it  The  effect  upon  his  fame,  upon  history,  was 
not  what  he  was  considering.  He  was  thinking  of  the  cap 
tured  soldiery  returning  home  without  their  weapons,  to 
work  their  little  farms;  of  a  destitute  country,  ravaged  by 
jaw)  but  now  to  be  restored. 

I  talked  with  him  that  night  when  the  others,  tired  with 
the  marches  and  battles  of  the  week,  had  gone  to  such  beds 
as  the  camp  provided.  I  had  been  used  to  sit  up  with  him 
late  into  the  night,  to  write  his  letters  or  to  keep  him  com 
pany,  for  he  could  not  sleep  early.  Then  he  always  talked 
with  greater  freedom  than  at  any  other  time.  This  night  we 
spoke  of  the  terms  he  had  granted  Lee.  There  were  some 
of  his  officers  who  disliked  the  idea  of  the  paroles,  and 
thought  at  least  the  highest  of  the  rebels  should  have  been 
differently  dealt  with  —  held  for  trial.  This  was  not  my  feel 
ing,  and  I  spoke  of  the  effect  his  magnanimity  was  sure  to 
have  upon  the  country  and  the  world.  He  was  not  averse  to 
listen,  and  declared  that  he  meant  to  maintain  the  compact 
no  matter  who  opposed.  But  Lincoln,  he  said,  was  certain 
to  be  on  his  side. 

The  next  day  he  met  Lee  again  at  the  picket  lines  be 
tween  the  armies,  and  the  two  generals  sat  on  their  horses 
and  discussed  the  condition  of  the  South  for  hours,  in  sight 
of  their  soldiers.  Lee  assured  Grant  of  the  profound  im 
pression  the  stipulations  of  the  surrender  had  made  upon  his 
army,  and  declared  that  the  entire  South  would  respond  to 
the  clemency  he  had  displayed.  Scores  of  the  captured  offi 
cers  had  already  visited  Grant,  many  of  them  his  comrades 
at  West  Point,  in  the  Mexican  war,  or  on  the  Indian  fron 
tier,  and  thanked  him  for  their  swords,  their  liberty,  and  the 
immunity  from  civil  prosecution  which  he  had  secured  them. 

Later  on  the  same  day  he  set  out  for  Washington.  Gen 
eral  Ord  accompanied  him  as  far  as  City  Point,  and  then  was 
directed  to  take  command  in  the  captured  capital.  Ord 
shared  the  feeling  I  had  expressed  in  regard  to  the  treat- 


22 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


ment  of  the  fallen  enemy,  and  learning  my  views  he  asked 
that  I  might  be  ordered  to  accompany  him  to  represent  the 
General-in-Chief  directly  in  Richmond,  and  to  report  famil 
iarly  and  confidentially  what  could  hardly  be  the  subject  of 
official  letters.  Grant  was  accustomed  to  employ  his  staff- 
officers  on  such  errands  and  he  complied  at  once  with  Ord's 
request.  He  informed  me  in  a  private  conversation  of  the 
purpose  of  my  orders.  Ord's  task,  he  said,  was  to  foster  a 
submissive  spirit  among  the  conquered  population  and  sol 
diers,  and  to  carry  out  the  lenient  policy  which  the  terms  at 
Appomattox  had  foreshadowed,  and  I  was  to  assist  him  in 
every  way.  I  was  to  be  given  duties  that  would  lead  me  into 
contact  with  Southerners  of  importance,  and  among  other 
tasks  that  of  distributing  food  to  the  destitute  was  committed 
to  me.  In  Richmond,  at  that  time,  every  one  was  destitute, 
and  when  General  Lee  arrived  from  Appomattox  I  had 
learned  the  condition  of  the  city,  and  sent  at  once  to  inquire 
if  I  could  furnish  him  and  his  staff  with  supplies.  He  re 
plied  by  an  aide-de-camp  that  he  was  greatly  obliged,  and  did 
not  know  what  he  should  have  done  had  the  offer  not  been 
made.  He  wanted,  indeed,  to  sell  his  horses,  both  to  obtain 
money  and  because  he  had  no  forage.  There  was  only  one 
way  in  which  the  food  could  be  supplied.  Congress  had  pro 
vided  for  such  emergencies :  printed  tickets  were  prescribed, 
on  the  presentation  of  which  what  was  called  the  "  destitute 
ration  "  was  furnished.  A  ticket  for  a  destitute  ration  was 
accordingly  made  out  for  General  Robert  E.  Lee  and  staff. 
When  I  was  returning  to  Washington  Lee  requested  me  to 
ask  of  Grant  whether  the  soldiers  captured  at  Sailor's  Creek, 
four  days  before  the  final  battle,  might  not  be  released  on  the 
terms  granted  to  their  fellows  at  Appomattox.  There  were 
7,000  of  these,  among  them  General  Custis  Lee,  a  son  of  the 
Southern  commander.  But  Grant  considered  that  men 
taken  in  battle  with  arms  in  their  hands  were  not  as  yet  en 
titled  to  the  same  treatment  with  those  who  had  surrendered 


THE  TERMS   AT  APPOMATTOX.  23 

in  the  open  field ;  for,  it  must  be  remembered,  he  held  that 
he  had  been  fighting  rebels.  Accordingly  the  men  were  not 
paroled  at  that  time. 

Nevertheless,  the  terms  which  he  refused  to  extend  in  one 
instance  he  was  prompt  to  temper  to  changed  conditions  in 
another.  In  the  summer  of  1866,  a  daughter  of  General 
Lee  fell  dangerously  ill  in  North  Carolina.  Lee  was  then 
living  at  Lexington,  in  Virginia,  and  supposed  that  his  parole 
did  not  allow  him  to  leave  his  home,  even  to  visit  a  dying 
child.  I  learned  the  fact  and  reported  it  to  Grant,  who  at 
once  directed  me  to  enclose  a  formal  extension  of  his  parole 
to  Lee,  but  to  state  that  at  this  late  day  he  did  not  consider 
the  extension  necessary.  General  Lee  acknowledged  the  ob 
ligation  in  the  following  letter : 

LEXINGTON,  VA.,  August  3,  1866. 

COLONEL,  — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 
26th  ult.,  enclosing  an  extension  of  the  limits  of  my  parole.  I 
am  very  much  obliged  to  the  General  Commanding  the  armies  of 
the  United  States  for  his  kind  consideration.  I  am  unable  to 
visit  North  Carolina,  and  therefore  did  not  think  proper  to  apply 
for  the  favor  granted. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

R.  E.  LEE. 
Colonel  ADAM  BADEAU,  Military  Secretary. 

This  was  the  last  communication  between  the  two  great 
adversaries  growing  out  of  the  war. 


Ct 


y 


^cixO 


^-trT^uc^u.  ^xt 


^XUtx^ 


CHAPTER  III. 

GRANT  AND  THE  SOUTH  AFTER  THE  WAR. 

THE  policy  initiated  at  Appomattox  was  steadily  main 
tained  by  Grant.  He  became  no  more  vindictive  after 
the  murder  of  Lincoln,  nor  did  he  shrink  from  the  applica 
tion  of  his  own  principles  because  they  were  carried  further 
by  Sherman  than  he  thought  advisable.  The  new  President 
was  anxious  to  treat  "  traitors "  harshly ;  he  disliked  the 
paroles  that  Grant  had  accorded  to  Lee  and  his  soldiers,  and 
steps  were  soon  taken  with  his  approval  to  procure  the 
indictment  of  Lee  for  treason.  General  Lee  at  once  ap 
pealed  to  General  Grant.  His  first  communication  was  ver 
bal,  and  was  made  through  Mr.  Reverdy  Johnson,  who  acted 
as  the  legal  adviser  of  Lee ;  he  came  to  see  me  to  learn 
Grant's  feeling.  I  ascertained  that  Grant  was  firm  in  his 
determination  to  stand  by  his  own  terms,  and  so  informed 
Mr.  Johnson.  Grant,  however,  thought  that  Lee  should  go 
through  the  form  of  applying  for  pardon,  in  order  to  indicate 
his  complete  submission.  Lee,  though  entirely  willing  to 
make  the  application,  was  anxious  to  be  assured  in  advance 
that  Grant  would  formally  approve  it.  General  Ord,  then  in 
command  in  Richmond,  made  known  this  feeling  of  Lee  to 
Grant,  through  General  Ingalls,  and  Grant  directed  me  to 
assure  Mr.  Reverdy  Johnson  of  his  readiness  to  indorse 
Lee's  application  favorably.  Accordingly  Lee  forwarded 
two  papers  of  the  same  date,  one  an  application  for  pardon 
in  the  prescribed  form,  and  the  other  a  statement  of  the 
proposed  indictment  and  of  his  own  belief  that  he  was  pro- 

(25) 


26  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

tected  against  such  action  by  his  parole.  Grant  indorsed 
both  of  these  documents,  the  first  with  an  earnest  recom 
mendation  that  the  pardon  should  be  granted,  the  second 
with  a  distinct  declaration  that  the  officers  and  men  paroled 
at  Appomattox  could  not  be  tried  for  treason  so  long  as  they 
observed  the  terms  of  their  paroles. 

He  went  in  person  to  discuss  these  papers  with  the  Pres 
ident.  But  Andrew  Johnson  was  not  satisfied ;  he  wanted, 
he  said,  "  to  make  treason  odious." 

"  When  can  these  men  be  tried  ? "  he  asked. 

"  Never,"  said  Grant,  "  unless  they  violate  their  paroles." 
The  President  still  insisted,  and  his  Attorney-General 
wrote  an  official  letter  opposing  Grant's  contention.  Finally 
Grant  declared  that  he  would  resign  his  commission  in  the 
army  unless  the  terms  he  had  granted  were  confirmed.  I 
remember  well  the  day  when  this  occurred.  He  returned 
from  the  Cabinet  chamber  to  his  own  headquarters  and 
described  the  interview.  When  he  recited  his  language  he 
added : 

"  And  I  will  keep  my  word.  I  will  not  stay  in  the  army 
if  they  break  the  pledges  that  I  made." 

Then  the  resolution  of  the  President  gave  way,  for  he 
found  a  will  more  stubborn,  or  at  least  more  potent  with  the 
people,  than  his  own,  and  orders  were  issued  to  discontinue 
the  proceedings  against  Lee. 

The  great  antagonists  met  only  once  after  the  scenes  at 
Appomattox  Court  House.  It  was  in  May,  1869,  soon  after 
the  first  inauguration  of  Grant.  Lee  was  in  Washington 
about  some  business  connected  with  railroads,  and  thought  it 
his  duty  to  call  on  the  President.  He  was  received  in  the  Cab 
inet  chamber  when  no  one  was  present  but  Mr.  Motley,  who 
had  been  recently  appointed  Minister  to  England.  General 
Grant  and  Motley  both  described  the  interview  to  me.  Mot 
ley  said  both  men  were  simple  and  dignified,  but  he  thought 
there  was  a  shade  of  constraint  in  the  manner  of  Lee,  who 


GRANT  AND  THE  SOUTH  AFTER  THE  WAR.      2/ 

was  indeed  always  inclined  to  be  more  formal  than  the 
Northern  general.  The  former  enemies  shook  hands  ;  Grant 
asked  Lee  to  be  seated,  and  presented  Motley.  The  inter 
view  was  short,  and  all  that  Grant  could  remember  afterward 
was  that  they  spoke  of  building  railroads,  and  he  said  play 
fully  to  Lee  : 

"  You  and  I,  General,  have  had  more  to  do  with  destroy 
ing  railroads  than  building  them." 

But  Lee  refused  to  smile,  or  to  recognize  the  raillery. 
He  went  on  gravely  with  the  conversation,  and  no  other 
reference  was  made  to  the  past.  Lee  soon  arose,  and  the 
soldiers  parted,  not  to  meet  again  until  their  mighty  shades 
saluted  each  other  in  that  region  where  conquerors  and  con 
quered  alike  lay  down  their  arms. 

Scores  of  Southern  officers  besides  Lee  applied  to  Grant 
for  protection,  and  literally  hundreds  of  civilians  who  wished 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  amnesty  requested  his  favorable 
indorsement.  It  was  my  duty  to  examine  these  applications 
and  lay  them  before  him  ;  and  seldom  indeed  was  one  re 
fused.  General  J.  Kirby  Smith,  in  command  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  did  not  surrender  with  the  other  armies  in  re 
bellion,  and  even  when  his  forces  yielded  he  fled  to  Mexico. 
But  in  a  month  or  two  he  wrote  to  Grant,  applying  to  be 
placed  on  the  same  footing  with  those  who  had  surrendered 
earlier.  Grant  thereupon  obtained  the  assurance  of  the 
President  that  if  Smith  would  return  and  take  the  prescribed 
oath,  he  should  be  treated  exactly  as  if  he  had  surrendered 
and  been  paroled. 

In  September,  1865,  Alexander  Stephens,  the  Vice-Pres- 
ident  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  appealed  to  General 
Grant  in  the  following  letter  from  Fort  Warren  in  Boston 
Harbor,  where  he  was  imprisoned,  asking  for  his  release  on 
parole  or  bail.  This  was  soon  afterward  granted. 


23  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

FORT  WARREN,  BOSTON  HARBOR,  MASS.,  | 
1 6th  Sept.,  1865.      ) 

Lieutenant- General  U.  S.  GRANT,  Washington,  D.   C. . 

DEAR  SIR, —  The  apology  for  this  letter,  as  well  as  its  explana 
tion,  is  to  be  found  in  the  facts  herein  briefly  presented.  I  am  now 
in  confinement  in  this  place  and  have  been  since  the  25th  of  May 
last.  Efforts  are  being  made  by  friends  to  have  me  released  on 
parole  as  others,  arrested  as  I  was,  have  been.  You  will  excuse 
me  for  saying  that  I  think  I  am  as  justly  entitled  to  discharge  on 
parole  as  many  of  those  to  whom  I  allude.  No  man  I  think  in  the 
Southern  States  exerted  his  powers  to  a  greater  extent  than  I  did 
to  avert  the  late  lamentable  troubles  of  our  country  —  no  man 
strove  harder  or  more  earnestly  to  mitigate  the  evils  and  sufferings 
of  war  while  it  lasted,  and  to  bring  about  a  peaceful  solution  of 
the  difficulties  than  I  did  —  no  man  is  less  responsible  for  the 
beginning  or  continuance  of  the  strife,  with  all  its  horrors,  than  I 
am  —  and  no  man  living  can  more  earnestly  desire  a  speedy  res 
toration  of  peace,  harmony,  and  prosperity,  throughout  the  country 
than  I  do.  All  these  things  I  think  I  can  assert  of  myself.  But 
of  my  views  and  feelings  under  a  very  different  aspect  of  affairs 
from  what  now  exists  you  are  not  altogether  uninformed.  You  had 
them  very  fully  expressed  at  City  Point  last  February.  You  re 
ported  them  very  correctly  in  your  telegram  from  that  place  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  —  upon  that  telegram  the  conference  at  Hamp 
ton  Roads  was  granted.  When  I  parted  with  you  on  my  return 
from  that  conference,  I  assured  you,  as  you  may  recollect,  that 
while  nothing  definite  had  been  accomplished,  yet  I  was  in  hopes 
that  good  would  come  of  it.  Such  was  my  hope  and  earnest 
desire.  No  one  could  have  been  more  disappointed,  mortified, 
and  chagrined,  at  the  result  of  his  labors,  in  any  undertaking  than 
I  was  at  the  result  of  mine  in  that  instance.  I  refer  to  this  inter 
view  between  us  not  only  because  of  its  pleasant  reminiscences  of 
a  personal  character,  but  as  proof  within  your  own  knowledge  of 
some  things  stated  above  in  regard  to  my  views  and  feelings  at 
that  time.  The  object  of  this  letter,  therefore,  is  simply  to  ask 
you,  if  entirely  compatible  with  your  own  inclination,  to  lend  the 
great  weight  of  your  name  and  influence  with  the  President,  the 


GRANT  AND  THE  SOUTH  AFTER  THE  WAR.      2g 

Secretary  of  War,  and  the  Secretary  of  State*  for  my  release  on 
parole.  I  have  applied  to  the  President  for  pardon  and  amnesty, 
but  if  he  for  any  reason  feels  disposed  to  postpone  the  decision  of 
that  matter  I  am  perfectly  content.  What  I  desire  mainly  is  a 
release  from  imprisonment  on  parole  as  others,  or  on  bail  if  it 
should  be  required.  In  no  event  would  I  attempt  to  avoid  a  pros 
ecution  or  trial  if  it  should  be  thought  proper  for  any  considera 
tions  to  adopt  such  a  course  toward  me.  I  wish  a  release  from 
imprisonment  on  account  both  of  my  health  and  private  affairs.  I 
might  add  that  I  think  I  could  render  some  service  in  restoring 
harmony  to  the  country ;  that,  however,  I  leave  for  others  to  con 
sider.  My  case  and  request  are  briefly  submitted  to  you.  Act  in 
the  premises  as  your  sense  of  duty  may  direct 

Yours  most  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

In  December  of  the  same  year  Mrs.  Jefferson  Davis  ap 
plied  to  Grant  by  letter,  and  in  May,  1866,  she  went  in  per 
son  to  Washington  to  ask  his  influence  in  procuring  a  remis 
sion  of  some  of  the  penalties  imposed  upon  her  husband,  and 
Grant  did  use  his  influence,  not  indeed  to  obtain  the  release 
of  the  prisoner,  but  to  mitigate  the  hardships  of  his  confine 
ment.  Mrs.  Davis's  letter  and  messages  were  conveyed 
through  me ;  the  letter  was  full  of  respect  for  the  conqueror, 
acknowledgments  of  his  clemency,  and  touching  appeals  for 
further  mercy. 

"All  know  you  ever,"  she  said,  "as  good  as  well  as  great, 
merciful  as  well  as  brave."  "  Make  me,"  she  concluded, 
"your  respectful  friend." 

The  vindictive  feeling  of  President  Johnson  continued 
for  months,  and  only  Grant's  interposition  preserved  the 
good  faith  of  the  Government,  or  rescued  many,  civilians  as 
well  as  soldiers,  from  imprisonment  and  pecuniary  ruin ;  for 
he  urged  the  restoration  of  their  property  as  well  as  the 
remission  of  personal  penalties.  In  consequence  there  grew 
up  toward  Grant  a  remarkable  feeling  at  the  South.  I 


2o  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

accompanied  him*in  November,  1865,  when  he  made  a  tour 
through  Virginia,  North  and  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and 
Tennessee,  to  investigate  and  report  upon  the  condition  and 
feeling  of  the  population.  Everywhere  he  was  received  with 
the  greatest  respect  by  those  who  had  regarded  him  the  year 
before  as  the  chief  of  their  adversaries.  The  Governors  of 
States  and  Mayors  of  cities  instantly  called  on  him  ;  the 
most  prominent  soldiers  and  private  citizens  paid  their 
respects.  State  Legislatures  invited  him  to  their  chambers, 
suspended  their  sessions,  and  rose  to  greet  him  formally 
as  he  entered.  The  man  who  had  done  most  to  subdue  the 
South  was  universally  recognized  as  its  protector  and  savior 
from  further  suffering. 

This  feeling  was  not  purely  personal.  It  contributed  to 
create  a  loyal  and  submissive  disposition.  On  the  i8th  of 
December,  at  the  conclusion  of  his  tour,  Grant  reported  to 
the  President  that  "  the  mass  of  thinking  men  of  the  South 
accepted  the  situation  in  good  faith  "  ;  and  while  he  recom 
mended  that  a  strong  military  force  should  still  be  retained 
in  the  Southern  States,  he  declared  his  belief  that  "the  citi 
zens  of  that  region  are  anxious  to  return  to  self-government 
within  the  Union  as  soon  as  possible."  This  document 
Charles  Sumner  denounced  in  the  Senate  as  a  "whitewash 
ing"  report.  The  statesman  did  not  concur  with  the  con 
queror  in  believing  the  South  subdued.  Before  long  Sumner 
was  in  favor  of  remitting  restrictions  which  Grant  wished 
to  retain.  For  General  Grant  believed  that  the  feeling  of 
the  South  after  this  epoch  underwent  a  change  ;  and  in 
consequence  his  judgment  changed  as  to  the  treatment  the 
South  should  receive.  But  his  sentiment  at  the  close  of  the 
war  is  better  expressed  in  a  letter  he  wrote  to  Mrs.  Grant 
than  in  any  formal  document. 

On  the  24th  of  April,  1865,  General  Grant  arrived  at 
Sherman's  headquarters  in  North  Carolina,  having  been  sent 
from  Washington  by  the  government  to  annul  the  conven- 


GRANT  AND  THE  SOUTH  AFTER  THE  WAR.      3! 

tion  between  Sherman  and  Johnston.  He  at  once  directed 
Sherman  to  discontinue  all  civil  negotiations  and  demand 
the  surrender  of  Johnston  on  the  same  terms  that  had  been 
allowed  to  Lee.  While  he  waited  for  Johnston's  reply,  Grant 
wrote  the  following  letter  to  his  wife,  which  Mrs.  Grant 
gave  me  as  a  relic  twenty  years  ago  : 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  ) 
IN  THE  FIELD,  RALEIGH,  April  25,  1865.      ) 

DEAR  JULIA, — We  arrived  here  yesterday,  and  as  I  expected 
to  return  to-day,  did  not  intend  to  write  until  I  returned.  Now, 
however,  matters  have  taken  such  a  turn  that  I  suppose  Sherman 
will  finish  up  matters  by  to-morrow  night  and  I  shall  wait  to  see 
the  result. 

Raleigh  is  a  very  beautiful  place.  The  grounds  are  large  and 
filled  with  the  most  beautiful  spreading  oaks  I  ever  saw.  Nothing 
has  been  destroyed,  and  the  people  are  anxious  to  see  peace 
restored,  so  that  further  devastation  need  not  take  place  in  the 
country.  The  suffering  that  must  exist  in  the  South  the  next 
year,  even  with  the  war  ending  now,  will  be  beyond  conception. 
People  who  talk  of  further  retaliation  and  punishment,  except 
of  the  political  leaders,  either  do  not  conceive  of  the  suffering 
endured  already  or  they  are  heartless  and  unfeeling  and  wish  to 
stay  at  home  out  of  danger  while  the  punishment  is  being  inflicted. 

Love  and  kisses  for  you  and  the  children.  ULYS. 

This  letter  was  written  eleven  days  after  the  assassina 
tion  of  Lincoln.  Grant  disapproved  of  Sherman's  terms  as 
absolutely  as  Stanton  or  the  President ;  he  had  just  revoked 
all  negotiations  for  civil  conditions,  and  insisted  on  the  abso 
lute  military  submission  of  the  enemy ;  but  he  was  full  of 
pity  for  the  people  of  the  South,  and  had  only  harsh  rebuke 
for  the  rancor  that  would  inflict  further  suffering.  He  turned 
from  war  and  its  horrors  to  the  spreading  oaks  of  Raleigh 
for  relief,  and  while  waiting  the  answer  to  his  inexorable 
summons  sent  love  and  kisses  to  his  wife  and  "  the  children." 


CHAPTER   IV. 

GRANT  AND  ANDREW  JOHNSON-THEIR   ORIGINAL 

CONCORD  AND  THE  GROWTH   OF  A 

DIFFERENT   FEELING. 

FOR  a  while  after  the  death  of  Lincoln  the  relations 
between  the  new  President  and  Grant  were  of  the 
most  cordial  character.  The  only  point  of  difference  was 
in  regard  to  the  treatment  of  the  South.  At  first  the  vic 
torious  General  was  far  more  inclined  to  leniency  than 
Johnson.  But  by  degrees  the  President's  feeling  became 
mitigated,  and  by  the  winter  of  1865  he  was  already  more 
disposed  to  be  the  political  partisan  of  the  Southerners  than 
the  ally  of  those  who  had  elected  him.  He  had  conceived 
the  idea  that  without  the  aid  of  Congress  he  could  recon 
struct  the  Union ;  and  doubtless  believed  that  by  making 
extraordinary  advances  and  offering  extraordinary  immuni 
ties  to  the  South,  he  could  build  up  a  national  party  at  both 
the  North  and  the  South  of  which  he  would  necessarily  be 
the  head.  The  great  popularity  of  Grant  at  this  period 
made  it  important  to  win  him  over  to  the  support  of  the 
enterprise. 

Grant  was  unused  to  the  arts  of  placemen  and  politicians, 
and  indeed  unversed  in  any  manoeuvres  except  those  of  the 
field.  He  still  retained  his  magnanimous  sentiment  toward 
the  conquered,  and  was  at  first  in  no  way  averse  to  what 
he  supposed  were  the  President's  views.  He  protested 
against  the  harsh  measures  advised  by  many  Northerners, 
and  was  far  more  in  accord  with  Johnson  than  with  Stanton. 

(32) 


GRANT   AND   ANDREW   JOHNSON.  33 

The  Democrats  claimed  him;  the  Republicans  distrusted 
him.  General  Richard  Taylor  came  to  me  about  this  time 
and  proposed  that  Grant  should  become  the  candidate  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  the  next  Presidential  election,  promis 
ing  the  support  of  the  South  in  a  mass  if  it  was  allowed  to 
vote.  James  Brooks,  then  the  leader  of  the  Democrats  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  made  similar  overtures,  also 
through  me.  Brooks  was  my  intimate  personal  friend ;  he 
always  predicted  that  Grant  would  be  the  next  President, 
and  he  was  avowedly  anxious  to  secure  him  for  the  Demo 
crats.  I  invariably  told  my  chief  whatever  I  learned  that 
could  affect  or  interest  him,  no  matter  what  the  source,  and 
I  conveyed  these  messages  to  Grant.  He  sent  no  reply,  nor 
did  he  indicate  either  satisfaction  or  displeasure  at  the  sug 
gestion.  At  that  time  he  had  no  strong  political  bias,  and, 
I  believe,  no  political  ambition.  Both  were  slow  of  develop 
ment,  though  both  came  at  last. 

When  Mr.  Johnson  proposed  in  November  that  Grant 
should  make  a  tour  of  the  South  and  report  the  condition 
and  feeling  of  the  people,  the  General-in-Chief  was  entirely 
willing.  He  performed  the  journey  and  reported  in  accord 
ance  with  the  expectations  of  the  President,  but  very  much 
to  the  disgust  of  ardent  and  bitter  Republicans,  who  were 
destined  afterward  to  claim  him  as  their  representative  and 
chief. 

When  Congress  met  in  December  the  policy  of  the  Presi 
dent  had  been  fully  developed,  and  up  to  that  time  had  not 
been  opposed  by  Grant.  Johnson,  without  any  authority 
of  law,  had  appointed  Governors  in  the  seceded  States  and 
allowed  their  Legislatures  to  assemble ;  he  had  even  exacted 
changes  in  their  constitutions  —  all  without  the  sanction 
or  advice  of  Congress.  He  had  refused  to  call  Congress 
together,  and  as  that  body  was  without  the  power  to  summon 
itself  before  the  ordinary  time,  this  left  him  from  April  to 
December  at  liberty  to  prosecute  his  plans.  Grant  thought 
3 


24  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

it  would  have  been  wiser  had  the  President  convoked  Con 
gress  and  taken  its  advice  ;  but  he  held  himself  to  be  merely 
a  military  officer,  and  was  unwilling  to  intrude  into  civil 
affairs.  He  had  not  been  consulted  in  regard  to  the  policy 
of  the  President,  and  as  Congress  was  not  summoned,  and 
some  system  of  reconstruction  was  indispensable,  he  acqui 
esced  in  the  action  of  his  superior.  But  he  always  main 
tained  that  the  action  was  provisional ;  that  Congress,  as  the 
representative  of  the  people,  must  eventually  decide  what 
should  be  done,  and  to  that  decision  all  must  bow.  I  fre 
quently  heard  him  express  this  view. 

During  the  winter,  however,  the  President  and  Congress 
came  to  an  open  rupture.  Grant  had  striven  to  prevent  this. 
He  felt  the  necessity  of  harmony  between  the  two  branches 
of  the  Government  at  so  critical  a  juncture,  and  he  used  all 
the  weight  and  influence  which  his  achievements  gave  to 
bring  about  this  harmony.  But  the  President  was  obstinate, 
and  Congress  entirely  disapproved  his  plan  and  reversed  his 
proceedings.  Mr.  Johnson  maintained  that  as  soon  as  any 
State  had  formally  acquiesced  in  the  abolition  of  slavery  its 
representatives  should  be  readmitted  to  Congress  with  all 
the  power  they  held  before  seceding.  But  grave  objections 
were  offered  to  such  a  course.  The  Constitution  had  origin 
ally  provided  that  the  number  of  representatives  should  be 
apportioned  to  the  population,  adding  in  each  State  to  the 
number  of  the  free  three-fifths  of  those  not  free.  By  this 
arrangement,  though  the  slaves  did  not  vote,  the  masters 
had  the  benefit  of  their  numbers.  The  anomaly  had  been 
one  of  the  original  compromises  of  the  Constitution.  But 
the  entire  Southern  population  was  now  free,  and  would 
therefore  be  included  in  the  basis  for  representation,  though 
still  the  freedmen  had  no  vote ;  so  that  emancipation  actu 
ally  increased  very  largely  the  number  of  representatives  to 
which  the  South  under  the  Constitution  was  entitled.  To 
this  Congress  would  not  agree ;  but  Mr.  Johnson  insisted 


GRANT  AND   ANDREW   JOHNSON.  35 

that  the  States  which  had  revolted  should  be  received  back 
into  the  Union  with  their  political  power  increased  as  the 
result  of  the  war.  Besides  this,  he  wished  to  exact  no  guar 
antees  for  the  payment  of  the  war  debt  of  the  nation  or  the 
repudiation  of  that  of  the  South.  He  claimed  the  right  to 
pardon  every  man  engaged  in  the  Rebellion  at  his  own  indi 
vidual  will,  and  he  took  no  care  to  protect  the  emancipated 
millions.  On  all  these  points  Congress  was  at  issue  with 
him. 

Their  differences  extended  to  the  entire  nation.  The 
encouragement  given  by  the  Executive  not  unnaturally 
awoke  in  the  South  a  desire  to  recover  its  old  ascendency. 
The  leaders  perceived  and  accepted  their  opportunity.  They 
of  course  became  the  partisans  of  Johnson  and  assumed  a 
very  different  tone  from  that  they  had  maintained  immedi 
ately  after  the  war,  while  the  Northern  people  were  pro 
voked,  fearing  to  lose  what  had  been  won  at  so  much  cost. 

Grant  tried  for  a  while  to  hold  the  balance  between  the 
two  parties.  He  strove  to  preserve  his  original  magnanimity 
of  feeling,  and  never  swerved  from  the  doctrine  that  the 
officers  of  the  Southern  army  were  exempt  from  punishment 
for  military  acts  committed  during  the  war.  He  angered 
many  Northern  friends  by  his  insistence  on  this  point.  But 
he  rebuked  what  he  deemed  the  offensive  tone  of  the  South 
ern  press,  and  suspended  newspapers  that  made  themselves 
especially  obnoxious.  He  refused  to  permit  the  reorganiza 
tion  of  the  State  militia  at  the  South.  He  never  forgot  that 
a  mighty  war  had  just  closed,  and  that  he  was  dealing  with 
those  who  had  been  the  nation's  enemies. 

Up  to  this  time  his  position  had  been  exclusively  mili 
tary  ;  but  the  situation  developed  in  him  a  political  vision 
and  compelled  political  action.  Both  parties  to  the  contest 
wanted  to  use  the  prestige  of  his  name  ;  both  laid  their 
arguments  before  him  and  sought  to  secure  his  support. 
The  President  was  full  of  devices  and  schemes  not  always 


<e^£ 

*^«^*f7 


X~   X/     X)  (/   /^     > 


GRANT  AND   ANDREW   JOHNSON.  37 

creditable.  He  began  by  trying  to  wheedle  Grant.  He  sent 
him  constant  personal  and  familiar  notes  and  cards  —  an 
unusual  courtesy,  almost  a  condescension,  from  a  President. 
With  these  messages  he  often  enclosed  slips  from  the  South 
ern  newspapers,  complimenting  Grant  on  his  magnanimity, 
and  predicting  that  he  was  sure  to  support  the  President  in 
upholding  the  "rights  of  the  South."  Two  of  these  notes 
I  preserved.  They  show  the  intimate  footing  that  Johnson 
desired  to  maintain. 

FROM    THE    PRESIDENT. 

General  U.  S.  GRANT  —  Present. 

Will  General  Grant  be  kind  enough  to  call  as  he  passes  on  his 
way  home,  or  such  other  time  as  may  be  most  convenient. 

Sincerely,  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

I  would  be  pleased  to  see  General  Grant  this  morning  if  he 
can  conveniently  call.  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

Both  of  these  are  in  pencil ;  the  former  is  without  date, 
and  the  address  on  each  is  in  the  President's  hand. 

Once  when  the  difference  between  Congress  and  the 
President  was  at  its  height  Grant  chanced  to  give  an  even 
ing  party,  and  the  President  came  uninvited  with  his  family 
and  remained  an  hour  or  two,  an  honor  almost  unexampled 
at  that  day,  when  a  President  neither  visited  nor  attended 
evening  parties.  He  stood  by  the  side  of  Grant  and  re 
ceived  the  guests,  and  the  circumstance  was  heralded  all 
over  the  country  as  an  indication  of  the  cordial  political 
understanding  between  them. 

In  1866  a  convention  was  held  at  Philadelphia  of  those 
who  supported  Mr.  Johnson's  views.  It  was  attended  by 
many  Southerners  and  by  Northerners  who  had  opposed  the 
war,  as  well  as  by  some  who  had  fought  for  the  Union  but 
who  now  advocated  measures  less  stringent  than  Congress 
advised.  A  delegation  was  appointed  by  this  convention  to 


38  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

proceed  to  Washington  and  present  resolutions  of  sympathy 
to  the  President.  Late  on  the  morning  of  their  arrival  John 
son  sent  the  following  note  to  Grant : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  August  18,  1866. ) 
General  U.  S.  GRANT,   Commanding,  etc.  : 

GENERAL, —  The  President  presents  his  compliments  to  you 
and  requests  the  pleasure  of  your  presence  at  the  reception  at  the 
Executive  Mansion  of  the  committee  from  the  recent  convention 
at  Philadelphia,  which  will  take  place  to-day  at  one  (i)  o'clock 
P.  M.  With  great  respect, 

R.  MORROW, 
Brevet  Colonel  and  Adjutant-General. 

Grant  was  still  unwilling  to  take  any  definite  political 
position,  such  as  his  presence  at  this  reception  would  indi 
cate;  but  he  felt  himself  obliged  to  obey  the  summons  of 
the  President.  He  went  to  the  White  House  with  the  in 
tention  of  excusing  himself,  but  the  President  had  already 
taken  his  place  in  the  East  Room,  and  sent  for  the  General- 
in-Chief  to  join  him  there.  Again  Grant  thought  that  with 
out  positive  rudeness  he  could  not  refuse.  So  he  stood  by 
Johnson's  side  during  the  entire  demonstration,  greatly  to 
his  own  disgust  and  chagrin,  and  returned  to  his  headquarters 
afterward  full  of  indignation  at  the  device  by  which  he  had 
been  entrapped,  and  beginning  to  detest  the  policy  of  the 
President,  if  for  nothing  else,  because  of  his  petty  manoeuvring. 

These  wiles  continued.  In  August,  the  President  deter 
mined  to  make  a  tour  to  Chicago  by  way  of  New  York  and 
Buffalo  and  other  cities,  and  invited  Grant  to  accompany 
him.  A  subordinate  can  hardly  decline  such  an  invitation 
from  the  Chief  of  the  State,  but  Grant,  who  perceived  the 
object,  offered  repeated  excuses.  Mr.  Johnson,  however, 
continued  to  urge  the  matter,  and  finally  put  the  request  as 
a  personal  solicitation.  Grant  felt  that  it  would  be  inde- 


GRANT  AND   ANDREW  JOHNSON.  29 

corous  any  longer  to  object,  and  accordingly  accompanied 
the  President.  As  he  had  anticipated,  the  tour  was  con 
verted  into  a  political  pilgrimage.  At  every  point  Mr.  John 
son  made  speeches  and  received  demonstrations  in  favor  of 
his  policy,  while  Grant  was  dragged  about  an  unwilling  wit 
ness  of  manifestations  which  he  disapproved.  He  kept 
himself,  as  much  as  possible,  in  the  background,  and  refused 
absolutely  to  make  any  speeches ;  but  his  presence  was 
nevertheless  proclaimed  as  positive  evidence  of  his  adherence 
to  the  President's  policy.  Finally,  his  disgust  was  so  great 
that  he  became  half  unwell,  and  pleading  illness  left  the  party 
and  returned  to  Washington  in  advance  of  the  President. 

He  was  not  free  from  the  peculiarities  of  ordinary  human 
ity  ;  and  this  entire  incident  intensified  his  growing  dislike 
to  the  plans  and  proceedings  of  Andrew  Johnson.  Grant 
indeed  had  at  this  time  a  peculiar  aversion  to  crooked  ways 
and  diplomatic  arts,  an  aversion  perhaps  more  manifest  in 
the  earlier  part  of  his  career  than  afterward.  For  although 
he  himself  always  remained  direct  —  after  mingling  much 
with  the  world  he  found  artifice  and  craft  so  common  that 
the  shock  of  the  discovery  wore  off.  But  when  he  was 
new  to  them  they  affected  him  most  unfavorably,  and  the 
chicanery  of  Johnson  disposed  him  in  advance  to  dislike  the 
principles  it  was  intended  to  aid.  Thus  the  President,  by 
his  manoeuvres,  instead  of  attracting,  actually  repelled  the 
straightforward  and  obstinate  soldier.  It  was,  however,  not 
so  much  Grant's  real  concurrence  as  the  appearance  of  it 
before  the  world  that  Johnson  probably  sought,  and  some 
thing  of  this  he  secured.  Grant  was  conscious  of  the  unfair 
success,  and  this  very  consciousness  made  him  more  ready 
to  take  an  opposite  stand. 

Congress  finally  announced  its  plan  of  reconstruction, 
which  was  simply  to  undo  what  the  President  had  attempted 
and  to  refuse  admission  to  the  Southern  States  until  a  new 
basis  of  representation  was  established.  The  Legislature  did 


40  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

not  insist  on  the  enfranchisement  of  the  blacks,  but  declared 
that  whenever  the  right  to  vote  was  withheld  the  representa 
tion  should  be  reduced  by  the  proportion  which  the  non- 
voting  population  bore  to  the  whole ;  the  South  should  not 
have  its  representation  increased  because  of  a  war  in  which 
it  had  failed.  Congress  also  excluded  those  who  had  once 
been  civil  or  military  officers  of  the  United  States  and  had 
afterward  engaged  in  insurrection,  from  holding  office  again 
under  the  Government  they  had  striven  to  overthrow ;  it 
stipulated  for  the  sacredness  of  the  National  debt  and  the 
forfeiture  of  that  of  the  Confederacy.  These  provisions 
were  embodied  in  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  to  be 
submitted  to  all  the  States,  both  North  and  South.  In 
the  autumn  of  1866,  in  spite  of  the  violent  opposition  of 
the  Administration,  the  amendment  was  ratified  by  every 
Northern  State.  The  President's  plan  was  thus  rejected 
by  those  who  had  been  successful  in  the  field.  At  this 
epoch  Grant  became  a  politician.  He  threw  in  his  lot 
with  the  people  with  whom  he  had  fought. 

The  following  letter  illustrates  the  original  aversion  of 
Grant  to  entering  politics  : 

GENERAL  GRANT  TO  GENERAL  SHERMAN. 

(Private.) 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Oct.  18,  1866.      ) 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  Yesterday  the  President  sent  for  me  and  in 
the  course  of  conversation  asked  if  there  was  any  objection  to 
you  coming  to  this  city  for  a  few  days.  I  replied,  of  course,  that 
there  was  not.  I  wish,  therefore,  that  you  would  make  your 
arrangements  to  come  on  with  me  from  Cincinnati  after  the  meet 
ing  of  the  "  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee."  The  Pres 
ident  showed  me  a  letter  which  you  wrote  to  him  about  the  ist  of 
February,  the  contents  of  which  you  will  remember,  and  stated 
that  some  people  had  advised  its  publication  and  asked  my  advice. 


GRANT  AND  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  ^ 

I  told  him  very  frankly  that  military  men  had  no  objection  to  the 
publication  of  their  views  as  expressed  upon  official  matters  prop 
erly  brought  before  them,  but  that  they  did  not  like  expressions 
of  theirs  which  are  calculated  to  array  them  on  one  or  other 
side  of  antagonistic  political  parties  to  be  brought  before  the  pub 
lic.  That  such  a  course  would  make  or  was  calculated  to  make  a 
whole  party  array  itself  in  opposition  to  the  officer  and  would 
weaken  his  influence  for  good. 

I  cannot  repeat  the  language  used  by  me,  but  I  gave  him  to 
understand  that  I  should  not  like  such  a  use  of  a  letter  from  me, 
nor  did  not  think  you  would.  Taking  the  whole  conversation 
together,  and  what  now  appears  in  the  papers,  I  am  rather  of  the 
opinion  that  it  is  the  desire  to  have  you  in  Washington  either  as 
Acting  Secretary  of  War,  or  in  some  other  way.  I  will  not  venture 
in  a  letter  to  say  all  I  think  about  the  matter,  or  that  I  would  say 
to  you  in  person. 

When  you  come  to  Washington  I  want  you  to  stay  with  me, 
and  if  you  bring  Mrs.  Sherman  and  some  of  the  children,  we  will 
have  room  for  all  of  you.  Yours  truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

To  Major- General  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  St.  Louis,  Mo, 


CHAPTER  V. 

GRANT'S  FIRST  STEP  IN  POLITICS. 

RANT'S  first  political  step  was  taken  when  John- 
son's  plan  of  reconstruction  was  rejected  by  the  North. 
The  rejection  had  been  complete.  Not  only  was  the  consti 
tutional  amendment  which  Johnson  opposed  accepted  by 
every  Northern  State,  but  a  Congress  antagonistic  to  the 
President's  views  was  returned  by  overwhelming  majorities. 
Now  Grant  was  in  some  respects  as  absolute  a  democrat  as 
ever  lived.  He  believed  implicitly  in  the  rule  of  the  people: 
when  they  pronounced,  he  submitted.  He  had  taken  no 
decided  stand  up  to  this  time,  but  when  the  will  of  those 
who  had  won  in  the  war  was  definitely  known,  he  declared 
that  their  decision  should  be  accepted. 

Johnson,  however,  had  no  idea  of  submitting.  At  the 
beginning  he  may  have  undertaken  his  enterprise  with  patri 
otic  motives,  but  he  persisted  after  it  was  plain,  not  only 
that  he  was  opposing  those  who  had  been  his  political  allies, 
and  had  placed  him  in  the  Executive  chair,  but  that  he  was 
offending  the  sentiment  of  the  faithful  North.  Very  few 
supported  him  after  the  elections  except  those  who  had  been 
hostile  to  the  Union  in  the  moment  of  its  peril.  Grant  had, 
therefore,  a  double  reason  for  disapproving  Johnson's  course ; 
not  only  the  deliberate  decision  of  the  people  was  against 
the  President,  but  the  voice  of  the  vast  majority  of  Union 
men  had  reached  their  leader. 

Johnson,  nevertheless,  remained  as  determined  as  ever. 
He  had  appealed  to  the  people,  but  he  refused  to  abide  by 

(42) 


GRANT'S    FIRST    STEP   IN   POLITICS.  43 

the  result  of  the  appeal.  The  amendment  was  still  to  be 
submitted  to  the  Southern  States,  and  every  effort  was  made 
by  the  Administration  to  induce  them  to  reject  it.  They 
were  assured  that  the  North  would  recede  from  its  position 
if  they  held  out;  that  the  present  feeling  was  temporary, 
and  the  President's  policy  in  the  end  must  prevail.  Grant, 
on  the  other  hand,  now  took  a  decided  stand  in  recommend 
ing  submission.  He  felt  that  he  stood  in  such  a  position  be 
fore  the  country,  almost  representing  the  Union  sentiment, 
that  it  became  his  duty  to  address  the  Southerners. 

He  had  done  nothing  to  induce  the  Northern  people  to 
come  to  their  decision,  but  after  the  decision  was  made  he 
used  all  his  influence  to  prevail  on  the  South  to  accept  it. 
That  influence  with  the  South  was  very  great.  The  clem 
ency  he  had  shown  them  was  not  forgotten.  His  present 
power  was  not  ignored.  No  Southerner  of  importance  at 
this  time  went  to  Washington  without  presenting  himself  at 
Grant's  headquarters,  while  many  visited  his  house,  and  to 
all  he  proffered  the  same  advice.  Formal  delegations  came 
from  the  South  to  consult  with  public  men  upon  the  course 
they  should  pursue.  These  all  came  in  contact  with  Grant, 
who  was  never  unwilling  to  meet  them. 

Among  others  was  a  very  important  deputation  from  Ar 
kansas,  and  Mr.  Seward,  the  Secretary  of  State,  although  he 
was  opposed  to  the  amendment,  arranged  an  interview  for  the 
party  at  his  own  house  with  Grant.  The  General-in-Chief 
spoke  very  plainly ;  he  declared  to  the  delegates  that  he  was 
their  friend,  and  as  their  friend  he  warned  them  that  the 
temper  of  the  North  was  aroused,  and  if  these  terms  were 
rejected  harsher  ones  would  be  imposed.  He  argued  and 
pleaded  with  them,  and  with  every  Southerner  he  met,  for 
the  sake  of  the  South,  for  the  sake  of  the  entire  country,  for 
their  own  individual  sakes,  to  conform  to  the  situation.  He 
assured  them  that  submission  to  the  inevitable  would  secure 
a  lightening  of  all  that  was  really  onerous  in  the  conditions 
now  proposed. 


44  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

This  conduct  was  in  complete  harmony  with  Grant's 
character.  It  was  the  practical  man  who  spoke,  and  who 
saw  that  worse  remained  behind  if  the  South  failed  to 
submit  now.  But  besides  this  sagacious  foresight  Grant 
showed  a  warmth  of  feeling  at  this  time  that  was  more  con 
spicuous  because  of  his  mexcitability  during  the  war.  He 
seemed  to  have  a  keener  personal  interest,  an  unwillingness 
to  lose  what  had  been  secured  at  so  much  cost.  Perhaps  he 
did  not  want  to  see  his  own  work  undone,  his  clemency 
made  subject  for  arraignment.  Of  course  no  such  word  was 
uttered  to  or  by  him,  but  he  certainly  never  in  his  career 
appeared  more  anxious  or  ardent  in  any  task  than  in  his 
efforts  now  to  induce  the  South  to  accept  the  terms  which 
he  believed  the  easiest  the  North  would  ever  offer. 

The  following  letter  to  General  Richard  Taylor,  the 
brother-in-law  of  Jefferson  Davis,  and  one  of  the  most  in 
fluential  of  the  Southern  leaders,  shows  that  this  view  is  no 
imaginative  speculation  or  far-fetched  criticism: 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Nov.  25,  1866. 

DEAR  GENERAL,  —  Your  letter  of  the  2Oth  is  just  received. 
My  letter  to  Pride,  with  which  this  is  enclosed,  answers  a  part  of 
yours. 

The  day  after  you  left  here  the  President  sent  for  me,  as  I 
expected  he  would  after  my  conversation  with  the  Attorney-Gen 
eral.  I  told  him  my  views  candidly  about  the  course  I  thought 
he  should  take,  in  view  of  the  verdict  of  the  late  elections.  It 
elicited  nothing  satisfactory  from  him,  but  did  not  bring  out  the 
strong  opposition  he  sometimes  shows  to  views  not  agreeing  with 
his  own.  I  was  followed  by  General  Sickles,  who  expressed 
about  the  same  opinion  I  did. 

Since  that  I  have  talked  with  several  members  of  Congress 
who  are  classed  with  the  Radicals;  Schenck  and  Bidwell  for  in 
stance.  They  express  the  most  generous  views  as  to  what  would 
be  done  if  the  constitutional  amendments  proposed  by  Congress 


GRANT'S   FIRST   STEP   IN   POLITICS.  45 

were  adopted  by  the  Southern  States.  What  was  done  in  the  case 
of  Tennessee  was  an  earnest  of  what  would  be  done  in  all  cases. 
Even  the  disqualification  to  hold  office  imposed  on  certain  classes 
by  one  article  of  the  amendment  would,  no  doubt,  be  removed  at 
once,  except  it  might  be  in  the  cases  of  the  very  highest  offenders, 
such,  for  instance,  as  those  who  went  abroad  to  aid  in  the  Rebel 
lion,  those  who  left  seats  in  Congress,  etc.  All  or  very  nearly  all 
would  soon  be  restored,  and  so  far  as  security  to  property  and  lib 
erty  is  concerned,  all  would  be  restored  at  once.  I  would  like  ex 
ceedingly  to  see  one  Southern  State,  excluded  State,  ratify  the 
amendments  to  enable  us  to  see  the  exact  course  that  would  be 
pursued.  I  believe  it  would  much  modify  the  demands  that  may 
be  made  if  there  is  delay.  Yours  truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
To  GENERAL  R.  TAYLOR. 

But  the  President's  endeavors  did  not  cease.  His  was 
one  of  those  tempers  which  opposition  aggravates,  and  he 
became  at  last  violent  in  his  obstinacy.  He  went  over  en 
tirely  to  those  whom  he  had  fought  for  a  lifetime ;  he  made 
political  bedfellows  of  his  bitterest  enemies,  and  of  those 
who  had  been  the  avowed  enemies  of  his  country.  He  used 
all  the  authority  of  his  office  to  dissuade  the  Southerners 
from  accepting  the  amendment  which  the  entire  North  had 
ratified.  His  counsels  proved  more  than  pernicious,  for  the 
Southerners  were  dazzled  by  the  fallacious  hope  of  obtaining 
all  that  he  promised.  They  forgot  that  they  had  been  con 
quered  and  were  still  at  the  mercy  of  the  conquerors,  and 
assumed  the  airs  of  wronged  and  outraged  claimants ;  they 
acted  as  if  they  were  already  equals  in  that  Union  which 
they  had  attempted  to  destroy.  They,  however,  were 
far  less  to  blame  than  the  injudicious  and  ill-tempered 
man  whom  Fate  had  placed  at  this  critical  moment  at  the 
head  of  affairs.  Human  nature  can  hardly  be  expected  to 
resist  such  overtures  as  he  proposed,  to  put  away  the 
chance  of  escaping  the  penalties  they  had  expected,  and 


46  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

obtaining  the  prizes  they  had  thought  beyond  their  reach. 
None  the  less,  the  result  was  lamentable,  both  then  and 
afterward.  All  the  long  series  of  misfortunes  and  dangers 
to  the  country  that  followed  are  directly  traceable  to  the  in 
fluence  or  action  of  one  man.  He  perverted  the  inclinations 
and  intentions  of  the  South,  and  by  reflex  those  of  the 
North.  He  converted  good  feeling  and  good  will  on  both 
sides  into  discord,  and  precipitated  disasters  almost  equal  to 
those  from  which  the  State  had  barely  escaped  —  disasters 
the  full  effect  of  which  is  even  yet  not  past.  This  view  of 
Johnson's  conduct  was  thenceforth  steadily  maintained  by 
Grant.  Without  knowledge  that  he  held  this  view  his  con 
duct  cannot  be  appreciated. 

The  President  at  last  became,  if  not  treasonable  in  intent, 
yet  unpatriotic  in  action.  He  fostered  a  spirit  that  engen 
dered  massacre,  and  afterward  protected  the  evil-doers.  He 
spoke,  both  with  Grant  in  private  and  openly  to  the  public, 
as  if  the  Congress  elected  by  the  faithful  States  was  an 
illegal  body.  He  suggested  to  men's  minds  that  he  might 
be  plotting  to  allow  the  Southerners  to  return  to  their  places 
in  spite  of  the  North.  He  made  use  of  his  right  to  com 
mand  the  army  in  a  way  that  awoke  suspicion  in  Grant,  and 
although  at  this  time  he  committed  no  illegal  act,  and  possi 
bly  uttered  no  word  commanding  or  directly  advocating  such 
an  act,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  but  for  his  knowledge  of 
Grant's  determination  not.  to  play  into  his  hands,  he  would 
have  attempted  what  those  who  had  conquered  would  have 
considered  treason.  Grant  frequently  expressed  this  belief 
to  those  in  his  confidence. 

Believing  thus  Grant  acted  not  only  with  moderation  and 
firmness,  but  with  a  tact  which  was  hardly  usual  in  him, 
but  which  circumstances  seemed  to  develop  because  it  was 
supremely  necessary.  He  avoided  offending,  and  he  never 
disobeyed  the  President.  There  was  still  no  open  rupture, 
no  appearance  of  difference  before  the  public ;  and  at  the 


GRANT'S   FIRST   STEP   IN   POLITICS. 


47 


very  time  when  many  at  the  North  suspected  Grant  of  favor 
ing  the  President's  views,  he  was  in  reality  doing  more  than 
all  the  country  besides  to  thwart  Johnson's  designs.  But 
he  thought  it  prudent  not  to  alarm  or  provoke  the  nation 
by  disclosing  his  fears.  This  was,  indeed,  far  more  than 
tact,  it  was  political  and  patriotic  wisdom. 

And  his  course  throughout  all  these  proceedings  was 
entirely  his  own.  He  listened  to  the  advice,  or  opinions, 
or  persuasions  of  those  who  felt  they  had  a  right  to  offer 
either,  but  every  decision  was  the  result  of  his  own  judg 
ment,  of  his  own  instinct  of  what  was  right.  He  seemed 
to  me  at  the  time  greater  than  in  any  emergency  of  the 
war,  and  when  I  look  back  upon  both  crises  now,  I  remain 
of  this  opinion  still. 

During  these  contentions  Congress  created,  or  rather 
revived,  the  grade  of  General  in  the  Army  for  Grant.  His 
nomination  was  announced  to  him  by  the  Secretary  of  War 
in  the  following  letter : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,     > 
WASHINGTON  CITY,  July  25,  1866. ) 

GENERAL,  —  The  President  has  signed  the  bill  reviving  the 
grade  of  General.  I  have  made  out  and  laid  your  nomination 
before  him,  and  it  will  be  sent  to  the  Senate  this  morning. 

Yours  truly,  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

Lieutenant- General  ULYSSES  S.  GRANT. 


/VvX4A^AAA^e       • 

^ 


^5^^ 


CHAPTER  VI. 

JOHNSON'S   MANOEUVRES. 

TMMEDIATELY  before  the  elections  which  were  to  give 
JL  the  verdict  of  the  country  upon  Mr.  Johnson's  policy  a 
violent  political  discussion  arose  in  Maryland,  where  it  was 
well  known  that  a  spirit  had  existed  as  hostile  to  the  Union  as 
in  New  Orleans.  There  seemed  danger  of  a  collision  between 
the  State  authorities,  which  were  friendly  to  Johnson,  and 
those  of  the  City  of  Baltimore.  The  Governor  appealed 
to  the  President  for  armed  assistance,  and  Johnson  made 
several  attempts  to  induce  Grant  to  order  United  States 
troops  into  Maryland.  Grant's  anxiety  at  this  suggestion 
was  acute.  He  held  numerous  conversations  with  the  Presi 
dent,  and  though  no  disloyal  proposition  was  made  to  him 
in  words,  he  conceived  a  profound  distrust  of  Johnson's 
designs.  This  feeling  was  shared  by  Stanton,  then  Secre 
tary  of  War.  In  the  excited  state  of  feeling  aroused  by 
Johnson's  course  the  use  of  troops  was  certain  to  prove 
exasperating,  and  it  seemed  to  be  the  President's  purpose 
to  tempt  or  provoke  his  opponents  to  some  illegal  act  which 
would  warrant  a  resort  to  arms.  It  was  too  soon  after  a 
civil  war  to  incur  such  risks  without  alarm. 

Grant  at  once  protested  verbally  but  earnestly  against 
sending  troops  to  Baltimore.  But  the  President  persisted 
in  his  suggestion.  He  did  not  give  the  order,  for  he  fre 
quently  used  all  the  weight  of  his  position  to  induce  Grant 
to  act  as  he  desired,  yet  failed  to  assume  the  responsibility 
of  issuing  a  positive  command.  Grant  therefore  wrote  an 
4  (49) 


£0  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

official  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  declaring  that  "no 
reason  existed  for  giving  or  promising  military  aid  to  sup 
port  the  laws  of  Maryland."  "The  tendency/'  he  said,  "of 
giving  such  aid  would  be  to  produce  the  very  result  that 
was  intended  to  be  averted."  The  President  referred  this 
letter  to  his  Attorney-General,  who  was  compelled  to  con 
cur  with  Grant ;  and  Johnson,  unable  to  induce  Grant  to 
send  the  troops  without  a  positive  order,  took  very  good 
care  not  to  give  one.  Grant  sent  both  staff  and  general 
officers  to  Baltimore,  and  went  thither  twice  in  person  dur 
ing  the  emergency.  He  saw  both  parties  to  the  dispute, 
persuaded  them  to  leave  the  decision  to  the  courts,  and 
averted  the  danger  —  as  signal  a  service  as  he  had  often 
rendered  the  country  in  the  field. 

This  entire  proceeding  caused  him  as  much  solicitude  as 
any  Presidential  action  of  the  period.  Occurring  immediately 
before  the  elections  which  were  to  pronounce  upon  Johnson's 
policy,  it  had  peculiar  significance.  For  a  while  the  Pres 
ident  almost  insisted  on  sending  troops  into  a  region  that 
had  been  disaffected,  and  where  the  very  authorities  that  he 
wished  to  support  by  arms  had  been  of  doubtful  loyalty  dur 
ing  the  war.  He  suggested  to  Grant  in  writing  that  there 
was  "  a  turbulent  disposition  which  might  assume  insurrec 
tionary  proportions,"  and  that  it  was  "the  duty  of  the  Gov 
ernment  to  be  prepared  to  act  with  force  and  decision."  But 
he  meant  to  act  "with  force"  against  men  who  had  fought 
for  the  Union  and  in  support  of  those  who  had  fought  against 
it.  Grant  believed  that  Johnson  would  be  glad  to  put  those 
who  opposed  his  policy  into  the  position  of  rebels,  while  the 
Southerners  who  supported  it  would  seem  to  be  loyal  to  the 
Government.  The  crafty  scheme  was  never  developed,  but 
the  watchful,  skillful,  anxious  care  of  Grant  may  have  had 
more  to  do  with  its  prevention  tha"n  any  lack  of  will  on  the 
part  of  the  President. 

General  Grant  never  said  in  my  hearing  that  he  knew  the 


JOHNSON'S   MANCEUVERS.  $l 

intentions  of  Johnson  to  be  seditious  at  this  time,  but  much 
of  his  course  throughout  the  entire  crisis  was  taken  because 
he  feared  they  were.  He  was  as  anxious  to  frustrate  John 
son's  manoeuvres  as  he  had  ever  been  to  thwart  those  of  Lee. 
In  each  instance  he  was  uncertain  of  the  strategy  of  the 
enemy,  but  he  fought  what  he  believed  to  be  the  enemy's 
plan.  He  never  changed  his  opinion  afterward,  but  remained 
convinced  that  had  opportunity  offered  Johnson  would  have 
attempted  some  disloyal  artifice.  Of  this  he  repeatedly 
assured  me. 

The  following  letter  to  General  Sheridan  shows  Grant's 
apprehensions  at  this  time.  It  was  written  while  Sheridan 
was  in  command  at  New  Orleans : 

[Confidential.] 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  > 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Oct.  12,  1866.     j 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  regret  to  say  that  since  the  unfortunate 
differences  between  the  President  and  Congress  the  former  be 
comes  more  violent  with  the  opposition  he  meets  with,  until  now 
but  few  people  who  were  loyal  to  the  Government  during  the 
Rebellion  seem  to  have  any  influence  with  him.  None  have  unless 
they  join  in  a  crusade  against  Congress,  and  declare  their  acts, 
the  principal  ones,  illegal,  and  indeed  I  much  fear  that  we  are  fast 
approaching  the  time  when  he  will  want  to  declare  the  body  itself 
illegal,  unconstitutional,  and  revolutionary.  Commanders  in  South 
ern  States  will  have  to  take  great  care  to  see,  if  a  crisis  does  come, 
that  no  armed  headway  can  be  made  against  the  Union.  For  this 
reason  it  will  be  very  desirable  that  Texas  should  have  no  reason- 
ble  excuse  for  calling  out  the  militia  authorized  by  their  Legisla 
ture.  Indeed  it  should  be  prevented.  I  write  this  in  strict  confi 
dence,  but  to  let  you  know  how  matters  stand  in  my  opinion,  so 
that  you  may  square  your  official  action  accordingly. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
To  Major-General?.  H.  SHERIDAN. 

P.  S. —  I  gave  orders  quietly  two  or  three  weeks  since  for  the 


52  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

removal  of  all  arms  in  store  in  the  Southern  States  to  Northern 
arsenals.  I  wish  you  would  see  that  those  from  Baton  Rouge  and 
other  places  within  your  command  are  being:  moved  rapidly  by  the 
ordnance  officers  having  the  matter  in  charge.  U.  S.  G. 

Grant's  course  in  the  Maryland  matter  and  his  outspoken 
advice  to  the  Arkansas  delegation  had  convinced  the  Admin 
istration  that  he  could  be  induced  to  take  no  step  at  all 
beyond  the  strictest  line  of  the  law ;  and  when  it  was  seen 
to  be  impossible  to  use  him,  a  scheme  was  concocted  to  send 
him  out  of  the  country.  The  Government  did  not  indeed 
dare  remove  the  victorious  head  of  the  army,  but  they 
determined  to  suspend  him  from  his  functions  for  a  while, 
and  to  put  Sherman,  who  it  was  hoped  would  prove  more 
supple,  in  his  place.  Sherman  had  said  and  written  things 
which  the  President  construed  into  an  approval  of  his  policy. 
So  Grant  was  directed  to  order  Sherman  to  Washington,  but 
was  not  informed  of  the  reason  for  the  order. 

Grant  had  long  exhibited  a  peculiar  interest  in  the  expul 
sion  of  the  French  from  Mexico  and  the  overthrow  of  the 
empire  of  Maximilian.  He  regarded  the  intrusion  of  foreign 
armies  and  institutions  on  this  continent  not  only  as  a  direct 
menace  to  all  republican  interests,  but  as  an  act  of  hostility 
towards  the  United  States  that  would  never  have  been 
attempted  except  when  we  were  at  war.  His  opinions  were 
well  known  to  the  country  and  had  been  repeatedly  and 
earnestly  pressed  upon  the  Government ;  and  the  device  of 
the  Administration  now  was  to  make  use  of  these  sentiments 
as  an  excuse  to  send  him  on  a  mission  to  the  neighboring 
republic  and  thus  get  rid  of  his  presence  which  had  become 
such  an  obstruction  to  many  of  their  designs. 

The  French  Emperor,  it  was  true,  was  tardily  preparing 
to  remove  his  army,  and  there  was  neither  object  nor  neces 
sity  for  Grant's  presence  or  intervention.  Nevertheless,  in 
November,  1866,  immediately  after  the  failure  of  the  Balti 
more  scheme,  the  President  informed  Grant  that  he  meant  to 


JOHNSON'S   MANCEUVERS.  53 

send  him  to  Mexico.  A  Minister  had  already  been  appointed 
to  that  republic,  and  Grant  was  to  be  given  neither  " powers" 
nor  authority.  No  special  purpose  for  the  mission  was  an 
nounced  ;  he  was  simply  "to  give  the  Minister  the  benefit  of 
his  advice  in  carrying  out  the  instructions  of  the  Secretary 
of  State."  It  was  doubtless  supposed  that  Grant  with  his 
profound  anxiety  for  Mexican  independence  would  bite  at  the 
bait.  But  the  device  was  too  transparent ;  and  Grant,  if 
ordinarily  unadroit,  was  yet  far-seeing.  He  usually  went  to 
the  core  of  a  thing,  when  immediate  judgment  was  required. 
He  promptly  declined  the  mission.  This  was  in  conversa 
tion  with  the  President. 

A  day  or  two  afterward  Johnson  returned  to  the  subject 
and  announced  that  he  had  sent  for  Sherman  to  take  Grant's 
place  in  his  absence.  Congress  was  about  to  assemble,  a 
Congress  hostile  to  Johnson,  and  the  air  was  full  of  rumors 
that  the  President  would  refuse  to  recognize  the  Legislature, 
and  might  even  attempt  to  disperse  it  by  arms.  Mr.  John 
son  had  recently  seemed  to  have  designs  to  use  the  military 
force  in  Maryland  illegally,  or  at  least  improperly.  Grant 
remembered  this,  and  again  declined  to  leave  the  country ; 
this  time  in  writing.  Nevertheless,  in  a  day  or  two  he  was 
summoned  to  a  full  Cabinet  meeting,  when  his  detailed 
instructions  were  read  to  him  by  the  Secretary  of  State, 
exactly  as  if  objections  and  refusal  had  not  been  offered. 
But  Grant  was  now  aroused ;  and  before  the  whole  Cabinet 
he  declared  his  unwillingness  to  accept  the  mission.  The 
President  also  became  angered.  Turning  to  the  Attorney- 
General  he  inquired  :  "  Mr.  Attorney-General,  is  there  any 
reason  why  General  Grant  should  not  obey  my  orders  ?  Is 
he  in  any  way  ineligible  to  this  position  ? "  Grant  started  to 
his  feet  at  once,  and  exclaimed  :  "  I  can  answer  that  question, 
Mr.  President,  without  referring  to  the  Attorney-General.  I 
am  an  American  citizen,  and  eligible  to  any  office  to  which  any 
American  is  eligible.  I  am  an  officer  of  the  army,  and 


"RR.ARV 


54 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


bound  to  obey  your  military  orders.  But  this  is  a  civil  office, 
a  purely  diplomatic  duty  that  you  offer  me,  and  I  cannot  be 
compelled  to  undertake  it.  Any  legal  military  order  you 
give  me  I  will  obey ;  but  this  is  civil  and  not  military ;  and  I 
decline  the  duty.  No  power  on  earth  can  compel  me  to  it." 
He  said  not  another  word.  No  one  replied  ;  and  he  left  the 
Cabinet  chamber.  He  returned  immediately  to  his  head 
quarters,  and  recited  all  that  had  occurred.  I  took  down  his 
words  at  the  time,  and  read  him  afterward  this  account, 
which  he  approved. 

Even  after  this  scene  a  copy  of  his  instructions  was  sent 
to  him  through  the  Secretary  of  War,  who  was  directed  to 
request  him  to  proceed  to  Mexico.  But  he  wrote  a  second 
letter  declining  positively  the  duty  assigned  him.  Mean 
while  Sherman  had  arrived.  Grant  had  written  to  him  to 
come  directly  to  his  house,  and  there  explained  the  situa 
tion  ;  he  told  his  great  subordinate  of  the  plot  to  get  rid  of 
himself,  and  declared  that  he  was  determined  to  disobey  the 
order  and  stand  the  consequences.  Sherman  then  paid  his 
visit  to  the  President.  He  was  informed  that  Grant  was  to 
be  sent  to  Mexico,  and  that  he  was  to  command  the  army  in 
the  absence  of  the  General-in-chief.  But  Sherman  assured 
the  President  that  Grant  would  not  go,  and  said  very  flatly 
that  Johnson  could  not  afford  to  quarrel  with  Grant  at  that 
time.  He  declared  he  could  himself  be  easier  spared  than 
Grant. 

The  country  was  full  of  rumors  of  the  object  of  Sher 
man's  visit ;  if  the  real  purpose  was  abandoned  it  was  neces 
sary  to  contrive  some  excuse  for  sending  for  him.  This 
Sherman's  own  suggestion  afforded.  In  a  day  or  two  Grant 
was  directed  to  turn  over  his  instructions  to  Sherman,  who 
was  sent  to  Mexico  in  his  stead,  on  the  United  States  ship 
Susquehanna,  Captain  Alden  commanding.  As  the  vessel 
left  New  York  harbor,  Sherman  turned  to  Alden  and  said: 
"My  mission  is  already  ended.  By  substituting  myself  I 


JOHNSON'S   MANCEUVERS.  55 

have  prevented  a  serious  quarrel  between  the  Administra 
tion  and  Grant." 

More  than  once  the  soldier  friend  thus  came  to  the  res 
cue  when  crafty  politicians  sought  to  entangle  Grant.  I  shall 
have  other  stories  like  this  to  tell.  At  these  crises  Sherman 
returned  with  interest  all  the  constancy  and  loyalty  that 
Grant  had  so  often  displayed  toward  him  during  the  war. 
He  now  cruised  along  the  coast  of  Mexico,  visited  one  or 
two  points,  performed  no  duty  of  the  slightest  importance, 
and  in  a  month  or  two  returned.  For  all  that  had  been 
accomplished  he  might  as  well  have  remained  at  St.  Louis. 
He  declares  in  his  memoirs :  "  I  am  sure  this  whole  move 
ment  was  got  up  for  the  purpose  of  getting  General  Grant 
away  from  Washington."  Grant  always  attributed  the  con 
ception  of  the  scheme  to  Seward. 

About  this  time  Grant  received  the  following  letter, 
which  I  opened  and  handed  to  him.  After  reading  it  he 
threw  it  into  the  fire,  but  I  snatched  it  from  the  flames  and 
thus  preserved  it : 

October,  1866. 

GENERAL,  —  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  warn  you  to  be  on  your 
guard  against  assassination,  also  to  be  very  careful  of  what  you  eat, 
and  where  you  eat,  for  the  next  sixty  days.  I  believe  that  the 
Knights  have  spotted  you,  Sheridan,  and  Sherman.  I  have  written 
them  to  be  careful.  My  warning  may  not  reach  them.  If  you  can 
warn  them  do  so.  As  ever,  yours,  TEWANDAH,  the  Scout. 

Nothing  more  was  ever  heard  on  the  subject,  but  the 
letter  is  curious,  as  showing  the  fears  that  some  entertained 
at  this  time. 


&<Z^r?^j£c^ 

XT 


tZ^          <P 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CONGRESSIONAL   RECONSTRUCTION. 

AT  the  South  Johnson's  efforts  prevailed.  Although 
every  Northern  State  had  promptly  ratified  the  Con 
stitutional  amendment,  yet  under  Presidential  pressure,  per 
suasion,  and  advice,  every  Southern  State  rejected  it. 

When  this  result  became  known  Grant's  predictions  were 
speedily  verified.  Congress  at  once  determined  that  the 
recusant  States  should  return  under  very  different  condi 
tions  from  those  at  first  proposed.  The  whole  territory  that 
had  revolted  was  divided  into  five  military  districts,  and  mili 
tary  rule  was  declared  supreme  in  each.  Commanders  were 
to  be  appointed,  with  power  and  duty  to  protect  all  persons 
at  the  South,  to  suppress  insurrection  and  disorder,  and  to 
punish  all  disturbers  of  the  peace  and  criminals.  These 
commanders  were  expressly  authorized  to  supersede  the  civil 
courts  by  military  tribunals,  and  all  civil  or  State  govern 
ment  whatever  was  declared  provisional  and  subject  to  the 
paramount  authority  of  the  United  States.  This  military 
rule  was  to  continue  till  the  colored  population  was  allowed 
to  vote,  and  the  amendment  already  rejected  should  be  rati 
fied.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  would  the  seceded  States  be 
admitted  to  their  former  position  in  the  Union,  and  the  stern 
provisions  now  enacted  be  annulled.  This  measure  passed 
both  houses  of  Congress  in  March,  1867,  by  large  majorities 
over  the  President's  veto. 

Grant  was  at  this  time  completely  in  accord  with  the 
Legislature.  The  change  in  his  opinion  and  in  his  feeling 

(57) 


^3  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

had  been  brought  about  not  only  by  his  deference  to  the 
decision  of  the  North,  and  his  indignation  at  the  chicanery 
of  Johnson,  but  in  a  great  degree  by  the  action  of  the  South? 
erners  themselves.  The  President's  course  had  aroused  a 
temper  at  the  South  which  Grant  believed  dangerous  to  the 
safety  of  the  country.  Acts  had  been  committed  and  a  dis 
position  manifested  which  he  considered  should  be  repressed 
by  stringent  means.  The  population  that  had  been  subdued, 
he  thought,  was  excited  again.  The  reports  from  his  subor 
dinates  assured  him  that  the  Union  people  at  the  South 
were  not  safe  without  Northern  over-rule,  that  the  blacks 
were  massacred,  in  short  that  the  results  he  had  fought  to 
secure  were  endangered ;  and  believing  as  he  now  did  that 
the  clemency  extended  to  the  conquered  had  been  abused, 
he  approved  of  restraining  those  who  had  shown  themselves 
unworthy  of  milder  treatment.  He  agreed  fully  with  Con 
gress  that  the  only  practical  means  of  securing  what  had 
been  won  in  the  field  was  in  the  extension  of  the  suffrage 
to  the  freedmen. 

Abstractly  he  did  not  favor  this  step,  but  he  looked  upon  it, 
as  he  had  regarded  emancipation  during  the  war,  as  rendered 
necessary  by  events.  He  was  not  a  man  much  governed  by 
sentiment,  or  apt  to  be  led  away  by  theories ;  he  saw  the  un- 
fitness  of  the  freedmen  at  this  time  for  the  ballot ;  he  recog 
nized  the  danger  of  admitting  them  to  the  suffrage ;  but  he 
felt  that  this  danger  was  less  than  that  of  allowing  those 
who  had  been  the  nation's  enemies  to  return  untrammelled 
to  their  former  position,  to  provoke  new  dissensions  and 
possibly  arouse  another  war.  He  was  gradually  brought  to 
the  conviction  that  in  order  to  secure  the  Union  which  he 
desired  and  which  the  Northern  people  had  fought  for,  a 
voting  population  at  the  South  friendly  to  the  Union  was  in 
dispensable,  and  that  until  the  South  was  willing  to  concede 
the  ballot  to  the  blacks,  it  must  be  kept  under  military  rule. 
The  process  of  conversion  was  slow,  and  the  convert  unwill- 


CONGRESSIONAL   RECONSTRUCTION.  59 

ing — but  when  once  he  accepted  the  new  faith,  he  remained 
firm. 

Six  weeks  before  the  passage  of  the  reconstruction  meas 
ures  he  wrote  to  General  Howard,  at  that  time  in  command 
of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau: 

[Confidential.] 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,) 
WASHINGTON,  January  18,  1867.      ) 

DEAR  GENERAL, — Will  you  be  kind  enough  to  send  me  a  list 
of  authenticated  Ceases  of  murder  and  other  violence  upon  freed- 
men,  Northern  or  other  Union  men,  refugees,  etc.,  in  the  Southern 
States  for  the  last  six  months  or  a  year.  My  object  in  this  is  to 
make  a  report  showing  that  the  courts  in  the  States  excluded  from 
Congress  afford  no  security  to  life  or  property  of  the  classes  here 
referred  to,  and  to  recommend  that  martial  law  be  declared  over 
such  districts  as  do  not  afford  the  proper  protection. 

Yours  truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT,   General. 

To  General  O.  O.  HOWARD,   Comg.  Freedmerfs  Bureau,  etc* 

On  the  4th  of  March,  two  days  after  the  passage  of  the 
Reconstruction  bill,  he  wrote  to  his  intimate  friend  Wash- 
burne,  who  was  then  abroad : 

.  .  .  "Reconstruction  measures  have  passed  both  houses 
of  Congress  over  one  of  the  most  ridiculous  veto  messages  that 
ever  emanated  from  any  President.  Jerry  Black  is  supposed  to 
be  the  author  of  it.  He  has  been  about  Washington  for  some 
time,  and  I  am  told  has  been  a  great  deal  about  the  White  House. 
It  is  a  fitting  end  to  all  our  controversy  (I  believe  this  last  measure 
to  be  a  solution,  unless  the  President  proves  an  obstruction),  that 
the  man  who  tried  to  prove  at  the  beginning  of  our  domestic 
difficulties  that  the  nation  had  no  constitutional  power  to  save 
itself,  is  now  trying  to  prove  that  the  nation  has  not  now  the 
power,  after  a  victory,  to  demand  security  for  the  future.  .  0  0 

"  Do  not  show  what  I  have  said  on  political  matters  to  any 


60  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

one.  It  is  not  proper  that  a  subordinate  should  criticise  the  acts 
of  his  superiors  in  a  public  manner.  I  rely  upon  our  personal 
relations,  however,  to  speak  to  you  freely  as  I  feel  upon  all 
matters." 

Grant's  apprehensions  in  regard  to  the  President  were 
well  founded.  No  sooner  did  the  subordinate  commanders 
begin  in  good  faith  to  carry  out  the  law  than  the  Adminis 
tration  intervened  to  thwart  them.  Sheridan,  who  was  in 
command  at  New  Orleans,  found  it  necessary  to  remove 
certain  civil  officers,  and  immediately  Johnson  claimed  that 
district  commanders  had  no  power  under  the  law  to  make 
such  removals.  In  this  he  was  supported  by  his  Attorney- 
General.  Grant  telegraphed  to  Sheridan,  approving  his 
course,  but  advised  that  he  should  make  no  further  remov 
als  unless  they  were  indispensable.  He  was  firmly  of  the 
opinion  that  the  right  existed,  but  was  anxious  to  avoid  a 
direct  conflict  between  the  President  and  the  district  com 
manders.  A  letter  to  Sheridan  of  the  5th  of  April,  1867, 
shows  his  anxiety  to  carry  out  the  policy  that  Congress  and 
the  people  had  determined  on ;  and  yet  to  act  with  caution 
and  subordination : 

[Confidential.] 

"Mv  DEAR  GENERAL, — When  I  telegraphed  you  a  few  days 
ago  advising  non-action  for  a  while  in  the  matter  of  further 
removals  from  office  under  the  authority  of  the  reconstruction 
act,  it  was  because  I  knew  that  the  Attorney-General  had  taken 
the  ground  that  the  bill  gives  no  such  authority  to  district  com 
manders.  He  is  probably  preparing  an  opinion  to  this  effect. 
The  fact  is  there  is  decided  hostility  to  the  whole  Congressional 
plan  of  reconstruction  at  the  White  House,  and  a  disposition  to 
remove  you  from  the  command  you  now  have.  Both  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  and  myself  will  oppose  any  such  move,  as  well  as 
the  mass  of  the  people.  In  the  course  you  have  pursued  you  are 
supported  by  more  than  party.  I  thought  it  well,  however,  to 
advise  you  against  further  removals,  if  you  can  get  along  without 


CONGRESSIONAL  RECONSTRUCTION.  5r 

making  them,  until  we  see  the  opinion  which  is  probably  prepar 
ing.  There  is  nothing  clearer  to  my  mind  than  that  Congress 
intended  to  give  District  Commanders  entire  control  over  the  civil 
government  of  these  districts,  for  a  specific  purpose,  and  only 
recognized  present  civil  authorities  within  these  districts  at  all,  for 
the  convenience  of  their  commanders,  to  make  use  of,  or  so  much 
of  as  suited  them,  and  as  would  aid  them  in  carrying  out  the 
Congressional  plan  of  restoring  loyal,  permanent  governments. 
.  .  .  One  thing  is  certain  :  the  law  contemplates  that  District 
Commanders  shall  be  their  own  judges  of  the  meaning  of  its  pro 
visions.  They  are  responsible  to  the  country  for  its  faithful  execu 
tion.  Any  opinion  from  the  Attorney-General  should  be  duly 
weighed,  however.  The  power  of  removing  District  Commanders 
undoubtedly  exists  with  the  President,  but  no  officer  is  going  to 
be  hurt  by  a  faithful  performance  of  his  duty.  My  advice  to  you 
is  that  you  make  no  more  removals  than  you  find  absolutely  neces 
sary.  That  you  make  none  whatever  except  it  be  for  the  grossest 
disregard  of  the  law  and  your  authority,  until  you  see  what  decis 
ions  are  to  be  made.  That  then  you  make  up  your  mind  fully  as 
to  the  proper  course  to  pursue,  and  pursue  it,  without  fear,  and 
take  the  consequences.  I  would  not  advise  you  to  any  course  that 
I  would  not  pursue  myself,  under  like  circumstances,  nor  do  I 
believe  that  I  advise  against  your  own  inclinations.  I  will  keep 
you  advised  officially  or  otherwise  of  all  that  affects  you.  I  think 
it  will  be  well  for  you  to  send  me  a  statement  of  your  reasons  for 
removing  Herron,  Abell,  and  Monroe.  It  may  not  be  called  for, 
but  twice  the  question  has  been  asked  why  you  removed  them." 

This  letter  marks  what  to  me  was  a  new  development  in 
Grant's  character.  He  was  becoming  accustomed  to  the 
wiles  that  he  found  he  must  fight,  and  at  this  period  dis 
played  a  greater  degree  of  adroitness  than  I  often  noticed  in 
him,  before  or  afterward.  The  skill  with  which  he  points 
out  to  Sheridan  how  to  avoid  a  premature  conflict  with  the 
Executive ;  the  nice  point  he  makes  that  though  the  Attor 
ney-General's  opinion  is  entitled  to  weight,  commanders  are 
their  own  judges  of  the  law  and  responsible  to  the  country; 


62  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

the  prevision  with  which  he  asks  for  a  statement  of  Sheri 
dan's  reasons,  so  as  to  be  ready  to  meet  a  hostile  demand, 
are  all  worthy  of  an  experienced  politician.  The  fact  is  that 
Grant  was  a  close  observer  and  an  apt  scholar;  his  experi 
ence  with  Andrew  Johnson  taught  him  that  frankness  with 
such  an  opponent  was  giving  away  the  game,  and  he  never 
liked  to  be  beaten.  He  was  always  good  at  cards,  and  had 
learned  to  avoid  showing  his  hand.  I  have  heard  men  say 
that  Grant  was  the  profoundest  dissembler  of  his  time.  I 
cannot  concur  in  the  opinion  ;  nevertheless,  though  he  never 
pretended,  he  concealed,  or  withheld,  a  great  deal  from  friends 
as  well  as  foes.  He  did  not  furnish  a  copy  of  this  letter  to 
Mr.  Johnson. 

At  the  same  time  that  he  wrote  to  Sheridan  he  sent  the 
following  letter  to  Washburne : 

"  Everything  is  getting  on  well  here  now  under  the  Congres- 
sionalReconstruction  bill,  and  all  will  be  well  if  Administration 
and  Copperhead  influence  do  not  defeat  the  objects  of  that  meas 
ure.  So  far  there  has  been  no  absolute  interference  with  the  acts 
of  district  commanders,  all  of  whom  are  carrying  out  the  measures 
of  Congress  according  to  the  spirit  of  their  acts,  but  much  dissat 
isfaction  has  been  expressed  at  Sheridan's  removal  of  the  New 
Orleans  civil  officers.  Sheridan  has  given  public  satisfaction,  how 
ever.  In  his  present  capacity  he  shows  himself  the  same  fearless, 
true  man  he  did  in  the  field.  He  makes  no  mistakes. 

"  I  see  no  possible  chance  of  getting  abroad  this  year.  I  am 
not  egotistical  enough  to  suppose  that  my  duties  cannot  be  per 
formed  by  others  just  as  well  as  myself,  but  Congress  has  made  it 
my  duty  to  perform  certain  offices,  and  whilst  there  is  an  antago 
nism  between  the  Executive  and  the  legislative  branches  of  the 
Government,  I  feel  the  same  obligation  to  stand  at  my  post  that  I 
did  whilst  there  were  rebel  armies  in  the  field  to  contend  with.  .  .  ." 

During  the  contest  between  the  President  and  Congress 
an  incident  occurred  that  illustrates  one  of  the  traits  of 
Grant  little  known  to  the  world  at  large  —  his  regard  for  the 


CONGRESSIONAL  RECONSTRUCTION.  63 

feelings  of  those  whom  he  cared  for.  I  was  not  converted 
so  soon  as  he  to  the  belief  that  harsh  measures  were  neces 
sary  in  the  treatment  of  the  South  ;  and  he  was  always 
willing  to  listen  to  the  opinions  of  those  about  him  on  impor 
tant  affairs.  I  recollect  discussing  the  situation  with  several 
other  officers  in  his  presence,  and  maintaining  my  views  with 
fervor  though  they  were  contrary  to  his  own.  The  contro 
versy  became  excited,  and  Grant  himself  took  part.  At  last 
he  exclaimed :  "  Why,  Badeau,  I  believe  you  are  a  Copper 
head."  I  felt  the  blood  mount  to  my  forehead  at  the  taunt, 
so  unusual  from  him,  and  could  hardly  speak  for  a  moment. 
Then  I  stammered  that  I  thought  my  past  might  have  saved 
me  that  reproach,  at  least  from  the  head  of  the  army.  But 
the  words  were  only  half  spoken  when  he  interrupted,  and 
retracted  what  he  had  said,  with  tones  and  glances  that 
repaid  me  for  all  the  pain  he  had  inflicted.  All  that  day  he 
took  care  in  a  hundred  little  ways  to  do  me  kindnesses  and 
to  show  that  he  was  striving  to  make  amends.  For  this 
stubborn,  silent  soldier  was  as  considerate  for  the  sensitive 
ness  of  a  friend  as  ever  he  was  anxious  for  the  welfare  of 
the  State  or  for  victory  over  a  rebellious  enemy. 


GENERAL  SHERMAN  TO  GENERAL  BADEAU. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Feb.  12,  1882.      ) 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  ...  I  rather  like  the  idea  of  your  pre 
paring  a  History  of  Reconstruction  ;  only  it  seems  to  me  that  it 
will  be  a  tight  squeeze  to  get  all  the  essential  facts  into  a  small 
volume  of  the  size  of  Scribner.  It  will  be  better  to  collect  the 
materials  and  allow  the  size  to  result  from  them.  Reconstruction 
was  a  corollary  of  the  war,  and  forms  a  continuation  of  the  sub 
ject-matter  of  your  past  work,  and  it  so  happens  that  your  Hero 
in  war  was  Leader  in  the  Reconstruction.  So  I  see  no  reason 
why  it  should  not  form  a  fourth  volume.* 

In  whatever  you  may  undertake  you  have  my  best  wishes. 
Truly  your  friend,  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

*  Extract  from  letter  in  fac  simile,  page  589. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

PRESIDENTIAL    OBSTRUCTION. 

THE  Reconstruction  policy  of  Congress  was  of  course 
galling  to  the  South,  and  with  the  knowledge  that  their 
hostility  was  shared  by  the  Head  of  the  State,  it  was  per 
haps  not  unnatural  that  a  population  just  emerging  from 
armed  rebellion  should  look  to  seditious  action  at  this  crisis. 
There  were  indications  of  such  a  course,  especially  at  New 
Orleans,  where  Sheridan  was  in  command.  He  so  reported 
to  Grant,  who  laid  the  matter  before  the  President  and  the 
Secretary  of  War.  After  consultation  with  those  authorities 
Grant  forwarded  the  following  order  to  Sheridan.  I  give 
the  text  as  he  originally  penciled  it,  with  his  subsequent  omis 
sions  inclosed  in  brackets.  Together  they  show  both  his  first 
impulse  and  the  restraint  he  put  upon  himself  to  convey  no 
false  impression  of  the  President's  view : 

Use  the  military  to  prevent  conflict  or  riot  (under  the  authority 
granted  by  civil  rights  bill  and  recent  act  of  Congress).  The 
law  can  decide  after  district  commanders  are  named  in  relation  to 
legality  of  measures  resorted  to  by  opposing  parties  in  New 
Orleans.  The  President  [has  now  under  consideration  the  ques 
tion  of  assignment  of  district  commanders]  is  now  taking  steps  to 
put  the  recent  act  of  Congress  into  effect.  The  President  directs 
[that  you  enforce  the  law  and  prevent  conflict  or  riot  by  judicious 
use  of  the  military}  that  [law  and]  order  be  preserved  and  the  law 
enforced. 

March  9,  '67.  U.  S.  GRANT,   General. 

The  dispatch  finally  read:  "The  President  directs  that 

(64) 


PRESIDENTIAL   OBSTRUCTION.  65 

order  be  preserved  in  New  Orleans  and  the  laws  enforced." 
With  this  Grant  sent  a  copy  of  the  Reconstruction  law. 
This  he  had  not  been  directed  to  do  by  the  President. 

The  whole  force  of  the  Reconstruction  measure  lay  in 
the  power  of  the  District  Commanders  to  remove  civil  offi 
cers  who  opposed  or  obstructed  the  new  law.  Mr.  Johnson  at 
once  took  the  ground,  as  I  have  shown,  that  no  such  power 
existed  in  those  commanders.  Grant  knew  personally  and 
positively  that  Congress  had  intended  to  confer  this  power, 
for  he  had  been  constantly  consulted  during  the  preparation 
of  the  bill.  Indeed,  it  had  been  proposed  not  only  to  bestow 
the  power  on  District  Commanders,  but  on  himself,  as  their 
superior.  This,  however,  he  disadvised.  He  was  still  un 
willing  to  be  placed  in  open  antagonism  to  the  President, 
and,  besides,  thought  it  wise  not  to  provoke  him  by  public 
humiliations  or  unnecessary  restrictions  of  his  authority. 
He  had  therefore  urged  that  the  appointment  of  District 
Commanders  should  be  left  with  the  President,  and  that  the 
supervisory  authority  also  should  be  committed  to  the  Execu 
tive  rather  than  to  the  head  of  the  Army ;  for  he  believed 
that  Congress  could  maintain  a  sufficient  check  upon  any 
hostile  action  of  the  President. 

Johnson,  however,  at  once  made  it  certain  that  his  claws 
had  not  been  so  closely  pared  but  that  he  could  still  do  seri 
ous  mischief.  Nevertheless,  Grant  remained  averse  to  taking 
or  advising  any  step  which  might  aggravate  the  difficulties 
of  the  situation.  His  policy  at  this  crisis  is  shown  in  the 
following  letter  of  April  21,  1867,  to  Sheridan: 

[Private.] 

"  MY  DEAR  GENERAL, —  As  yet  no  decision  has  been  given  by 
the  Attorney-General  on  the  subject  of  the  right  of  District  Com 
manders  to  remove  civil  officers  and  appoint  their  successors.  It 
is  likely,  however,  that  he  will  give  attention  to  that  subject  and  all 
other  questions  submitted  to  him  arising  under  the  Reconstruction 
act,  as  soon  as  he  is  through  with  the  Mississippi  motion  to  file  a  bill 
5 


65  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

of  injunction  against  certain  parties  to  restrain  them  from  execut 
ing  the  laws  of  Congress.  In  the  meantime  I  would  advise  that 
in  case  any  of  the  civil  officers  obstruct  the  laws  they  be  suspended 
and  tried  by  military  commissions.  This  right  certainly  does  exist 
on  the  part  of  District  Commanders,  and  I  have  no  doubt  myself 
on  the  subject  of  their  power  to  remove  arbitrarily.  The  law 
makers  clearly  contemplated  providing  military  governments  for 
the  rebel  States  until  they  were  fully  restored,  in  all  their  relations, 
to  the  General  Government.  They  evidently  only  recognized  pres 
ent  State  governments  as  provisional,  for  convenience,  to  be  made 
use  of  by  District  Commanders,  just  so  far  as  they  could  be  used 
in  carrying  out  the  will  of  Congress,  and  no  further." 

One  of  the  most  important  matters  under  the  new  law 
was  the  registration  of  voters.  This  was  to  include  all  male 
citizens,  without  distinction  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condi 
tion  —  except  such  as  had  been  disfranchised  for  participa 
tion  in  the  Rebellion,  or  for  felony  at  common  law;  and  every 
quibble  was  at  once  resorted  to  at  the  South  and  indorsed 
by  Johnson,  to  secure  the  registration  of  those  whom  Con 
gress  had  intended  to  disfranchise.  The  subject  was  con 
stantly  coming  up  before  the  District  Commanders,  who 
promptly  referred  all  intricate  points  to  Grant.  On  this 
head  he  wrote  to  Sheridan  in  the  letter  already  quoted  : 

"  On  the  subject  of  who  can  register  under  the  law,  I  think  it 
was  the  intention  to  exclude  only  those  who  are  excluded  from 
holding  office  under  the  Constitutional  amendment,  and  those  who 
have  previously  been  disfranchised  for  infamous  crimes,  such  as 
were  recognized  before  the  Rebellion  as  sufficient  cause  for  dis- 
franchisement.  Of  course  there  is  no  greater  crime  than  that  of 
attempting  to  overthrow  the  Government.  But  that  is  the  particular 
crime  which  is  forgiven  by  the  Reconstruction  Act  except  to  certain 
offenders  who  are  supposed  from  their  previous  relations  to  the 
General  Government  to  be  more  guilty  than  the  rest.  The  supple 
mentary  bill,  particularly  "the  oath  prescribed  to  be  taken  before 
registration,  would  seem  to  provide  for  the  disfranchisement  of  a 


PRESIDENTIAL  OBSTRUCTION.  fy 

class  of  citizens  that  ought  always  to  be  disfranchised  in  every 
community,  for  their  gross  violation  of  law,  and  could  not  have 
been  intended  as  a  further  punishment,  or  the  punishment  of  other 
classes,  for  the  crime  of  treason  against  the  Government.  By  the 
same  rule  of  judging  I  do  not  think  that  a  class  of  citizens  who 
heretofore  have  not  had  the  elective  franchise  can  be  excluded  for 
acts  which  would  not  have  disfranchised  them  had  they  possessed 
the  privilege  of  voting.  I  give  this  only  as  my  views  on  the 'sub 
ject.  If  I  were  commanding  a  district,  however,  I  would  require 
registering  officers  to  keep  two  lists.  On  one  I  would  register  the 
names  of  all  about  whose  right  to  register  there  could  be  no  doubt, 
and  on  the  other  all  those  about  whom  there  might  be  doubt. 

"  There  has  nothing  new  transpired  affecting  you.  I  think  your 
head  is  safe  above  your  shoulders,  at  least  so  that  it  cannot  be 
taken  off  to  produce  pain." 

The  last  sentence  refers  to  the  intention  Johnson  had 
already  manifested  to  remove  Sheridan,  because  that  officer 
was  evidently  determined  to  obey  the  law. 

On  April  2ist,  the  day  when  he  wrote  thus  to  Sheridan, 
Grant  sent  the  following  dispatch  to  Pope,  another  of  the 
District  Commanders.  There  are  passages  in  this  letter 
which  in  ordinary  times  might  have  subjected  its  writer  to 
trial  by  court  martial  for  insubordination  and  disrespect  to  the 
President.  But  a  court  martial  must  have  been  composed  of 
men  who  had  fought  for  the  Union,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  one 
could  have  been  formed  to  pronounce  Grant's  course  at  this 
juncture  other  than  patriotic  and  commendable. 

GENERAL  GRANT  TO  GENERAL  POPE. 

"  MY  DEAR  GENERAL,  —  Having  read  Governor  Jenkins's  ad 
dress  to  the  citizens  of  Georgia,  I  was  on  the  eve  of  writing  you 
a  letter  advising  his  suspension  and  trial  before  a  military  com 
mission  when  your  dispatch  announcing  that  the  Governor  had 
given  such  assurance  as  to  render  your  order  in  his  case  unneces 
sary  was  received.  .  .  .  My  views  are  that  District  Commanders 
are  responsible  for  the  faithful  execution  of  the  Reconstruction  Act 


58  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

of  Congress,  and  that  in  civil  matters  I  cannot  give  them  an  order. 
I  can  give  them  my  views,  however,  for  what  they  are  worth,  and 
above  all,  I  can  advise  them  of  views  and  opinions  here  which  may 
serve  to  put  them  on  their  guard.  When  General  Sheridan  removed 
three  civil  officers  in  the  State  of  Louisiana,  an  act  which  delighted 
the  loyal  North,  and  none  more  than  the  supporters  of  the  Con 
gressional  Reconstruction  Bill  in  Congress,  it  created  quite  a  stir, 
and  gave  expression  to  the  opinion  in  other  quarters,  that  he  had 
exceeded  his  authority.  I  presume  the  Attorney-General  will  give 
a  written  opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  powers  of  District  Com 
manders  to  remove  civil  officers  and  appoint  their  successors. 
When  he  does  I  will  forward  it  to  all  the  District  Commanders. 
It  is  very  plain  that  the  power  of  District  Commanders  to  try 
offenders  by  military  commissions  exists.  I  would  advise  that 
commissions  be  resorted  to  rather  than  arbitrary  removals  until  an 
opinion  is  had  from  the  Attorney-General,  or  it  is  found  that  he 
does  not  intend  to  give  one. 

"  I  will  say  here,  General,  that  I  have  watched  your  course 
closely,  as  I  have  that  of  all  the  District  Commanders,  and  find 
nothing  you  have  done  that  does  not  show  prudence  and  judg 
ment.  Rest  assured  that  all  you  have  done  meets  with  the  appro 
val  of  all  who  wish  to  see  the  act  of  Congress  executed  in  good  faith" 

And  so,  with  caution  and  moderation  mingled  with  deci 
sion  and  determination,  he  advised  the  subordinates  whom 
in  civil  matters  he  held  that  he  could  not  command.  They 
all  took  his  advice  with  the  same  deference  as  if  it  had  been 
an  order,  and  followed  it  implicitly.  Sheridan,  Sickles, 
Schofield,  Pope,  and  Ord,  the  five  District  Commanders,  all 
were  in  harmony  with  him  and  with  Congress,  although  all 
had  once  been  without  any  tinge  of  abolition  sentiment  and 
all  had  sympathized  fully  with  the  original  magnanimity  of 
Grant. 

But  not  only  was  his  influence  with  the  army  enormous, 
his  popularity  with  the  entire  country  was  at  this  time  at  its 
height.  Doubtless  it  was  the  knowledge  of  this  popularity 
which  restrained  Johnson  from  manifesting  open  resentment 


PRESIDENTIAL   OBSTRUCTION.  fo 

at  the  course  of  his  subordinate.  Wherever  Grant  went  he 
was  attended  by  enthusiastic  crowds ;  audiences  at  the  thea 
tres,  and  congregations  in  churches  rose  when  he  entered ; 
the  actors  themselves  applauded  him  from  the  stage,  the 
preachers  prayed  for  him  by  name  from  the  pulpit ;  towns 
were  illuminated  because  of  his  arrival ;  triumphal  arches 
were  built  for  him.  The  population  of  the  North  seemed 
unanimous  in  its  manifestations  of  affection  and  admiration ; 
the  supporters  of  the  war  because  he  had  been  victorious, 
the  friends  of  the  South  because  he  had  been  magnanimous. 
It  is  impossible  to  understand  either  Johnson's  forbearance 
or  Grant's  authority  all  through  this  epoch  without  bearing 
constantly  in  mind  that  Grant  was  the  most  popular  man  in 
America. 

I  visited  with  him  every  important  city  at  the  North,  and 
witnessed  the  ovations  he  received  from  millions.  I  was 
constantly  at  his  house  in  Washington,  and  saw  the  thou 
sands  who  thronged  to  his  receptions  there.  I  gave  out  the 
invitations  to  his  parties,  and  was  besieged  with  requests 
from  the  illustrious  and  the  obscure ;  from  foreign  Ministers 
and  Southern  Generals,  from  people  of  highest  fashion,  who 
were  proud  to  be  seen  at  his  entertainments,  and  from  pri 
vate  soldiers  and  humble  citizens,  who  were  made  as  welcome 
as  any.  Those  who  had  scorned  him  and  the  cause  that  he 
represented,  who  had  pretended  to  think  him  common  and 
plain,  were  swept  along  with  the  current ;  women  of  politics 
opposed  to  his  own,  who  once  had  positively  refused  to  be 
presented  to  him,  now  made  efforts  to  obtain  admission  to 
his  house;  and  especially  every  man  who  had  ever  fought 
against  him  was  ready  to  do  him  honor,  for  every  man  felt 
that  he  owed  him  his  parole,  and  every  officer  his  sword. 

All  this  was  known  to  the  President,  who  came,  as  I 
have  said,  to  Grant's  parties  with  all  the  rest  of  the  world. 
At  one  of  Grant's  receptions  at  which  Mr.  Johnson  was  pres 
ent,  I  recollect  also  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  the  Vice-Presi- 


^o  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

dent  of  the  down-fallen  Confederacy,  recently  released  at 
Grant's  interposition  from  his  prison;  the  Minister  of  the 
French  Emperor,  and  the  family  of  the  Mexican  President, 
Juarez,  whom  that  Emperor  had  through  Grant's  interposi 
tion  resisted  in  vain ;  a  crowd  of  fashionable  Northern  wo 
men  whose  husbands  had  opposed  the  war,  and  every  officer 
of  the  Union  army  who  was  then  in  Washington.  The  specta 
cle  of  this  complex  society  crowding  around  the  first  soldier 
of  the  country  impressed  the  Head  of  the  State,  and  made 
him  understand  that  it  was  better  to  seem,  at  least,  in  accord 
with  this  man  than  to  be  known  as  his  political  adversary. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

CONTINUED    CONFLICT    BETWEEN    GRANT    AND 
JOHNSON. 

DURING  the  summer  of  1867  the  conflict  of  opinion  and 
effort  between  Johnson  and  Grant  became  positive, 
though  it  was  still  in  a  great  degree  concealed  from  the 
country.  The  President's  opposition  to  the  Congressional 
policy  continued.  He  held  that  the  Reconstruction  acts 
were  unconstitutional,  and  that  consequently  he  was  not 
bound  to  obey  them.  Grant  held  that  only  the  Supreme 
Court  could  pronounce  on  the  question  of  constitutionality, 
and  that  until  it  should  pronounce,  all  officers,  from  the  Presi 
dent  down,  were  bound  to  obey  the  law.  In  May  and  June 
the  Attorney-General  delivered  the  opinions  which  Grant 
had  foreseen,  and  did  his  best  to  neutralize  the  force  and 
defeat  the  purpose  of  the  legislative  action.  The  President 
directed  Grant  to  forward  these  opinions  to  the  District  Com 
manders.  Grant  obeyed,  but  at  the  same  time  informed  the 
commanders  that  they  were  their  own  interpreters  of  their 
own  duties  and  powers  ;  and  as  the  President  gave  no  positive 
order  on  the  subject  none  of  them  conformed  their  action  to 
the  Attorney-General's  opinions.  The  President,  of  course, 
observed  the  tacit  disobedience,  but  he  was  powerless  to 
control  or  punish  his  subordinates.  He  had  disregarded  the 
will  of  Congress,  and  in  return  the  officers  of  the  army 
disregarded  his.  The  situation  was  approaching  mutiny  on 
one  side,  or  else  treason  on  the  other. 

Congress  had  adjourned  at  the  end  of  March  and  left  the 


72  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

contest  with  the  President  entirely  in  the  hands  of  Grant, 
uncertain  even  then  how  far  he  concurred  with  them  in 
purpose  or  sentiment.  Some,  indeed,  knew  that  he  was  in 
harmony  with  the  Legislature,  but  many  still  doubted  his 
sympathy.  In  July,  however,  Congress  met  again,  and  by 
this  time  the  majority  had  become  convinced  that  Grant  was 
in  accord  with  themselves  rather  than  with  the  President ; 
or  at  any  rate  those  who  yet  distrusted  him  thought  Recon 
struction  safer  in  his  hands  than  in  those  of  Johnson.  A 
supplementary  law  was  at  once  passed,  increasing  and  defin 
ing  the  powers  of  the  District  Commanders,  confirming  all 
their  previous  acts,  giving  them  the  right  in  terms  to  sus 
pend  or  remove  from  office  any  civil  functionary  holding 
place  under  State  authority,  and  defining  the  conditions  of 
registration  so  that  it  was  impossible  any  longer  to  misstate 
or  evade  the  intention  of  the  law.  But  more  than  all,  the 
supplementary  statute  made  the  acts  of  the  District  Com 
manders  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  General  of  the  Army, 
while  the  same  original  power  of  removal  and  suspension 
was  conferred  on  him  which  they  enjoyed,  and  it  was  made 
his  duty  as  well  as  theirs  to  exercise  this  power  whenever 
necessary  to  carry  out  the  purpose  of  the  law.  This  actually 
charged  Grant  with  the  supreme  duty  of  supervising  the 
Reconstruction  of  the  Union. 

The  authority  now  intrusted  to  the  General-in-Chief  made 
him  in  many  respects  independent  of  the  President.  He 
accepted  the  prerogative,  I  am  sure,  unwillingly,  but  believed 
it  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  those  results  which  the 
war  had  been  fought  to  secure.  At  an  earlier  stage  in  the 
crisis,  he  had  urged  that  this  peculiar  jurisdiction  should  not 
be  committed  to  him,  and  he  consented  to  receive  it  only 
when  he  became  convinced  that  Johnson  was  determined 
not  to  carry  out  the  law.  For  Grant  had  been  continually 
consulted  during  the  preparation  of  the  supplementary  act, 
and  did  much  to  limit  his  own  authority  and  to  restrain  the 


CONFLICT   BETWEEN   GRANT  AND   JOHNSON.  73 

most  ardent  of  the  President's  opponents.  It  was  at  one 
time  proposed  by  some  too-zealous  Congressmen  to  make 
him  almost  a  Dictator  over  the  Southern  States  and  entirely 
independent  of  the  President,  but  against  this  he  advised  in 
the  strongest  possible  manner,  as  subversive  of  the  princi 
ples  of  the  Government,  and  his  counsels  prevailed.  He 
not  only  had  no  ambition  for  additional  power,  he  even  yet 
shrank  from  assuming  an  attitude  of  avowed  or  public  antag 
onism  to  the  President.  He  disliked  both  the  appearance 
of  this  before  the  people,  and  the  reality,  however  disguised ; 
but  he  submitted  to  what  seemed  under  the  circumstances 
unavoidable.  If  I  had  any  power  of  reading  his  feelings, 
the  position  into  which  he  was  thrust  was  not  only  unac 
ceptable  to  him,  but  positively  painful ;  yet  he  wrould  not 
shirk  it.  He  wrote  to  Sherman  at  this  time : 

"  In  this  particular  there  is  little  difference  between  parties. 
No  matter  how  close  I  keep  my  tongue  each  tries  to  interpret 
from  the  little  I  let  drop  that  I  am  with  them.  I  wish  our  politi 
cal  troubles  were  ended  on  any  basis.  I  want  to  turn  over  the 
command  of  the  Army  to  you  for  a  year  or  so,  and  go  abroad 
myself.  But  to  leave  now  would  look  like  throwing  up  a  com 
mand  in  the  face  of  the  enemy." 

What  he  did  with  the  Republicans  at  this  time  was  not 
for  them  as  a  political  party,  but  because  he  believed  that 
the  acts  of  the  President  had  made  their  course  the  only  one 
practicable.  Nevertheless,  he  was  dragged  by  circumstances 
into  political  relations  which  those  about  him  began  to 
perceive  must  soon  become  denned.  He  was  too  shrewd 
and  clear-headed  not  to  understand  this  himself,  but  I  cer 
tainly  believe  that  he  disliked  the  prospect.  He  still  dis 
claimed  any  partisan  bias,  and  was  unwilling  to  be  called 
either  Republican  or  Democrat.  I  saw  nothing  in  him,  I 
heard  no  word  from  him,  in  all  this  crisis  that  betrayed  any 
political  aspiration  or  indicated  the  faintest  ambition  to 


74  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

succeed  Johnson  in  the  Presidency.  I  never  saw  him  more 
angry  than  when  unauthorized  persons  spoke  to  him  as  if  he 
was  likely  to  become  a  Presidential  candidate,  and  if  the 
three  or  four  individuals  whose  intimacy  he  recognized  ever 
mentioned  the  subject,  he  put  it  away  and  was  evidently 
annoyed.  Up  to  this  time  he  never  admitted  to  me  that  the 
event  was  probable,  far  less  desirable.  Rawlins  told  me  that 
Grant  refused  to  discuss  the  subject  with  him,  and  Mrs. 
Grant  assured  me  that  the  idea  was  most  distasteful  to  the 
General.  Those  who  knew  the  influence  she  maintained 
with  her  great  husband  will  believe  that  he  could  have  had 
no  such  desire  of  which  she  was  ignorant. 

Grant's  constitutional  reticence  must  be  constantly  kept 
in  mind  by  those  who  wish  to  appreciate  his  character. 
Because  he  did  not  speak  was  no  reason  to  suppose  he  did 
not  think  or  feel.  It  seemed  to  him  immodest  to  uncloak 
himself  to  the  world,  or  even  entirely  to  his  most  intimate 
friend.  He  could  not,  if  he  would,  expose  his  opinions  and 
sentiments  to  every  one  he  met.  He  was  indignant  at  those 
who  sought  to  penetrate  further  than  he  chose  to  allow,  and 
kept  back  something  from  them  who  got  closest.  He  had 
secrets  of  business  from  one  friend,  of  politics  from  another, 
of  feeling  from  many ;  and  no  one  knew  all.  I  found  out 
traits  in  his  character  in  the  last  months  of  his  life  that  I 
had  not  suspected  before,  and  I  doubt  not  that  he  had  emo 
tions  and  beliefs  which  he  died  without  revealing  to  his  wife 
or  children.  Yet  no  man  ever  loved  wife  or  children  more 
profoundly  than  he. 

After  the  Supplementary  Act  was  passed  he  entered  upon 
a  phase  of  his  career  that  required  all  the  forbearance, 
sagacity,  and  skill  of  which  he  was  master.  He  was  a  sub 
ordinate  of  the  President,  yet  had  been  made  in  some  degree 
independent  of  him.  The  President  was  naturally  indignant 
at  the  situation,  which  was  indeed  anomalous,  and  even 
unjustifiable,  except  on  the  ground  that  it  was  indispensable 


CONFLICT   BETWEEN   GRANT  AND   JOHNSON.  75 

in  order  to  save  the  State.  But  Congress  believed  the  Presi 
dent  not  only  hostile  to  the  true  interests  of  the  country, 
but  recusant  to  the  expressed  will  of  the  people.  The  era 
was  indeed  revolutionary  and  the  circumstances  unprece 
dented.  The  time  was  out  of  joint,  and  Grant  felt  that  it 
was  his  unwelcome  task  to  set  it  right.  It  was  made  his 
duty  both  by  law  and  by  patriotism  to  carry  out  a  policy 
which  the  Head  of  the  State  sought  by  every  means  to  defeat 
and  destroy;  and  Grant  determined  to  perform  the  duty. 
Nevertheless,  he  succeeded  even  yet  in  maintaining  the 
appearance  of  amicable  relations  with  the  President.  He 
showed  him  all  the  deference  due  his  office,  and  was  able  to 
postpone  for  a  while  longer  the  fiercest  phases  of  that  hostil 
ity  which  was  destined  to  break  out  at  last  between  the 
Executive  and  Congress. 

His  equanimity  of  temper  was  as  important  at  this  junc 
ture  as  either  his  steadfastness  or  unselfishness  of  purpose. 
He  had  no  anxiety  except  to  do  his  duty  and  save  his  whole 
country,  North  and  South,  from  further  peril.  He  felt  that 
it  was  as  important  not  to  inflame  passion  as  to  carry  out  a 
policy.  He  was  as  careful  not  to  exasperate  North  or  South 
as  to  perform  any  other  service  to  the  State.  A  word  from 
him  would  have  excited  Congress  beyond  its  own  control ; 
an  appeal  to  the  North  might  have  precipitated  another  war. 
But  he  kept  to  himself,  or  to  the  very  few  in  whom  he  con 
fided,  his  knowledge  of  many  exasperating  words  and  deeds ; 
he  cautioned  his  subordinates;  he  strove  to  hold  in  check 
the  hot-heads  in  Congress,  so  that  even  yet  there  were 
Republicans  who  doubted  him  and  only  used  him  because 
he  was  a  necessity.  He  felt  especially  —  I  often  heard  him 
declare  it  —  extreme  reluctance  to  the  use  of  arbitrary  power 
at  the  South.  He  was  republican  in  principle  and  democratic 
in  sentiment,  if  ever  a  man  was  either,  and  he  took  no 
arbitrary  step,  except  unwillingly.  But  he  felt  that  the 
emancipated  millions  must  be  protected,  that  the  recently 


76  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

hostile  population  must  be  held  in  check,  if  necessary  with 
the  curb  ;  and  though  he  was  anxious  to  appease  passion,  to 
harmonize,  if  yet  possible,  the  legislative  and  executive 
branches  of  the  Government,  to  preserve  the  democratic 
principle,  to  retain  his  own  magnanimous  feeling  toward  the 
conquered,  he  was  firm,  and  if  needful  stern,  in  holding  all 
that  had  been  acquired.  He  treated  those  who  had  been 
rebels  with  justice  as  well  as  mercy;  he  was  determined  to 
protect  the  white  and  black  Unionists  ;  he  would  carry  out 
the  law,  even  in  spite  of  its  highest  officer,  his  own  superior. 

He  thus  went  heartily  into  the  spirit  of  the  reconstruction 
measures.  He  advised  the  removal  of  all  Southern  function 
aries  who  were  not  really  anxious  to  renew  their  allegiance, 
but  at  the  same  time  urged  the  remission  of  the  penalties  of 
treason  in  the  case  of  those  who  proved  themselves  repentant, 
or  at  least  loyal.  He  counseled  his  subordinate  commanders 
constantly  and  watched  them  closely.  But  he  took  care  not 
to  transcend  his  powers.  His  letters  to  these  officers  are 
full  of  anxiety  not  to  overstep  his  own  limitations.  But  up 
to  this  time  the  District  Commanders  without  exception  took 
his  advice  as  orders. 

Under  this  wise  and  really  pacific  management  the  evil 
spirit  at  the  South  was  almost  laid  ;  murder  became  less 
common,  justice  more  frequent.  The  population  itself  de 
clared  its  satisfaction  with  military  rule,  its  preference  for 
this  to  any  now  practicable  government.  It  liked,  indeed, 
to  call  itself  conquered,  and  hugged  its  hardships.  For 
with  Grant  enforcing  the  law,  the  South  knew  there  was  no 
alternative.  In  many  States  the  registration  of  the  new 
voters  began.  It  seemed  as  if  Reconstruction  would  be 
accomplished,  and  peace  was  to  come  at  last  to  the  distracted 
land.  Perceiving  that  the  President  was  powerless  and  the 
North  determined,  the  South  prepared  to  submit  to  what 
was  inevitable,  as  it  had  submitted  before  at  Vicksburg  and 
at  Appomattox. 


CHAPTER  X. 

GRANT  AND  STANTON. 

WHEN  Johnson  discovered  that  in  spite  of  all  his 
opposition  Reconstruction  under  Grant  was  becom 
ing  a  reality,  he  remembered  that  he  had  still  another  wea 
pon  in  his  armory.  It  was  in  his  power  to  remove  the  Dis 
trict  Commanders  and  the  Secretary  of  War — who  were 
now  all  diligently  engaged  in  the  execution  of  the  law. 

A  wide  difference  of  opinion  had  early  become  apparent 
in  Johnson's  Cabinet,  the  members  of  which  were  originally 
appointed  by  Lincoln,  but  had  been  retained  by  his  succes 
sor.  As  soon  as  the  new  President  betrayed  his  antagonism 
to  those  who  had  elected  him,  four  out  of  his  seven  Ministers 
refused  to  second  what  they  considered  his  apostacy.  In 
July,  1866,  the  Postmaster-General  and  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior  resigned,  and  in  September  they  were  followed  by 
the  Attorney-General,  who  was  a  Southern  man,  but  unable 
to  approve  the  President's  policy.  Three  of  those  who  re 
mained  supported  Johnson  and  became  abettors  of  all  his 
devices  and  designs.  Seward,  the  original  Republican  leader, 
fell  away  completely  from  his  old  associates ;  Welles,  a  bitter 
Democrat  before  the  war,  returned  to  his  early  allies ;  and 
McCulloch,  who  had  never  been  prominent  in  politics  or 
public  life,  decided  to  retain  the  place  to  which  he  had  been 
elevated  on  the  resignation  of  a  superior. 

But  Stanton,  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  Minister  who 
had  been  most  important  of  all,  both  to  Lincoln  and  the 
country,  who  by  his  position  and  ability  and  energy  and 

(77) 


73  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

fidelity  had  done  more  than  any  other  civilian  except  Lin 
coln  to  serve  the  State ;  without  whose  efforts  indeed  the 
State  could  hardly  have  been  saved — this  man  remained  in 
the  Cabinet  to  oppose  what  he  deemed  the  dangerous  and 
treasonable  projects  of  the  President.  The  relations  of 
Grant  and  Stanton  had  been  peculiar.  They  had  never  met 
until  after  the  battle  of  Chicamauga,  when  at  Stanton's 
earnest  desire  Grant  was  placed  in  command  of  the  Western 
armies.  Then  an  interview  of  a  day  occurred  when  they 
traveled  together  from  Indianapolis  to  Louisville  and  dis 
cussed  the  military  situation.  After  Grant  became  General- 
in-Chief  their  intercourse  was  necessarily  constant  and  con 
fidential,  though  even  then  hardly  intimate.  In  Washington 
Grant  saw  more  of  Lincoln  than  of  the  Secretary,  and  his 
official  correspondence  with  the  Government  was  always 
addressed  to  Halleck,  the  Chief-of-Staff  of  the  army.  They 
had  no  personal  correspondence,  and  I  doubt  if  they  ex 
changed  a  dozen  letters  in  their  lives. 

Lincoln  gave  Grant  full  liberty  in  all  matters  of  strategy, 
and  Stanton  never  interfered.  When  Grant  started  on  the 
Wilderness  campaign  both  of  these  official  superiors  assured 
him  that  they  had  no  wish  to  become  acquainted  with  his 
plans.  But  Stanton,  as  well  as  the  President,  promised 
Grant  an  absolute  support ;  and  he  kept  his  word.  He  left 
nothing  undone  to  uphold  the  hands  of  the  General-in-Chief. 
He  never  indeed  expressed  great  admiration  for  Grant  nor 
pretended  to  any  especial  affection  for  him,  but  he  was  a 
stanch  ally.  The  most,  and  so  far  as  I  can  recollect,  the  last 
he  ever  said  in  praise  of  Grant  was  in  his  comments,  pub 
lished  at  the  time,  on  the  victory  at  Donelson.  In  his  re 
port  of  the  final  operations  of  the  war  there  is  not  one  word 
commending  Grant.  But  he  sent  him  all  the  men  and  arms 
and  supplies  he  required ;  he  made  all  the  assignments  of 
troops  and  commanders  that  Grant  requested ;  he  never 
thwarted  one  of  his  plans  or  interrupted  one  of  his  move- 


GRANT  AND   STANTON.  79 

ments.  There  were  times  when  he  probably  did  not  concur 
with  Grant,  but  he  deliberately  subordinated  his  own  opin 
ions  to  those  of  the  soldier  on  all  military  points.  Some 
times  when  Grant  was  too  far  away  to  be  easily  reached, 
Stanton,  probably  by  Halleck's  advice,  made  dispositions  or 
appointments  that  Grant  did  not  approve,  but  if  subse 
quently  Grant  wished  these  steps  reversed,  Stanton  never 
objected.  During  Early's  invasion  of  Maryland  telegraphic 
communication  between  Washington  and  City  Point  was 
interrupted  for  a  while,  and  great  confusion  and  alarm 
prevailed  at  the  capital.  Several  movements  were  ordered 
without  Grant's  knowledge,  all  of  which  proved  abortive. 
In  this  emergency  Stanton  finally  appealed  to  Grant.  He 
directed  Charles  A.  Dana,  then  Assistant  Secretary  of  War, 
to  say  to  Grant  that  unless  he  gave  positive  directions  and 
enforced  them  the  result  would  be  "  deplorable  and  fatal." 
When  Grant  placed  Sheridan  in  command  in  the  Valley  he 
did  it  knowing  that  his  own  confidence  in  that  officer's 
capacity  was  not  shared  by  the  Government,  but  neither 
Lincoln  nor  Stanton  interfered,  and  all  this,  though  Stanton 
was  an  imperious  man,  fond  of  power,  used  to  authority, 
and  never  doubting  his  own  judgment  in  civil  affairs.  But 
he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  intrust  plenary  authority  to 
Grant,  and  he  carried  out  his  intention  heartily  and  abso 
lutely.  Grant  fully  appreciated  this  course. 

They  had  one  little  difference  at  Chattanooga  when  Stan- 
ton  insisted  on  controlling  the  cipher  operator  at  Grant's 
headquarters,  but  this  was  soon  forgotten ;  and  Stanton 
always  directed  Grant's  telegraphic  orders  to  subordinate 
commanders  to  be  taken  off  the  wires  as  they  passed  through 
Washington,  so  that  he  might  inspect  them.  Grant  some 
times  would  have  preferred  to  withhold  the  information  these 
dispatches  contained,  lest  it  should  be  made  public  too  soon; 
but  Stanton  was  within  his  rights,  and  the  subject  was  never 
broached  in  their  correspondence  or  conversation.  At  every 
serious  point  their  harmony  was  undisturbed. 


80  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

This  is  the  statement  General  Grant  always  made  to  me. 
Until  the  last  year  of  his  life  he  expected  and  intended  my 
history  of  his  campaigns  to  be  the  final  authorized  expression 
of  his  views,  and  whatever  I  wrote  for  that  history  was  sub 
mitted  to  his  inspection.  In  the  winter  of  1879  I  sent  him 
my  account  of  his  relations  with  Stanton  which  is  similar 
to  that  now  given ;  he  found  nothing  to  correct,  but  replied 
from  Naples,  December  i8th:  "  Your  chapter  on  Stanton  is 
the  best  pen  picture  of  a  historical  character  I  ever  read.  I 
venture  to  predict  that  it  will  be  so  considered  by  others  when 
it  comes  before  the  public." 

In  November,  1864,  I  accompanied  Grant  to  Washington 
from  City  Point.  It  was  at  a  time  when  Stanton's  enemies 
and  rivals  were  making  every  effort  to  procure  his  removal. 
Grant  had  a  long  interview  with  Lincoln  in  which  they  dis 
cussed  the  subject,  and  the  same  day  he  told  me  what  had 
occurred.  Lincoln,  he  said,  introduced  the  subject,  and 
promised  that  if  a  change  took  place  he  would  consult  Grant 
before  appointing  a  new  War  Minister.  But  Grant  at  once 
advised  the  President  to  make  no  removal.  He  declared  that 
no  one  could  be  found  better  fitted  for  the  position  ;  that  the 
ability,  energy,  and  patriotism  of  Stanton  were  undoubted, 
and  as  for  himself  he  certainly  desired  no  other  superior. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  urgency  of  Grant  on  this 
occasion  strengthened  Stanton's  hold  on  the  President. 

In  March,  1865,  Grant  felt  a  little  sore  at  a  sharp  message 
he  received  through  Stanton,  forbidding  him  to  hold  any 
conference  with  Lee  except  on  purely  military  matters,  and 
there  were  those  about  him  who  attributed  what  they  thought 
an  implied  rebuke  to  Stanton's  influence.  But  they  were 
wrong;  for  Lincoln  wrote  with  his  own  hand  and  without 
suggestion  the  dispatch  that  Stanton  forwarded.  But  even 
this  produced  no  ill-feeling  between  the  great  patriots  who 
felt  that  each  in  his  sphere  was  doing  indispensable  service 
to  the  cause  in  which  they  were  alike  so  interested. 


GRANT  AND   STANTON.  gr 

After  the  war,  however,  Stanton  assumed  all  the  authority 
of  his  office.  When  every  one  else  was  paying  court  to 
Grant  he  showed  that  he  thought  the  Secretary  of  War  the 
superior  of  the  General  of  the  Army.  He  gave  Grant  orders, 
as  he  had  a  right  to  do,  and  always  sent  for  him  when  he 
wished  to  see  him  officially,  This  may  have  nettled  Grant  a 
little,  as  it  certainly  did  some  of  his  personal  friends ;  but 
it  never  annoyed  him  as  much  as  it  did  others.  There 
was  once,  indeed,  a  question  almost  of  authority.  Stanton 
insisted  that  all  orders  by  the  General-in-Chief  should  be 
submitted  to  him  before  they  were  issued  by  the  Adjutant- 
General  of  the  Army.  Sometimes  he  delayed  giving  the 
necessary  authorization,  but  when  Grant  protested  in  writing 
the  difficulty  was  obviated.  It  was  an  old  question,  and  had 
arisen  in  the  days  of  General  Scott ;  it  came  up  again,  or 
something  like  it,  after  Grant  had  ceased  to  be  General  of 
the  Army.  Grant  once  had  a  letter  written  to  the  President 
appealing  to  him  from  Stanton's  action  in  the  matter,  but  he 
tore  it  up,  and  there  was  no  rupture  or  open  disagreement. 

There  was  always,  however,  a  sort  of  personal  barrier 
between  them.  Grant  respected  profoundly  the  services 
Stanton  had  rendered  the  country,  and  I  doubt  not  the  senti 
ment  was  reciprocated.  But  Stanton  was  harsh  and  austere 
in  manner,  and  apparently  cared  little  for  the  feelings  of 
others.  He  doubtless  had  his  affections  and  his  intimacies, 
but  Grant  was  included  in  neither ;  and  at  times  the  harsh 
ness  was  extended  even  to  him,  probably  without  intent, 
perhaps  unconsciously.  But  Grant  was  in  reality  one  of 
the  most  sensitive  of  men.  He  regarded  the  feelings  of 
others  carefully,  and  it  was  always  painful  to  him  to  inflict 
pain.  Although  few  supposed  so,  he  felt  acutely  all  the 
censures  and  attacks  and  even  the  slights  of  which  he  was 
the  object.  He  said  nothing,  perhaps,  when  he  received 
them,  but  there  was  abundant  evidence,  which  those  who 
were  with  him  closely  could  detect,  that  Grant  was  a  thin- 
6 


82  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

skinned  man.  Therefore  these  asperities  of  Stanton  wounded 
him.  He  was  in  no  way  elated  at  his  own  success  and  his 
honors,  but  he  was  nevertheless  conscious  that  he  had  done 
good  service  to  the  country;  he  knew  that  he  occupied 
a  dignified  position  before  the  world  ;  and  the  attention  and 
consideration  he  received  were  far  from  disagreeable  to  him. 
When  in  the  midst  of  all  this,  one  man  roughly  asserted  or 
implied  a  superiority,  sent  for  Grant  as  he  would  for  a  lieu 
tenant,  or  allowed  his  orders  as  General-in-Chief  to  remain 
for  days  unapproved,  Grant  was  touched,  as  any  other  human 
being  would  have  been  under  the  circumstances.  He  did 
not,  indeed,  resent  what  he  disliked,  for  Stanton  never  tran 
scended  his  technical  rights  —  though  he  sometimes  ap 
proached  the  verge  —  but  the  recollection  remained  and 
produced  a  permanent  impression.  Thus  without  any  abso 
lute  variance  ever  occurring,  and  while  on  all  important 
matters  the  two  were  in  complete  harmony,  their  personal 
intercourse  was  never  familiar,  and  hardly  agreeable.  I  do 
not  believe  either  ever  enjoyed  the  other's  society.  But 
they  were  true  patriots  and  earnest  men.  The  moment  a 
question  of  duty  to  the  country  or  to  each  other  was  in 
volved,  all  this  petty  unrevealed  sentiment  was  ignored  or 
trampled  on.  To  my  mind  their  behavior  to  each  other  was 
finer  than  if  they  had  been  warmly  and  personally  attached. 

I  must  add  one  remark.  As  I  look  back  upon  these 
matters  now,  with  all  my  partiality  for  my  personal  chief,  I 
am  convinced  that  while  Stanton  was  undoubtedly  lacking 
in  delicacy  and  perhaps  withheld  some  of  the  consideration 
to  which  Grant  was  entitled,  he  doubtless  believed  that  he 
was  asserting  an  important  principle  —  the  superiority  of  the 
civil  over  the  military  arm,  the  doctrine  that  even  a  victorious 
General-in-Chief  is,  under  our  institutions,  the  subordinate 
of  the  executive  branch  of  the  Government. 

But  these  were  absolutely  the  only  points  on  which  the 
soldier  and  the  Secretary  had  ever  differed.  They  would  be 


GRANT  AND   STANTON.  g^ 

insignificant  if  their  effect  and  importance  had  not  been 
unduly  magnified.  They  are  to  be  mentioned  only  to  be 
disposed  of,  brought  forward  only  to  be  brushed  away. 
Grant  had  a  higher  respect  for  the  character  and  services  of 
none  of  his  compatriots  than  for  Stanton.  He  had  been 
a  cordial  co-worker  with  him  in  the  War,  and  he  was  now 
as  cordially  working  with  him  in  a  crisis  which  both  consid 
ered  was  as  important  as  any  through  which  they  had  already 
passed. 

Stanton's  accord  with  Grant  at  this  crisis  is  indicated 
in  the  following  informal  note  written  in  pencil,  which  I 
preserved : 

GENERAL, —  I  have  received  the  copy  of  General  Sheridan's 
telegram.  I  do  not  remember  when  he  proposed  to  close  the 
registration,  but  think  it  was  the  loth  or  151!!  of  June.  There 
appears  to  be  no  necessity  for  any  action  until  we  can  confer 
together,  and  in  the  meantime  General  Sheridan  can  let  his  orders, 
if  he  has  made  any,  stand  until  he  gets  instructions  from  you. 
Yours  truly,  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

GENERAL  GRANT.  June  22,  '67. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


GRANT,  STANTON,  AND  JOHNSON. 

DURING  the  spring  and  summer  of  186$  both  Grant 
and  Stanton  were  opposing  their  common  superior,  for 
both  believed  that  superior  was  opposing  the  declared  will 
of  the  people,  to  whom  Presidents  are  responsible.  Stanton 
remained  in  the  Cabinet  for  the  express  purpose  of  prevent 
ing  Johnson  from  carrying  out  .his  opposition  to  the  law. 
His  course  was  approved  by  the  mass  of  those  who  had  been 
friendly  to  the  Government  during  the  war.  It  was  ap 
proved  by  Grant,  with  whom  the  fact  that  the  people  had 
spoken  was  paramount.  Even  had  he  disapproved  the  law 
he  would  have  felt  it  his  duty  to  enforce  it,  and  he  was 
shocked  as  well  as  pained  at  the  spectacle  of  the  President 
and  nearly  all  his  Cabinet  devoting  their  energies  and  arts  to 
plotting  the  obstruction  and  evasion  of  the  law. 

If  he  had  felt  some  twinges  of  annoyance  at  Stanton's 
brusque  demeanor,  he  put  away  the  remembrance  now,  and 
throughout  this  entire  crisis  the  two  were  heartily  in  accord. 
They  concerted  constantly  how  best  to  execute  the  intent  of 
Congress  in  spite  of  him  whom  Stanton  at  least  deemed  a 
guilty  conspirator.  Stanton,  indeed,  being  in  the  Cabinet, 
probably  knew  even  more  than  Grant  of  the  designs  and 
machinations  of  the  President.  He  had  never  relented  from 
his  original  austerity  toward  rebellion,  and  Grant,  once  so 
lenient,  had  been  gradually  brought  to  a  frame  of  mind  in 
which  he  was  able  to  stand  by  the  side  of  the  Secretary. 

The  situation  was  unprecedented  in  the  history  of   the 

(84) 


GRANT,  STANTON,  AND  JOHNSON.          3^ 

country.  A  Cabinet  Minister  and  the  General  of  the  Army 
were  doing  their  utmost  to  thwart  the  President;  the  two 
men  of  all  then  living  who  had  been  foremost  in  the  struggle 
against  rebellion  were  opposing  the  successor  of  Abraham 
Lincoln.  The  President  himself,  and  all  but  one  of  his  legal 
advisers,  were  engaged  in  the  effort  to  subvert  or  pervert  the 
declared  will  of  the  people,  and  those  who  in  ordinary  times 
should  and  would  have  been  his  most  faithful  supporters, 
now  deemed  it  their  highest  duty  to  watch  him,  to  check 
him,  to  detect  his  plans,  to  disclose  to  each  other  his  move 
ments,  to  unmask  his  designs,  to  circumvent  and  restrain 
and  baffle  his  schemes.  For  they  regarded  the  man  who 
should  have  been  the  first  servant  of  the  State  as  at  this 
moment  its  most  dangerous  enemy.  They  thought  he  was 
undoing  all  that  they  had  achieved,  bringing  back  the  rule 
they  had  overturned,  defying  the  decision  of  the  faithful 
North,  installing  sedition  in  the  place  of  loyalty.  On  the 
7th  of  June  Grant  wrote  to  Sheridan  as  follows : 

"  I  was  absent  from  here  on  my  way  to  West  Point  when  the 
correspondence  commenced  between  you  and  the  Secretary  of 
War  which  culminated  in  the  removal  of  Governor  Wells.  I 
knew  nothing  of  it,  except  what  was  published  in  the  papers,  until 
my  return  here  yesterday.  The  Secretary's  dispatch  was  in  obe 
dience  to  an  order  from  the  President  written  on  Saturday  before 
starting  South,  but  not  delivered  to  the  Secretary  until  Monday 
after  I  left  my  office.  I  know  Mr.  Stanton  is  disposed  to  support 
you,  not  only  in  this  last  measure,  but  in  every  official  act  of  yours 
thus  far.  He  cannot  say  so  because  it  is  in  Cabinet  he  has  to  do 
this,  and  there  is  no  telling  when  he  may  not  be  overruled ;  and  it 
is  not  in  keeping  with  his  position  to  announce  beforehand  that 
he  intends  to  differ  with  his  associate  advisers." 

In  fact  both  Grant  and  Stanton  were  frequently  com 
pelled  to  issue  orders  the  purpose  of  which  they  abhorred ; 
orders  which,  though  clearly  designed  to  conflict  with  the 
intention  of  the  law,  were  skillfully  framed  so  as  to  be  tech- 


86  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

nically  within  its  terms.  They  then  more  than  once  dis 
cussed  the  means  by  which  they  too  could  apparently  obey 
the  directions  of  a  superior  and  yet  neutralize  his  intent  and 
purpose. 

This  very  letter  to  Sheridan  was  written  under  peculiar 
circumstances,  and  to  explain  away  the  apparent  disapproval 
of  the  Secretary.  Grant  had  gone  to  West  Point,  whither  I 
accompanied  him,  but  his  visit  was  suddenly  terminated,  and 
he  returned  to  Washington  because  of  a  telegram  from 
the  Assistant  Adjutant-General  at  his  own  headquarters, 
containing  only  these  words:  "You  are  needed  here." 
This  was  in  consequence  of  an  agreement  he  had  made  with 
Stanton  that  he  should  be  summoned  in  this  way,  if  neces 
sary.  Thus  the  telegram  from  a  captain  was  in  reality  a 
message  from  the  Secretary  of  War.  It  meant,  and  Grant 
so  understood  it,  that  the  President  of  the  United  States 
was  plotting  mischief,  and  that  the  General  of  the  Army 
was  required  to  help  frustrate  the  design.  Grant  at  once 
gave  up  his  engagements  and  hurried  back  to  Washington. 

In  considering  the  behavior  of  both  Grant  and  Stanton 
at  this  period  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  was  no  or 
dinary  political  crisis.  It  was  not  a  struggle  for  office,  or  a 
contest  about  a  tariff  or  a  bankrupt  law  in  which  they  were 
engaged,  but  a  dispute  that  followed  hard  on  a  terrible  civil 
war.  It  was  the  reconstruction  of  the  Union  that  was  at 
issue.  The  question  was  whether  the  States  that  had  seceded 
and  the  population  that  had  rebelled  should  be  re-admitted 
to  their  former  place  with  or  without  the  stipulations  and 
restrictions  which  the  victors  had  decided  to  demand.  More 
than  this,  the  hopes  held  out  by  Johnson  of  easier  terms  had 
revived  the  ambition  and  disturbed  the  quiet  of  the  South. 
Naturally,  after  a  great  and  disastrous  convulsion  there  were 
many  perturbed  spirits,  some  perhaps  ready  to  seize  any 
opportunity  to  recover  what  they  had  lost ;  there  was  a  pop 
ulation  of  millions  recently  set  free,  living  among  their  for- 


GRANT,  STANTON,  AND  JOHNSON.          gj 

mer  masters ;  there  were  the  Unionists  of  the  South  in  the 
midst  of  the  unsuccessful  Confederates ;  there  was  every 
cause  for  anxiety,  every  paSsion  and  sentiment  to  be  ap 
peased  and  allayed  and  controlled. 

All  these  seething  elements  of  disorder  were  stirred  up 
by  Johnson's  obstinacy.  The  Southerners  would  have  sub 
mitted  to  the  inevitable,  but  he  encouraged  and  incited  them 
to  hold  out  still.  If  the  decision  of  the  North  was  accepted 
by  the  South,  there  would  be  an  end  of  the  trouble,  but  by 
the  stimulating  conduct  of  the  President,  by  his  incessant 
public  and  private  provocations  and  persuasions  and  exhorta 
tions,  he  prolonged  the  struggle  and  made  worse  things 
probable.  It  was  the  apprehension  of  still  further  confusion 
and  re-awakened  strife  that  made  the  situation  so  critical,  and 
justified  Grant  and  Stanton  to  themselves  in  their  anomalous 
and  extraordinary  course.  They  believed  that  by  steadily 
carrying  out  the  will  of  Congress  and  of  the  people  in  spite 
of  the  President  they  would  put  an  end  to  the  chaos,  and 
bring  back  peace  and  the  Union  on  the  only  terms  which  the 
victorious  North  would  tolerate. 

This  feeling  of  his  subordinates  was  of  course  known  to 
the  President,  and  it  was  no  secret  that  he  wished  to  rid 
himself  of  his  War  Secretary.  But  the  friends  of  Congress, 
Grant  among  them,  counseled  Stanton  not  to  resign.  It 
was  feared,  however,  that  Johnson  would  peremptorily  dis 
miss  the  Cabinet  Minister,  who  was  no  longer  in  his  confi 
dence,  and  Congress  took  extraordinary  means  to  prevent 
this  action.  The  well-known  Tenure  of  Office  bill  was 
devised  in  order  to  make  it  impossible  for  Johnson  to  remove 
subordinates  who  were  not  in  harmony  with  his  views.  The 
President  naturally  desired  to  have  only  his  own  supporters 
in  office  at  such  a  crisis,  while  Congress  was  determined 
that  those  whom  Lincoln  had  appointed  should  not  be  dis 
placed  by  the  successor  who  had  certainly  betrayed  his  party, 
and  who  they  thought  was  ready  to  betray  his  country.  So 


88  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

the  law  was  passed,  against  the  protestations  and  over  the 
veto  of  the  President,  prohibiting  him,  without  the  approval 
of  the  Senate,  from  removing  officers  whose  confirmation 
required  the  Senate's  approval.  The  rule  was  extended, 
with  certain  restrictions,  to  members  of  the  Cabinet;  and 
the  President  was  not  allowed  to  dismiss  a  Minister  until  the 
end  of  his  term.  He  was  at  liberty,  however,  during  the 
recess  of  Congress,  to  suspend  any  officer  for  cause,  but 
must  report  the  case  to  the  Senate  when  it  re-assembled. 
If,  then,  the  Senate  concurred,  the  officer  was  dismissed;  if 
not,  he  was  restored.  This  law,  it  was  matter  of  notoriety, 
had  especial  reference  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  It  was 
passed  in  March,  and  Congress  adjourned  on  the  2Oth  of 
July. 

Eleven  days  afterward,  Mr.  Johnson  sent  for  Grant  and 
informed  him  that  he  intended  to  suspend  Stanton,  and  at 
the  same  time  remove  Sheridan  from  New  Orleans.  He 
also  stated  that  he  meant  to  appoint  Grant  himself  Secretary 
of  War  ad  interim.  There  could  be  no  possible  doubt  of 
the  purpose  of  this  move.  It  was  intended  to  nullify  as  far 
as  possible  the  action  of  Congress,  to  punish  men  for  striv 
ing  to  execute  the  law,  to  hinder  the  Reconstruction  policy. 
Johnson  could  hardly  have  hoped  to  accomplish  much  by 
putting  Grant  in  Stanton's  place.  Still  the  soldier  was  less 
unbending  in  manner  than  the  Secretary,  less  uncompromis 
ing  in  the  appearance  of  hostility ;  and  his  military  habit  of 
subordination  may  even  yet  have  misled  the  President.  He 
certainly  was  less  skilled  in  the  arts  of  political  chicanery, 
and  Johnson  may  have  thought  it  possible  still  to  inveigle 
or  overreach  him.  But  the  especial  object  doubtless  was, 
not  so  much  to  manage  Grant  as  to  affect  the  people,  to 
produce  the  impression  on  the  country  that  Grant  was  in 
accord  with  the  Administration,  and  that  by  entering  the 
Cabinet  at  this  crisis  he  was  offering  proof  of  his  sympathy 
with  the  President. 


GRANT,   STANTON,   AND   JOHNSON.  gg 

There  was  also  doubtless  a  personal  reason  why  Johnson 
wished  to  foster  this  idea.  It  was  plain  by  this  time  that 
Grant's  popularity  was  likely  to  make  him  a  Presidential 
candidate,  and  the  belief  that  he  sustained  Johnson  would 
destroy  his  hold  upon  the  Republicans.  Grant  had  indeed 
so  successfully  concealed  his  opposition  to  the  President 
from  the  public  knowledge  that  the  mass  of  the  people  could 
easily  be  led  to  suppose  he  was  Johnson's  adherent.  This 
would  naturally  antagonize  the  Republicans,  while,  with  the 
President's  party,  the  President  himself  of  course  was  chief. 
Johnson  probably  feared  no  rival  but  Grant  He  flattered 
himself  he  could  defeat  any  other  candidate  of  the  Repub 
licans,  so  that  by  making  Grant  impossible  he  would  secure 
his  own  success.  Thus  the  Administration  undoubtedly 
hoped  to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  Grant's  popularity  at  the  very 
moment  they  were  seeking  to  undermine  it ;  a  bit  of  craft 
worthy  of  Machiavelli,  or  of  Seward. 

But  Grant  protested  earnestly  against  the  entire  proposi 
tion.  He  not  only  did  this  promptly  in  conversation,  when 
Johnson  announced  the  design,  but  on  his  return  to  his  own 
headquarters  he  wrote  the  famous  letter  marked  "  Private," 
which  has  already  been  given  to  the  .world.  I  quote  the 
portion  referring  to  Stanton: 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  > 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  August  i,  1867.      ) 

[Private.] 
His  Excellency,  A.  JOHNSON,  President  of  the  United  States : 

SIR,  —  I  take  the  liberty  of  addressing  you  privately  on  the 
subject  of  the  conversation  we  had  this  morning,  feeling  as  I  do 
the  great  danger  to  the  welfare  of  the  country  should  you  carry 
out  the  designs  then  expressed. 

First,  on  the  subject  of  the  displacement  of  the  Secretary  of 
War.  His  removal  cannot  be  effected  against  his  will  without  the 
consent  of  the  Senate.  It  is  but  a  short  time  since  the  United 
States  Senate  was  in  session  and  why  not  then  have  asked  for 


cp  GRANT  IN  PEACE. 

this  removal  if  it  was  desired  ?  It  certainly  was  the  intention  of 
the  Legislative  branch  of  the  Government  to  place  Cabinet  Min 
isters  beyond  the  power  of  Executive  removal,  and  it  is  pretty 
well  understood  that,  so  far  as  Cabinet  Ministers  are  affected  by 
the  Tenure  of  Office  bill,  it  was  intended  specially  to  protect  the 
Secretary  of  War,  whom  the  country  felt  great  confidence  in. 
The  meaning  of  the  law  may  be  explained  away  by  an  astute 
lawyer  but  common  sense  and  the  views  of  loyal  people  will  give 
to  it  the  effect  intended  by  its  framers.  .  .  . 

In  conclusion,  allow  me  to  say  as  a  friend,  desiring  peace  and 
quiet,  the  welfare  of  the  whole  country  North  and  South,  that  it 
is  in  my  opinion  more  than  the  loyal  people  of  this  country 
(I  mean  those  who  supported  the  Government  during  the  great 
Rebellion)  will  quietly  submit  to,  to  see  the  very  men  of  all  others 
who  they  have  expressed  confidence  in,  removed. 

I  would  not  have  taken  the  liberty  of  addressing  the  Execu 
tive  of  the  United  States  thus,  but  for  the  conversation  on  the 
subject  alluded  to  in  this  letter,  and  from  a  sense  of  duty,  feeling 
that  I  know  I  am  right  in  this  matter. 

With  great  respect,  your  ob't  serv't, 

U.  S.  GRANT,  General. 

There  were  several  interviews  within  the  next  few  days 
at  which  the  subordinate  strove  to  change  the  determination 
of  his  superior,  but  Johnson  remained  immovable.  Grant 
had  at  once  made  known  the  President's  purpose  to  Stanton 
and  Sheridan,  as  well  as  to  others  in  his  confidence.  These 
last  were  few,  for  Congress  was  not  in  session,  and  the  princi 
pal  people  whom  he  might  have  consulted  were  absent.  He 
discussed,  however,  with  Stanton  the  course  he  should  pur 
sue  in  case  the  President  persisted.  It  was  agreed  that 
Grant's  duty  in  that  event  was  to  accept  the  position  prof 
fered,  and  as  far  as  possible  prevent  further  mischief.  He 
could  take  up  Stanton's  course  when  Stanton  was  no  longer 
in  the  Cabinet,  and  thus  mitigate  some  of  the  evils  of  his 
removal. 

The  protests  of  Grant  delayed  Johnson's  action  just  five 


GRANT,  STANTON,  AND  JOHNSON.          gx 

days.  Then,  on  the  5th  of  August,  in  a  formal  letter,  the 
President  requested  Stanton's  resignation.  The  same  day 
Stanton  answered,  also  in  writing,  that  "public  considera 
tions  of  a  high  character  constrained  him  from  resigning 
before  the  next  meeting  of  Congress."  Again  Johnson  hesi 
tated  for  a  week;  but  on  the  I2th  of  August  he  issued  an 
order  in  strict  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  Tenure 
of  Office  act,  suspending  Stanton  and  appointing  Grant  Sec 
retary  of  War  ad  interim. 

Grant  thereupon  addressed  the  following  letter  to  Stan- 
ton,  of  which  I  preserved  the  original  draft,  with  the  lines 
struck  out  by  Grant's  own  hand : 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  August  12,  1867.      > 
SIR,  —  Enclosed  herewith  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  to  you 
a  copy  of  a  letter  just  received  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  notifying  me  of   my  assignment  as  Acting   Secretary  of 
War,  and  directing  me  to  assume  those  duties  at  once. 

In  notifying  you  of  my  acceptance,  I  cannot  let  the  oppor 
tunity  pass  without  expressing  to  you  my  appreciation  of  the  zeal, 
patriotism,  firmness,  and  ability  with  which  you  have  ever  dis 
charged  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  War. 

With  great  respect,  your  ob't  serv't, 

U.  S.  GRANT,  General. 
To  Hon.  EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War. 


[ENT,       ) 

;,  1867.  ) 


To  this  Stanton  replied  as  follows  : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON  CITY,  August  12, 
GENERAL,  —  Your  note  of  this  date,  accompanied  by  a  copy  of 
a  letter  addressed  to  you,  August  i2th,  by  the  President,  appoint 
ing  you  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim,  and  informing  me   of  your 
acceptance  of  the  appointment,  has  been  received. 

Under  a  sense  of  public  duty  I   am  compelled  to  deny  the 
President's  right,  under  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 


i\f  * 


94 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


States,  to  suspend  me  from  office  as  Secretary  of  War,  or  to 
authorize  any  other  person  to  enter  upon  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  that  office,  or  to  require  me  to  transfer  to  you  or  any 
other  person  the  records,  books,  papers,  and  other  property  in  my 
official  custody  and  charge  as  Secretary  of  War. 

But  inasmuch  as  the  President  has  assumed  to  suspend  me 
from  the  office  as  Secretary  of  War,  and  you  have  notified  me 
of  your  acceptance  of  the  appointment  of  Secretary  of  War  ad 
interim,  I  have  no  alternative  but  to  submit,  under  protest,  to  the 
superior  force  of  the  President. 

You  will  please  accept  my  acknowledgment  of  the  kind  terms 
in  which  you  have  notified  me  of  your  acceptance  of  the  Presi 
dent's  appointment,  and  my  cordial  reciprocation  of  the  sentiments 
expressed. 

I  am,  with  sincere  regard,  truly  yours, 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War. 

General  ULYSSES  S.  GRANT. 

Grant  was  not  quite  pleased  with  this  letter,  which 
seemed  to  imply  that  he  was  in  accord  with  the  President, 
or  at  least  that  he  should  not  have  accepted  the  post,  but 
Stanton  could  hardly  have  been  in  an  amiable  mood  when 
he  was  dispossessed,  even  toward  the  unwilling  instrument 
of  his  removal. 

But  the  annoyance  that  Grant  felt  made  no  difference  in 
his  action.  The  crisis  was  too  momentous  for  any  personal 
feeling  to  be  allowed  to  interfere.  He  had  been  thoroughly 
loyal  to  Stanton  and  to  the  country,  and  he  became  Secre 
tary  of  War  with  the  intention  to  do  his  utmost  to  carry 
out  the  policy  which  Stanton  was  removed  for  persisting  to 
execute. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

GRANT  AND  SHERIDAN. 

STANTON  had  fallen  and  the  next  official  victim  was  to 
be  Sheridan.  Stanton  was  suspended  on  the  I2th  of 
August,  and  on  the  i/th  Grant  received  the  President's 
commands  for  the  removal  of  Sheridan.  He  at  once  pro 
tested  against  the  execution  of  the  order.  He  was  indeed 
profoundly  moved,  and  even  exasperated  ;  for  his  regard  for 
Sheridan  had  now  become  personal.  Sheridan  had  almost 
grown  up  as  a  general  under  Grant's  own  eye,  until  finally 
the  chief  declared  the  subordinate  the  peer  of  any  soldier 
of  any  time.  Often  have  I  listened  to  Grant's  encomiums 
of  the  Soldier  of  the  Valley ;  more  than  once  have  I  wit 
nessed  manifestations  of  regard  on  both  sides  as  touching  as 
they  were  honorable  to  him  who  gave  and  him  who  received. 
The  history  of  their  relations  is  like  a  story  from  Homer. 
It  was  the  friendship  of  chieftains,  the  love  of  strong  men 
who  had  stood  side  by  side  in  war,  and  watched  each  other's 
deeds.  Soon  after  Shiloh  Sheridan  joined  the  army  in  Ten 
nessee  and  so  distinguished  himself  that  Grant  at  once 
perceived  his  military  quality.  In  September,  1862,  Grant 
was  ordered  to  send  a  portion  of  his  command  to  re-inforce 
Rosecrans.  He  was  at  the  landing  himself  when  the  troops 
embarked,  and  noticed  Sheridan  among  them  at  the  head  of 
his  brigade.  "  You  here,  Sheridan  !  "  he  exclaimed  ;  "  I  did 
not  mean  that  you  should  leave  me";  for  he  was  unwilling 
to  lose  a  man  of  whose  stuff  he  was  so  sure.  But  Sheridan 
thought  that  to  go  to  Rosecrans  at  that  time  was  to  go 

(95) 


Q6  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

where  there  would  be  most  righting,  and  he  showed  no 
desire  to  remain.  Grant  was  nettled  at  this,  and  allowed  his 
subordinate  to  depart ;  little  dreaming,  either  of  them,  then, 
how  important  they  were  to  be  to  each  other  on  grander 
and  distant  theaters.  Grant  told  me  this  story  years  ago,  to 
add  to  a  sketch  of  Sheridan  I  was  writing  for  The  Century 
Magazine. 

Soon,  however,  the  chief  followed  the  subaltern  to  the 
same  field,  and  again,  at  Chattanooga,  the  fiery  spirit  and 
genius  of  Sheridan  commended  themselves  to  his  superior. 
Grant  always  spoke  in  glowing  language  of  Sheridan's  charge 
at  Mission  Ridge,  and  still  more  warmly  of  the  pursuit  of 
the  enemy  afterward.  He  had  already  detected  that  quality 
so  rare  even  in  illustrious  soldiers  —  the  power  to  make  the 
most  of  a  victory. 

When  Grant  became  General-in-Chief,  he  at  once  put 
Sheridan  at  the  head  of  the  Eastern  cavalry.  I  remember 
asking  him  about  the  new  commander  whom  at  that  time 
I  had  not  seen,  and  his  praise  was  enthusiastic  when  he 
described  the  energy  and  ability,  the  promptness  and  per 
sistency  of  his  subordinate.  Grant  indeed  always  became 
eloquent  when  he  talked  of  Sherman  or  Sheridan.  His 
tongue  was  loosened  then,  however  taciturn  at  other  times. 
His  face  was  flushed  with  generous  ardor,  his  eye  gleamed, 
and  he  even  gesticulated  a  little  when  he  told  of  the  achieve 
ments  of  the  only  two  men  who  could  ever  by  any  chance 
become  his  rivals. 

But  ignorant  of  the  great  things  Fortune  had  in  store 
for  him,  Sheridan  was  at  this  time  reluctant  to  leave  the 
West.  Not  that  he  was  in  the  least  unwilling  to  serve  near 
Grant,  but  he  had  arrived  at  the  command  of  a  division ;  he 
was  attached  to  his  men  and  they  to  him  ;  he  would  have 
preferred  to  remain  in  the  field  that  he  knew  and  with  the 
troops  he  had  already  led.  But  he  was  too  good  a  soldier 
to  betray  dissatisfaction,  and  he  went  without  murmuring 


GRANT  AND   SHERIDAN.  Q7 

to  the  theater  where  he  was  to  become  so  renowned,  and  to 
the  chief  with  whose  fame  his  own  was  to  be  forever  asso 
ciated.  From  that  time  I  can  testify  to  the  confidence, 
the  chivalrous  admiration,  the  commendation  which  Grant 
bestowed  on  his  cavalry  commander.  In  the  Wilderness 
campaign  the  young  general  (he  was  only  thirty-two),  was 
constantly  given  the  most  difficult  and  dangerous  tasks. 
When  he  was  sent  off  on  a  distant  expedition  his  formal 
orders  went  through  Meade,  but  Grant  always  saw  him  in 
person  and  added  verbal  instructions,  explaining  his  views, 
defining  his  aim,  but  leaving  all  details  of  execution  to  the 
subordinate.  They  easily  understood  each  other,  they  had 
so  much  in  common. 

When  Early  advanced  upon  Washington  Grant  selected 
Sheridan  to  oppose  him,  against  the  wish  of  the  Govern 
ment,  which  thought  him  too  young  and  inexperienced  for 
the  position.  But  the  avalanche  of  success  crushed  out  all 
criticism  of  the  choice.  In  1878  Grant  wrote  me  on  this 
subject  from  the  Hague : 

"DEAR  GENERAL,  —  Your  letter  of  the  1 2th,  with  inclosure, 
was  received  before  my  departure  from  Paris.  But  I  had  no  time 
to  do  more  than  read  your  letter  before  leaving,  so  brought  the 
whole  here  to  examine  and  approve,  or  otherwise.  I  have  made 
marginal  notes  in  pencil  of  all  I  have  to  say.  I  do  not  think  there 
is  anything  to  strike  out,  nor  anything  to  add  except  what  you 
can  get  from  the  notes  referred  to.  You  may  recollect  that  when 
I  visited  Sheridan  at  Charleston  I  had  a  plan  of  battle  with  me  to 
give  him.  But  I  found  him  so  ready  to  move  —  plan  and  all  — 
that  I  gave  him  no  order  whatever  except  the  authority  to  move. 
He  is  entitled  to  all  the  credit  of  his  great  victory,  and  it  estab 
lished  him  in  the  confidence  of  the  President  and  Secretary  of 
War  as  a  commander  to  be  trusted  with  the  fullest  discretion  in 
the  management  of  all  the  troops  under  him.  Before  that,  while 
they  highly  appreciated  him  as  a  commander  to  execute,  they  felt 
a  little  nervous  about  giving  him  too  much  discretion." 
7 


98  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

I  shall  never  forget  Grant's  delight  over  the  telegrams 
he  received  from  Sheridan  during  this  campaign.  They 
were  handed  to  him  usually  as  we  sat  around  the  camp-fire 
at  City  Point,  waiting  for  news  often  till  late  into  the  night, 
during  that  long  and  dreary  autumn  of  1864.  No  success 
had  cheered  us  at  the  East  for  months.  Lee  still  held  off 
Grant  in  front  of  Richmond,  and  Hood  had  compelled  Sher 
man  to  retrace  his  steps  from  Atlanta ;  political  hostility  at 
the  rear  made  the  situation  at  the  front  seem  darker  even 
than  the  reality,  and  the  first  gleams  of  light  came  from 
Sheridan's  victories  in  the  Valley.  As  Grant  read  out  the 
ringing  dispatches  :  "  We  sent  them  whirling  through  Win 
chester";  "They  were  followed  on  the  jump  twenty-six 
miles " ;  "I  thought  it  best  to  delay  here  one  day  and  settle 
this  new  cavalry  general"; — his  voice  betrayed  how  wel 
come  was  the  news.  "Keep  on,"  he  replied,  "and  your 
good  work  will  cause  the  fall  of  Richmond."  The  inspira 
tion  of  these  successes  and  the  encouragement  they  gave 
to  Grant  were  the  germ  of  one  of  the  most  beautiful  friend 
ships  in  history. 

From  that  time  he  relied  on  Sheridan  as  completely  as 
on  Sherman.  The  final  movement  against  Petersburg  had 
no  success  for  several  days.  More  than  one  of  those  whose 
judgment  Grant  often  heeded  advised  him  to  return.  He 
himself  was  gloomy;  not  despondent,  for  that  I  never  saw 
him  in  the  field,  but  profoundly  anxious.  But  one  dark  and 
rainy  morning  Sheridan  came  riding  into  camp,  and  talked 
so  cheerily,  so  confidently,  so  intelligently  of  what  he  could 
do,  that  his  mood  was  contagious.  Grant  was  in  his  tent  so 
that  Sheridan  first  met  the  staff.  The  officers  were  struck 
with  his  temper  and  tone;  they  knew  the  estimate  Grant 
put  upon  his  judgment,  and  were  anxious  for  Sheridan  to  say 
what  he  thought  to  the  chief.  They  took  the  great  trooper 
in  to  Grant,  and  when  Grant  perceived  the  spirit  of  Sheridan, 
he  felt  that  the  time  had  come.  He  gave  him  the  task  he 


GRANT  AND    SHERIDAN.  gg 

said  he  could  perform,  the  orders  he  asked  for,  and  the  result 
was  —  the  battle  of  Five  Forks. 

That  battle  Grant  always  acknowledged  made  possible 
the  final  assault  on  Petersburg,  and  opened  the  way  for  the 
Appomattox  campaign,  in  which  Sheridan  led  the  terrible 
pursuit,  fought  Sailor's  Creek,  and  outmarched  Lee.  In  all 
these  movements  he  sent  back  suggestions  daily,  almost 
hourly,  to  Grant,  every  one  of  which  Grant  accepted.  I 
sometimes  think  that  without  Sheridan  Grant's  closing 
triumph  might  have  been  less  complete ;  for  it  was  Sheridan 
who  by  his  rapid  marches  and  incessant  blows  secured  the 
enveloping,  and  thus  the  surrender,  of  Lee.  This  can  be 
said  without  detracting  one  leaf  from  the  laurels  of  Grant. 
The  most  skillful  workman  requires  tools  of  finest  edge ;  the 
greatest  commander  cannot  win  without  troops  and  subordi 
nates  of  mettle  like  his  own. 

After  this  Grant  fairly  loved  Sheridan.  The  affection  was 
founded  on  admiration;  the  intimacy  grew  out  of  achieve 
ment.  It  was  the  strange,  rich  fruit  of  battle,  watered  by 
blood  and  ripened  by  patriotism  into  a  close  and  tender 
regard.  I  was  an  inmate  of  Grant's  house  when  the  chief 
was  believed  to  be  dying,  and  Sheridan  wrote  me  a  letter  to 
present  to  the  family  when  the  dreaded  hour  should  come. 
He  added  a  line  which  I  venture  to  repeat  because  it  shows 
the  peculiar  and  delicate  nature  of  the  feeling  between  the 
soldiers:  "It  is  unnecessary  for  me,"  said  Sheridan,  "to  use 
words  to  express  my  attachment  to  General  Grant  and  his 
family.  I  have  not  gone  to  see  him,  as  I  could  only  bring 
additional  distress  to  them,  and  I  want  to  remember  him  as 
I  knew  him  in  good  health." 

Grant  always  regarded  the  French  attempt  to  establish 
an  empire  in  Mexico  as  a  part  of  the  effort  to  subvert  our 
own  Republic.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  on  the  very  day  of 
the  grand  review  at  Washington,  he  dispatched  Sheridan 
with  secret  orders  to  the  Rio  Grande,  to  watch  the  frontier. 


/ 


GRANT  AND   SHERIDAN.  IOI 

He  hoped  to  be  able  to  bring  the  Administration  up  to  his  own 
views,  if  the  Emperor  delayed ;  and  Sheridan  was  directed 
to  be  ready  for  any  emergency.  He  performed  his  part,  and 
when  the  question  was  settled,  and  the  French  were  with 
drawn,  Grant  left  him  in  command  at  New  Orleans. 

Here  he  was  found  when  the  President's  policy  was 
rejected  by  the  people;  and  when  the  measures  which  John 
son  opposed  became  law,  Sheridan,  like  Grant,  set  himself 
to  obeying  the  law.  Johnson,  of  course,  was  provoked,  but 
Grant  promptly  indorsed  his  subordinate.  In  July,  1866,  a 
violent  riot  occurred  at  New  Orleans  in  which  forty  Union 
men  were  killed  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  wounded  by 
Southerners.  Sheridan's  course  at  the  time  was  the  subject 
of  a  warm  contention  between  Grant  and  the  President,  the 
latter  as  usual  siding  with  the  men  who  had  once  opposed 
the  Union.  During  the  discussion  Grant  wrote  to  Sheridan 
in  these  words : 

"  I  am  just  in  receipt  of  copy  of  your  letter  to  the  President  in 
reply  to  his  dispatch  of  the  4th  inst.  It  is  certainly  a  very  clear 
statement  of  the  cause  and  effect  of  the  riot,  and  in  my  judgment 
it  is  due  to  the  public,  to  you,  and  even  to  the  President,  that  it 
should  be  published.  I  have  requested  from  the  President  the 
publication  of  all  your  dispatches  on  the  subject  of  the  New 
Orleans  riot,  on  the  ground  that  the  partial  publications  which 
have  appeared  put  you  in  the  position  of  taking  a  partisan  view  of 
the  matter,  whereas  the  dispatches  given  in  full  show  that  you 
never  dreamed  of  extenuating  faults  no  matter  which  side  they 
occurred  on.  One  thing  you  may  rely  on,  the  purity  of  your  motives 
will  never  be  impeached  by  the  public,  no  matter  what  capital  the 
politicians  may  attempt  to  make  out  of  garbled  or  partial  publica 
tions  of  what  you  say  or  write  officially.  Persevere  exactly  in  the 
course  your  own  good  judgment  dictates.  It  has  never  yet  led 
you  astray  as  a  military  commander,  nor  in  the  administration  of 
the  affairs  of  your  military  division." 

On  the  27th  of    March,   1867,  in  the  exercise  of    the 


I02  GRANT  IN  PEACE. 

authority  conferred  on  him  by  the  Reconstruction  Acts, 
Sheridan  removed  from  office  the  Attorney-General  of  the 
State  of  Louisiana,  the  Mayor  of  New  Orleans,  and  the 
Judge  of  the  First  District  Court  of  the  same  city.  Two 
days  afterward  Grant  wrote  to  him:  "I  have  just  seen  your 
Order  No.  5.  It  is  just  the  thing,  and  merits  the  universal 
approbation  of  the  loyal  people  at  least.  I  have  no  doubt 
but  that  it  will  also  meet  with  like  approval  from  the  recon 
structed  [the  italics  are  Grant's].  It  will  at  least  prove 
advantageous  to  them  and  to  the  quiet  and  prosperity  of 
New  Orleans  and  of  the  State  of  Louisiana.  I  only  write 
this  to  let  you  know  that  I  at  least  approve  what  you  have 
done." 

From  this  time  the  President  seems  to  have  determined 
on  the  removal  of  Sheridan,  for  the  power  had  been  left  in 
his  hands  by  Congress,  and  in  May  Grant  wrote  to  the 
threatened  commander: 

"  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  the  reports  of  your  contemplated 
removal  have  emanated  from  a  high  source.  It  has  unquestiona 
bly  been  in  contemplation,  but  it  cannot  hurt,  though  it  may  em 
barrass  you.  Every  loyal  man  in  the  country  admires  your  course 
in  civil  affairs  as  they  did  your  military  career.  You  have  to  the 
fullest  extent  the  confidence  of  the  Secretary,  the  loyal  people 
generally,  and  of  myself.  Removal  cannot  hurt  you  if  it  does  take 
place,  and  I  do  not  believe  it  will.  You  have  carried  out  the  acts 
of  Congress,  and  it  will  be  difficult  to  get  a  general  officer  who 
will  not.  Let  me  say,  dismiss  all  embarrassments  on  account  of 
rumors  of  removal.  Such  an  act  will  not  reflect  on  you." 

Encouraged  thus  by  his  immediate  superior,  Sheridan 
persisted  in  his  obedience  to  the  spirit  and  the  letter  of  the 
law ;  and  Grant  persisted  in  his  encouragement.  On  the  3d 
of  June  Sheridan  removed  the  Governor  of  Louisiana,  that 
official  "  having  made  himself  an  impediment  to  the  faithful 
execution  of  the  Reconstruction  Act";  and  Grant  imme 
diately  wrote  to  Sheridan : 


GRANT  AND   SHERIDAN.  IO$ 

"  I  have  no  doubt  myself  that  the  removal  of  Governor  Wells 
will  do  great  good  to  your  command,  if  you  are  sustained,  but 
great  harm  if  you  are  not  sustained.  I  shall  do  all  I  can  to  sustain 
you  in  it.  You  have  acted  boldly  and  with  good  judgment,  and 
will  be  sustained  by  public  opinion  as  well  as  your  own  conscience, 
no  matter  what  the  result.  It  has  been  my  intention  to  order  you 
to  Washington  as  soon  as  your  command  is  in  a  condition  that 
you  can  leave  it  for  a  few  weeks,  to  give  you  an  opportunity  of 
taking  a  run  up  North.  A  little  relaxation  for  a  few  weeks  will  do 
you  good,  bodily,  and  give  you  an  opportunity  of  coming  in  con 
tact  with  people  who  supported  the  Government  during  the  rebellion 
[Grant's  italics]." 

The  axe  had  been  hanging  long,  but  it  finally  fell.  On 
the  ist  of  August  the  President  announced  to  Grant  that  he 
had  made  up  his  mind  to  suspend  Stanton  and  remove  Sheri 
dan.  I  have  already  quoted  the  language  in  which  Grant 
protested  against  this  intention  in  regard  to  Stanton.  In 
the  same  letter  he  added  these  words  referring  to  Sheridan : 

"  On  the  subject  of  the  removal  of  the  very  able  commander 
of  the  Fifth  Military  District,  let  me  ask  you  to  consider  the  effect 
it  would  have  upon  the  public.  He  is  unusually  and  deservedly 
beloved  by  the  people  who  sustained  the  Government  through  its 
trials,  and  feared  by  those  who  would  still  be  enemies  of  the  Gov 
ernment.  It  fell  to  the  lot  of  but  few  men  to  do  as  much  against 
an  armed  enemy  as  General  Sheridan  did  during  the  rebellion,  and 
it  is  within  the  scope  of  the  ability  of  but  few  in  this  or  any  other 
country  to  do  what  he  has.  His  civil  administration  has  given 
equal  satisfaction.  He  has  had  difficulties  to  contend  with  which 
no  other  District  Commander  has  encountered.  Almost  if  not 
quite  from  the  day  he  was  appointed  District  Commander  to  the 
present  time,  our  press  has  given  out  that  he  was  to  be  removed ; 
that  the  Administration  was  dissatisfied  with  him,  etc.  This  has 
emboldened  the  opponents  to  the  laws  of  Congress  within  his 
command  to  oppose  him  in  every  way  in  their  power,  and  has 
rendered  necessary  measures  which  otherwise  might  never  have 
been  necessary." 


104 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


Grant  had,  however,  little  idea  that  his  protest  would 
change  the  intention  of  the  President,  and  directed  ©he  of 
his  staff  to  write  to  Sheridan  as  follows  : 

"  General  Grant  wishes  me  to  write  to  you  to  tell  you  that  Presi 
dent  Johnson  has  made  up  his  mind  to  remove  you  and  also  the 
Secretary  of  War.  He  sent  for  General  Grant  yesterday  and  told 
him  this.  The  General  said  all  proper  for  him  to  say  against  such 
a  course,  and  when  he  came  back  he  put  his  views  in  writing  and 
sent  them  to  Mr.  Johnson.  I  send  you  a  copy  of  his  letter.  The 
General  wishes  me  to  say  to  you  to  go  on  your  course  exactly  as  if 
this  communication  had  not  been  sent  to  you,  and  without  fear  of 
consequences.  That  so  long  as  you  pursue  the  same  line  of  duty 
that  you  have  followed  thus  far  in  the  service  you  will  receive  the 
entire  support  of  these  Headquarters." 

On  the  I /th  of  August  the  order  was  positively  issued, 
and  Grant  again  protested  urgently  and  eloquently  in  a  letter 
which  has  already  been  given  to  the  world.  General  Thomas 
was  designated  to  relieve  Sheridan,  but  that  officer  was  un 
willing  to  assume  the  position,  and  was  excused  on  the 
ground  of  ill-health.  Sheridan,  however,  was  directed  to 
turn  over  his  command  at  once  to  the  officer  next  in  rank  in 
his  district.  He  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  remain  under  any 
circumstances.  His  orders  were  to  proceed  to  Fort  Leaven- 
worth  and  relieve  Hancock,  who  was  in  turn  to  supersede 
Sheridan  at  New  Orleans. 

On  the  8th  of  September  the  faithful  chief  wrote  again  to 
his  friend  : 

"  By  my  dispatch  to  you  to  turn  over  your  command  to  the 
officer  next  in  rank  to  yourself,  as  soon  as  you  relieve  General 
Hancock,  and  to  come  to  Washington,  I  did  not  mean  to  hasten 
your  arrival  in  this  city,  but  meant  it  as  an  order  for  you  to  come 
here  at  your  leisure.  I  want  to  see  you.  When  you  leave  Leaven- 
worth,  however,  make  such  visits  as  suit  your  convenience,  only  do 
not  return  to  Leavenworth  before  coming  to  Washington. 


GRANT  AND   SHERIDAN.  IC>5 

"  I  feel  that  your  relief  from  command  of  the  Fifth  District  is 
a  heavy  blow  to  Reconstruction.  Not  that  Griffin  will  not  carry 
out  the  law  faithfully,  and  Hancock  too  when  he  gets  there,  but 
that  the  act  of  Government  will  be  interrupted  as  an  effort  to  de 
feat  the  law  and  will  encourage  opposition  to  it.  So  again  in  the 
Second  District,  I  do  not  know  what  to  make  of  present  move 
ments  in  this  capital,  but  they  fill  me  with  alarm.  In  your  own 
personal  welfare  you  will  not  suffer  from  these  changes,  except  as 
one  of  the  thirty-five  millions  of  inhabitants  of  this  republic,  but 
may  be  the  gainer  as  far  as  personal  comfort  is  concerned.  I  felt 
it  my  duty,  however,  to  do  all  I  could  to  keep  you  where  you  were 
until  the  laws  you  were  executing  so  faithfully  were  carried 
through,  and  your  district  restored  to  the  Union.  All  I  can  say 
now  is  that  I  have  sustained  your  course,  publicly,  privately,  and 
officially,  not  from  personal  feeling  or  partiality,  but  because  you 
were  right.  You  are  entitled  to  a  little  rest,  and  I  know  such  a 
welcome  awaits  you  as  will  convince  you  that  republics  are  not 
always  ungrateful." 

Thus  Sheridan  also  was  taken  from  the  duty  in  which  he 
had  hitherto  supported  Grant.  Deprived  now  of  his  two 
coadjutors,  without  either  Stanton  as  a  friendly  superior  or 
Sheridan  as  a  loyal  subordinate,  Grant  was  left  to  bear  the 
whole  brunt  of  the  battle  with  the  President,  which  had 
been  committed  to  him  by  Congress  and  the  people  whom 
Congress  represented.  The  prospect  was  arduous,  and  he 
felt  the  loss  of  his  faithful  allies ;  but  he  girded  himself  for 
the  task. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

GRANT   IN   THE   CABINET. 

IT  was  August  when  Grant  entered  the  Cabinet,  and  he 
remained  there  only  until  January.  The  President  of 
course  was  aware  of  the  views  of  his  new  Secretary  of  War. 
He  had  Grant's  protest  before  him  against  the  suspension  of 
Stanton ;  he  had  the  knowledge  of  all  Grant's  previous  acts 
and  could  hardly  have  doubted  what  his  subsequent  course 
would  be.  But  if  he  had  any  doubts  they  were  soon  dis 
pelled.  Within  five  days  after  Grant  became  Secretary, 
Sheridan  was  removed,  and  in  his  new  capacity  Grant 
objected  more  emphatically  than  ever.  He  was  overruled, 
but  he  did  not  cease  his  efforts  to  perform  what  he  believed 
his  duty ;  and  his  whole  term  of  service  in  the  Cabinet  was 
marked  by  disputes  and  differences  with  the  President. 

Nevertheless,  the  storm  of  indignation  that  burst  from 
the  mass  of  the  people  at  the  North  on  the  supersedure  of 
Stanton  and  Sheridan  extended  in  some  degree  to  Grant, 
when  he  was  seen  to  take  Stanton's  place.  Some  of  his 
stanchest  personal  friends  regretted  his  course,  while  politi 
cians  openly  proclaimed  that  it  indicated  sympathy  with 
Johnson's  policy.  Grant  remained  silent  under  the  unmerit 
ed  reproach  and  continued,  as  far  as  he  was  able,  to  carry 
out  the  will  of  those  who  thought  he  was  opposing  them. 
He  made  strenuous  efforts  to  induce  the  President  to  retain 
the  other  District  Commanders  at  their  posts,  but  Sickles 
was  soon  relieved  by  Canby,  and  Pope  by  Meade ;  both  for 
the  same  political  reasons  which  had  brought  about  the 

(106) 


GRANT   IN   THE   CABINET. 

removal  of  Stanton  and  Sheridan.  The  two  officers  who 
were  substituted  were,  however,  thoroughly  imbued  with 
the  feeling  of  their  predecessors  and  of  Grant.  They  all 
believed  the  law  paramount  to  the  will  of  any  one  man,  and 
proceeded  to  execute  the  law  in  the  spirit  in  which  it  had 
been  conceived. 

Hancock,  who  followed  Sheridan,  was  the  only  one  who 
took  a  different  stand.  He  did  all  in  his  power  to  thwart 
the  Congressional  policy  and  to  support  the  President.  He 
issued  proclamations  in  direct  contradiction  of  the  spirit  of 
the  Reconstruction  measures,  revoked  important  orders  of 
Sheridan  that  had  been  approved  by  Grant,  and  defied  the 
popular  feeling  of  the  North.  Grant  repeatedly  overruled 
him,  though  the  President  made  every  effort  to  uphold  him ; 
but  the  laws  had  by  this  time  been  so  contrived  that  there 
was  no  possibility  of  frustrating  their  intention  if  Grant 
exercised  his  full  authority;  and  this  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
do.  Hancock  in  a  few  months  asked  to  be  relieved,  and  his 
request  was  granted. 

The  struggle  with  the  President,  however,  continued. 
Johnson  lost  no  opportunity  to  attempt  to  control  events 
and  maintain  his  own  authority  in  opposition  to  that  of 
Congress,  and  Grant  steadily  pursued  his  task  of  carrying 
out  the  Reconstruction  measures  as  the  recognized  law  of 
the  land. 

All  this  while  as  Secretary  of  War,  Grant  was  obliged  to 
attend  Cabinet  meetings  and  was  frequently  present  at  dis 
cussions  and  arrangements  the  purpose  and  tenor  of  which 
he  entirely  disapproved.  This  finally  became  so  disagree 
able  to  him  that  he  requested  the  President  to  excuse  him 
from  the  purely  political  duties  of  a  member  of  the  Govern 
ment.  He  represented  that  as  an  officer  of  the  army  he 
might  be  called  upon  to  serve  under  different  Presidents 
holding  opposite  views,  and  although  he  was  always  ready  to 
obey  legal  orders  or  to  execute  legal  measures,  it  was  not 


108  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

his  duty  to  concert  policies  or  to  assist  in  the  arrangement  of 
partisan  plans.  He  was  hardly,  he  said,  a  civil  Minister  at 
all ;  he  had  not  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate  as  Secretary 
of  War,  and  was  only  holding  office  until  the  re-assembling 
of  Congress  enabled  the  President  to  nominate  a  permanent 
successor. 

Johnson,  with  his  usual  policy,  paid  no  attention  to  these 
requests,  and  continued  in  Grant's  presence  the  discussions 
to  which  the  General  was  averse,  so  that  Grant  might  seem  to 
sanction  what  he  heard.  Finally  Grant  determined  not  to  be 
entangled  and  committed  in  this  way  against  his  will.  He 
attended  the  meetings  to  which  he  was  summoned,  submitted 
the  papers  that  required  the  concurrence  of  his  colleagues 
or  the  approval  of  the  President,  but  retired  as  soon  as  the 
business  of  detail  was  transacted;  thus  plainly  indicating  to 
the  Administration  that  he  was  not  in  harmony  with  its 
general  views,  and  would  not  be  identified  with  its  schemes. 

It  is  proper  to  state  here  that  when  I  relate  what 
occurred  at  Cabinet  meetings  or  make  other  declarations 
of  Grant's  action  which  could  only  have  been  learned  from 
himself,  the  statement  is  in  every  case  made  on  his  author 
ity  ;  generally  upon  what  he  told  me  at  the  time.  Not  long 
after  these  occurrences  I  wrote  out  an  account  of  them, 
especially  of  Grant's  relations  with  Johnson,  which  he  re^d 
and  sanctioned,  and  which  he  knew  was  to  be  given  to  the 
world.  This  is  the  foundation  and  proof  of  much  contained 
in  the  present  volume. 

But  although  Grant  was  often  obliged  to  dissent  in  terms 
from  what  was  proposed  in  Cabinet,  he  did  so  as  seldom  and 
as  unoffensively  as  possible.  He  was  *a  man  who  never 
sought  a  quarrel,  and  it  sometimes  required  downright  ill- 
treatment  to  provoke  him.  He  was  therefore  courteous  to 
the  chief  whom  he  had  not  sought,  and  to  the  associates  with 
whom  he  disagreed ;  and  he  succeeded  as  yet  in  preserving 
amicable  relations  with  them  all.  The  President  invited  him 


GRANT   IN   THE   CABINET.  IOCj 

and  Grant  of  course  accepted  the  invitations ;  his  colleagues 
visited  him  and  he  returned  the  courtesy;  all  of  which 
produced  the  impression  upon  the  country  which  Grant  be 
lieved  that  Johnson  desired.  It  gave  the  appearance  of  po 
litical  support  of  the  President's  unpopular  course ;  it  made 
many  Republicans  hostile  and  provoked  the  criticism  that 
Grant  was  a  trimmer.  Yet  all  the  while  he  was  doing  as 
much  as  any  Republican  in  the  land  to  further  the  views 
that  Republicans  entertained. 

He  performed  meanwhile  all  the  routine  duties  of  his 
place  with  care,  and  was  an  excellent  Secretary  of  War.  He 
kept  the  duties  of  his  two  positions  distinct,  and  as  Secre 
tary  he  sometimes  gave  orders  to  the  General  of  the  Army. 
He  visited  both  offices  daily,  spending  a  few  hours  in  the 
morning  at  the  War  Department,  and  later  in  the  day  re 
paired  to  his  old  headquarters.  His  staff  did  not  accompany 
him  to  the  War  Department ;  he  was  determined  to  hold  the 
post  only  ad  interim,  and  to  give  no  appearance  of  perman 
ency  to  his  enforced  acceptance  of  its  functions.  The  letters 
to  the  General  of  the  Army  went  to  one  place,  and  those  of 
the  Secretary  of  War  to  another.  I  opened  all  of  the  former, 
as  usual,  and  submitted  those  that  required  his  attention,  as 
any  other  officer  would  have  done,  in  the  room  of  the  Sec 
retary  of  War. 

The  two  buildings  were  on  opposite  sides  of  the  same 
street,  and  when  I  went  across  to  see  him  I  always  thought 
he  received  me  with  more  formality  than  at  other  times  ;  but 
on  his  return  to  his  headquarters  later  in  the  day  he  threw 
aside  the  manner  of  a  Cabinet  Minister  and  was  a  soldier 
with  his  staff,  as  intimate  and  unrestrained  as  ever.  I  think 
he  always  gave  me  my  title  when  I  went  to  the  Secretary  of 
War;  but  on  other  occasions  he  rarely  called  me  anything 
but  "Badeau."  I  recollect  urging  several  points  upon  him 
at  this  time  which  he  refused  to  concede  because  —  so  it 
seemed  to  me — they  belonged  peculiarly  to  the  province  of 


HO  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

the  Secretary,  and  Secretary  Stanton  would  have  refused. 
I  was  surprised  and  disappointed,  and  thought  to  myself  had 
he  been  only  General  of  the  Army  this  would  not  have 
occurred. 

One  day  I  received  a  letter  for  him  from  Edwin  Booth, 
requesting  in  the  name  of  his  aged  mother  that  the  remains 
of  Wilkes  Booth  might  be  privately  restored  to  the  family. 
The  actor  represented  the  sufferings  of  that  family,  "the 
most  wretched,"  he  said,  "on  earth,"  and  pleaded  that  after 
the  lapse  of  more  than  two  full  years  there  could  be  no  ob 
jection  on  public  grounds  to  the  concession.  Booth  had 
been  my  intimate  friend  for  many  years.  I  could  vouch 
for  his  loyalty,  and  knew  how  shocked  and  lacerated  he  had 
been  by  the  act  that  shocked  the  nation.  The  letter  was 
respectful  and  moderate  though  manly  in  tone,  and  I  urged 
Grant  to  accede  to  the  request.  But  he  was  immutable. 
He  said  the  time  had  not  yet  come;  and  the  sternness  was 
so  unusual  in  him  that  I  thought  it  proceeded  from  the  feel 
ing  I  have  described;  that  he  meant  to  do  what  he  thought 
Stanton  would  have  done;  and  doubtless  Stanton  would  have 
refused. 

In  December  Congress  re-assembled,  and  Johnson  was 
obliged  by  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act  to  report  to  the  Senate 
within  twenty  days  his  reasons  for  the  suspension  of  Stan- 
ton.  This  he  did,  and  on  the  I3th  of  January  the  Senate  re-  A* 
solved  that  the  reasons  were  insufficient.  By  the  language  of 
the  law  this  decision  at  once  re-instated  Stanton.  Grant  had 
informed  the  President  two  days  before  that  he  should  in 
stantly  vacate  the  office  if  such  a  decision  was  made.  The 
President  insisted  that  the  law  was  unconstitutional  and 
urged  Grant  to  retain  the  place ;  but  Grant  replied  that  he 
would  subject  himself  to  the  penalties  of  fine  and  imprison 
ment  if  he  violated  the  law.  Johnson  offered  to  pay  the  fine 
and  submit  to  the  imprisonment ;  but  of  course  this  was  pre 
posterous,  and  Grant  persisted  in  his  determination.  This 


GRANT   IN   THE   CABINET.  Iri 

was  on  the  nth  of  January.  The  President  still  would  not 
accept  the  refusal,  ancPwKen  Grant  left  the  room  Johnson 
said  he  should  expect  to  see  the  General  again. 

The  next  day  was  Sunday,  and  as  it  was  evident  that  the 
Senate  would  not  concur  in  the  suspension  of  Stanton  Grant 
was  greatly  concerned.  He  was  not  anxious  that  Stanton 
should  be  restored,  for  he  felt  that  the  Minister's  power  for 
good  was  now  ended,  and  that  the  workings  of  the  Government 
would  be  needlessly  thwarted  by  the  intrusion  of  an  unwel 
come  Cabinet  officer  upon  the  Head  of  the  State.  Stanton 
could  hardly  be  expected  to  share  this  feeling ;  his  personal 
triumph  was  concerned  in  his  restoration ;  but  this  to  Grant 
was  a  less  important  consideration  than  the  public  interest. 
General  Sherman  was  in  Washington  at  this  time,  and  at 
Grant's  request  he  went  on  Monday  to  the  President  to  urge 
him  to  nominate  a  Secretary  who  would  be  acceptable  to  the 
Senate,  so  that  Stanton  might  be  legally  relieved.  Grant 
proposed  General  Jacob  D.  Cox,  a  former  Governor  of  Ohio, 
who  was  a  Republican,  but  not  so  outspoken  in  his  hostility 
to  the  President  as  many  of  his  party.  Grant  thought  that 
this  selection  might  bridge  over  the  difficulty.  He  urged 
this  task  on  Sherman  because  the  President  had  always 
seemed  to  suppose  that  Sherman  was  more  in  accord  with 
his  views  than  Grant.  The  Hon.  Reverdy  Johnson  also  saw 
the  President  and  recommended  the  same  course;  but  the 
President  did  not  accept  the  suggestion.  Thus  Saturday, 
Sunday,  Monday  passed. 

It  was  late  on  Monday,  the  I3th  of  January,  when  the 
Senate  resolved  that*  the  causes  for  removing  Stanton  were 
insufficient.  Grant  attended  a  levee  of  the  President  that 
night,  but  had  only  formal  and  unofficial  conversation  with 
him.  Early  on  the  1 4th  Grant  went  to  the  office  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  locked  and  bolted  the  door  on  the  outside,  and 
handed  the  key  to  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  Army.  "I 
am  to  be  found  at  my  office,"  he  said,  "  at  army  headquar- 


H2  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

ters."  He  then  immediately  sent  a  formal  letter  to  the  Presi 
dent  announcing  that  he  had  been  notified  of  the  action  of 
the  Senate,  and  that  by  the  terms  of  the  law  his  own  func 
tions  as  Secretary  of  War  ceased  from  the  moment  of  the 
reception  of  the  notice. 

When  Grant  parted  with  the  President  on  the  nth  he 
supposed  that  he  had  given  all  the  necessary  notification  to 
Johnson  of  his  course.  I  was  with  him,  with  other  staff  offi 
cers,  when  he  left  his  headquarters  with  this  intention,  and 
also  on  his  return,  when  he  stated  what  had  occurred.  He 
declared  that  he  had  told  Mr.  Johnson  that  on  no  account 
could  he  consent  to  hold  the  office  after  the  Senate  should 
act.  The  President  pleaded  and  argued,  and  would  not  be 
satisfied  with  Grant's  decision.  Johnson  indeed  was  always 
slow  in  arriving  at  a  decision,  while  Grant  was  usually  instan 
taneous  in  action  when  the  crisis  came.  Johnson  could  even 
now  not  determine  what  to  do ;  he  did  not  positively  decline 
to  nominate  Cox;  he  delayed  on  Sunday,  and  on  Monday; 
but  the  Senate  acted,  and  then  Grant  did  exactly  what  he 
had  said  he  would  do.  He  gave  up  the  office,  and  Stanton 
at  once  took  possession. 

This  Johnson  had  not  intended  to  allow.  He  hoped  to 
induce  Grant  to  retain  the  post  so  as  to  test  the  constitu 
tionality  of  the  law;  and  Grant's  prompt  obedience  to  the 
law  disconcerted  this  plan.  Still  Johnson  refused  to  recog 
nize  the  action  of  Grant ;  and  at  once  summoned  him  to  a 
Cabinet  meeting.  Grant  obeyed  the  message  and  was  ad 
dressed  as  "Mr.  Secretary."  He  instantly  disclaimed  the 
title,  and  declared  he  had  notified  the  President  that  he 
could  no  longer  serve  in  that  capacity;  but  Johnson  main 
tained  that  Grant  had  promised  to  remain  in  office  until 
a  successor  could  be  appointed.  The  result  was  a  direct 
issue  of  veracity  between  Grant  and  the  President.  Grant 
positively  denied  the  assertion  of  Johnson  and  Johnson  in 
duced  three  of  his  Cabinet  Ministers  to  declare  that  he 


GRANT   IN   THE   CABINET. 

spoke  the  truth,  which  implied  of  course  that  Grant  was 
false.  Grant  never  spoke  to  either  of  these  men  again, 
nor  allowed  his  family  to  visit  theirs.  On  the  day  when 
he  was  inaugurated  as  President  he  refused  to  sit  in  the 
same  carriage  with  his  predecessor,  and  during  his  Admin 
istration  he  manifested  the  same  feeling  toward  Johnson's 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  McCulloch  had  returned  to  his 
old  business  of  banking  and  was  established  in  London  as  a 
partner  in  the  house  of  Jay  Cooke,  McCulloch  &  Co.  This 
firm  was  selected  by  Robeson,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  to 
receive  the  deposits  made  in  London  for  the  payment  of 
naval  officers  on  foreign  service.  It  was  a  purely  American 
firm  and  its  leading  partners  were  intimate  personal  friends 
of  Grant.  If  the  McCulloch  difficulty  was  recollected  at  all 
by  the  Secretary  it  was  not  supposed  that  it  could  affect 
this  appointment.  Grant,  however,  retained  his  indignant 
feeling,  and  only  assented  to  the  appointment  after  long 
hesitation,  and  then  on  account  of  the  public  considerations 
involved,  and  his  confidence  in  the  judgment  of  Robeson. 
He  spoke  to  me  of  this  matter  years  afterward  and  told  how 
unwillingly  he  had  acquiesced.  He  always  admitted,  how 
ever,  that  though  the  London  house  was  involved  by  the 
failure  of  Jay  Cooke  &  Co.  in  this  country,  and  had  finally 
suspended  payment,  the  business  was  so  managed  that  the 
Government  suffered  no  loss. 

The  heated  discussion  between  Johnson  and  Grant  is 
historical.  Letters  of  an  extraordinary  character  were  ex 
changed  between  them,  and  were  immediately  made  public. 
All  the  long  series  of  difficulties  and  exasperations  culmin 
ated  now,  and  when  Grant  found  his  personal  honor 
impugned  he  became  as  angry  as  any  Hotspur  in  the  land. 
He  had  at  first  been  willing  to  admit  that  the  President 
might  have  persuaded  himself  that  what  he  so  much  desired 
had  happened,  and  that  in  another  interview  he  could  induce 
Grant  to  take  the  step  that  he  asked.  Johnson  had  con- 


114 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


stantly  flattered  himself  that  he  could  control  Grant,  and  he 
probably  had  not  given  up  the  hope  even  now ;  while  Grant, 
with  his  usual  subordination,  his  undemonstrative  demeanor, 
his  chariness  of  speech,  having  said  what  he  intended,  saw 
no  need  to  confirm,  or  repeat,  or  amplify ;  and  when  Johnson 
said  he  would  see  him  again,  Grant  did  not  refuse.  But  nei 
ther  did  he  assent.  If  Congress  had  not  acted  so  promptly 
on  Monday  it  is  probable  that  he  would  have  visited  Johnson 
again,  for  he  was  profoundly  anxious  to  tranquilize  the  situa 
tion.  But  Congress  acted,  and  Grant  with  his  usual  decision 
acted  also.  Then  when  Johnson  charged  him  with  positive 
deception,  he  never  forgave  him. 

The  letter  which  terminated  their  intercourse  was  Grant's. 
He  had  written  another  with  less  acrimony  than  the  second, 
and  which  admitted  the  possibility  of  the  President's  miscon 
struction,  but  Rawlins,  who  was  a  politician  by  nature,  and 
who  had  long  foreseen  the  result  of  all  the  political  com 
plications,  felt  that  at  last  the  time  had  come.  He  had  enor 
mous  force,  and  at  intervals  enormous  influence  with  Grant. 
He  took  the  letter  that  Grant  had  written  and  said:  "This 
will  not  do;  it  is  not  enough;"  and  then  prepared  the  draft 
of  the  important  passages  directly  contradicting  and  defying 
the  President.  The  language  was  afterward  considered  and 
somewhat  modified,  but  the  sentiment  remained,  and  this 
was  suggested  by  Rawlins.  This  made  the  rupture  with 
Johnson  personal,  and  reconciliation  impossible.  It  was  a 
stroke  of  political  genius,  for  it  also  made  any  other  candi 
date  than  Grant  impossible  for  the  Republicans.  Of  course 
Grant  might  and  probably  would  have  been  President  had 
the  correspondence  never  occurred ;  but  the  letter  made  his 
nomination  and  election  certain ;  and  it  was  this  phase  of 
the  correspondence  that  produced  the  result. 

But  not  a  word  was  said  by  any  one  present  of  the 
political  tendencies  or  results  of  the  situation.  Rawlins 
knew  that  he  was  expressing  Grant's  own  sentiment,  and 


GRANT   IN   THE   CABINET.  Irtj 

Grant  instantly  perceived  this  fact  —  and  acquiesced.  I 
never  in  my  intercourse  with  Grant  saw  another  instance 
where  another  exercised  so  direct  and  palpable  and  import 
ant  an  influence  with  him.  It  was  instantaneous  and  abso 
lute.  It  made  him  a  Republican.  Rawlins  knew  this.  I 
could  see  it  in  his  face  and  detect  it  in  his  tone.  If  Grant 
recognized  it,  he  never  admitted  it  to  any  one.  But  I 
believe  that  at  the  moment  he  felt  only  the  assault  upon 
his  honor. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

GRANT   AND    SHERMAN. 

THE  intimacy  between  Grant  and  Sherman  began  at  the 
battle  of  Shiloh.  They  had  been  together  at  West 
Point,  but  in  different  classes,  for  Sherman  was  two  years 
the  senior;  and  they  never  met  afterward  either  in  the  army 
or  in  civil  life  till  Grant  went  to  Pittsburg  Landing.  The 
great  struggle  there  in  which  they  were  so  nearly  worsted, 
and  in  which  the  splendid  gallantry  of  the  one  so  admirably 
supplemented  the  stubborn  pluck  of  the  other;  the  odium 
that  came  upon  Grant  afterward,  which  Sherman  shared  for 
a  time,  doubtless  disclosed  qualities  in  each  to  the  other  that 
the  world  had  then  not  recognized ;  and  the  companionship 
under  danger,  responsibility,  and  detraction  made  them  in 
deed  brothers-in-arms. 

Soon  after  this  when  Grant  touched  the  lowest  point  in 
his  career ;  when  the  press  declared,  and  the  country  believed, 
that  his  course  had  precipitated  defeat ;  when  his  superiors 
distrusted  and  disparaged 'him  more  profoundly  even  than 
the  press  or  the  country  —  the  future  General-in-Chief  for 
once  was  despondent.  He  asked  to  be  relieved  from  duty 
and  to  be  sent  to  the  rear.  The  order  was  given  and  the 
arrangements  were  made;  camp  chests  and  papers  were 
ready.  But  Sherman  discovered  the  intention  and  urged  so 
strongly  that  Grant  should  remain  that  his  advice  and  influ 
ence  prevailed.  It  was  thus  he  who  kept  Grant  with  that 
army  which  both  were  destined  to  lead  to  so  many  victories. 

At  Vicksburg  it  is  well  known  that  Sherman  disapproved 

(116) 


GRANT  AND   SHERMAN.  H^ 

the  crowning  strategy,  but  did  his  best  to  falsify  the  disap 
proval  ;  and  when  success  finally  came  and  others  attributed 
to  him  the  conception  of  the  campaign,  he  told  the  story  of 
his  own  opposition  which  Grant  had  scrupulously  concealed. 
The  very  letter  that  Sherman  had  written,  urging  a  different 
movement,  Grant  had  destroyed,  but  Sherman  sent  me  a 
copy  years  afterward  for  my  History  of  Grant's  Campaigns, 
to  testify  that  Grant  was  entitled  to  the  credit  of  the  victory. 
But  for  him  the  truth  could  never  have  been  proved. 

When  Grant  was  made  General-in-Chief  he  sent  me  with 
an  extraordinary  private  letter  to  Sherman  in  which  he  de 
clared  :  "  How  far  your  execution  of  whatever  has  been  given 
you  to  do  entitles  you  to  the  reward  I  am  receiving  you 
cannot  know  as  well  as  I."  But  Sherman  was  not  to  be 
outdone  in  magnanimity,  and  replied:  "You  do  yourself 
injustice  and  us  too  much  honor  in  assigning  us  too  large  a 
share  in  the  merits  which  have  led  to  your  high  advance 
ment."  Seldom  in  history  have  men  holding  such  positions 
held  to  each  other  such  words. 

The  words,  however,  were  not  meant  for  the  world. 
They  were  the  interchange  of  intimate  sentiment  between 
closest  friends.  But  in  November,  1864,  after  Sherman  had 
started  on  his  memorable  march,  and  disappeared  for  a 
month  from  the  country's  eager  gaze,  I  accompanied  Grant 
on  a  visit  to  the  North.  He  went  to  Washington,  Philadel 
phia,  and  New  York.  Everywhere  the  most  important 
people  of  the  country  crowded  around  him,  all  eager  for  his 
judgment  of  Sherman.  Again  and  again  I  heard  him  declare 
to  these  makers  of  opinion  that  Sherman  was  the  greatest 
soldier  living.  I  remonstrated  with  him  in  private,  but  he 
repeated  —  that  was  his  opinion. 

Indeed,  I  always  felt  for  years  that  Grant  did  not  do  him 
self  justice  in  his  own  thought.  He  was  so  unconscious  and 
so  uncritical  of  himself  that  he  could  not  properly  compare 
himself  with  others.  The  peculiar  character  of  Sherman's 


Hg  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

genius  fascinated  him  quite  as  absolutely  as  it  did  anybody 
in  the  country,  and  made  him  feel  that  Sherman  had  at  least 
as  much  right  to  the  first  place  as  he.  He  almost  seemed 
sorry  at  times  that  Sherman  had  not  attained  it. 

But  he  became  used  to  greatness.  He  began  his  career 
with  a  very  modest  idea  of  his  own  abilities,  but  as  he  grew 
up  into  prominence,  he  found  that  he  could  do  at  least  as 
well  as  any  one  else,  and  he  had  no  fear  after  I  knew  him  to 
assume  any  place  or  undertake  any  task.  But  although  he 
never  felt  overshadowed,  for  a  long  while  when  he  looked  at 
Sherman's  achievements  he  was  dazzled ;  and  when  he  re 
garded  Sherman's  attainments  and  peculiar  gifts,  which  were 
just  those  that  he  did  not  himself  possess,  he  felt  his  own 
deficiencies.  Sherman  was  eloquent,  animated,  magnetic, 
learned  in  military  history,  ready  to  quote  the  examples  of 
other  commanders ;  above  all  he  was  brilliant;  Grant  knew 
that  he  himself  was  none  of  these;  and  though  never  lack 
ing  in  self-confidence  he  was  often  impressed  by  Sherman's 
splendid  qualities  till  he  forgot  the  weight  due  to  his  own 
soberer  but  more  essential  merits. 

To  these  Sherman  however  was  never  blind.  He  appre 
ciated  fully  Grant's  remarkable  poise,  and  that  absolute  con 
fidence  in  success  which  he  likened  to  the  faith  which  a 
Christian  has  in  the  Saviour.  He  knew  that  Grant's  very 
lack  of  imagination  was  sometimes  an  advantage  in  battle; 
for  he  once  said :  "  When  I  go  into  battle  I  am  always  think 
ing  what  the  enemy  will  do,  but  Grant  don't  care  a 
damn."  He  reposed  on  the  calm  strength  of  his  friend,  and 
the  two  made  a  combination  that  served  themselves  and  the 
country  better  than  if  they  had  been  counterparts. 

Sherman  arrived  triumphant  at  Savannah,  and  then  the 
fickle  crowd  declared  for  a  while  that  he  ought  to  supplant 
Grant.  The  chief  had  lain  for  nearly  a  year  in  front  of 
Richmond,  and  won  not  a  single  undisputed  victory;  while 
Sherman  had  fought  his  way  to  Atlanta  and  afterward  marched 


GRANT  AND   SHERMAN. 

across  the  Confederacy  to  the  sea.  A  bill  was  accordingly 
meditated  to  make  Sherman  Lieutenant-General  and  eligible 
to  command  the  Army.  But  Sherman  wrote  to  his  brother 
in  the  Senate  to  prevent  the  plan,  while  to  Grant  he  said : 
"  I  would  rather  have  you  in  command  than  any  one  else.  I 
should  emphatically  decline  any  command  calculated  to  bring 
us  into  rivalry."  To  this  Grant  answered  simply:  "If  you 
should  be  put  in  command  and  I  put  subordinate,  it  would 
not  change  our  relations  in  the  least.  I  would  make  the 
same  exertions  to  support  you  that  you  have  ever  done  to 
support  me,  and  I  would  do  all  in  my  power  to  make  our 
cause  win."  He  so  little  thought  he  was  saying  anything 
remarkable  when  he  wrote  these  lines  that  he  was  about 
sending  the  letter  without  retaining  a  copy.  By  good  fortune 
he  showed  it  to  me,  and  I  took  a  copy  before  it  was  for 
warded,  though  he  seemed  to  think  this  unnecessary.  It  was 
unofficial,  he  said. 

At  this  period  in  his  career  Grant  was  always  apparently 
unconscious  when  he  did  great  things,  either  in  an  intel 
lectual  or  a  moral  way.  He  seemed  by  nature  utterly  unob 
servant  of  the  workings  of  his  own  mind  and  almost  of  the 
peculiarities  of  his  own  character.  He  never  appeared  to 
consider,  much  less  to  study,  his  own  thoughts  or  emotions, 
unless  something  was  done  or  said  to  call  his  attention  to 
them  —  perhaps  to  disclose  them  to  himself.  One  or  two  of 
his  intimates  were  even  able  occasionally  to  utter  or  embody 
his  feelings  for  him,  so  that  he  at  once  recognized  and 
accepted  them.  Rawlins  possessed  this  art,  and  to  those 
who  did  not  know  all  or  see  far,  he  sometimes  seemed  to  put 
ideas  into  Grant.  But  he  got  them  all  first  from  Grant ;  and 
having  a  greater  facility  of  expression  could  reveal  them  to 
him,  or  even  impress  them  on  their  author.  He  never,  how 
ever,  claimed  to  originate  them ;  nor  did  he  ever  discuss  this 
singular  power ;  he  only  exerted  it;  perhaps  unconsciously, 
as  Grant  himself  exerted  his  own  faculties.  The  mirror  in 


I2O  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

which  a  man's  features  are  reflected  may  sometimes  make 
known  to  himself  what  manner  of  man  he  is.  But  the  mir 
ror  does  not  therefore  create  the  features. 

Later  in  Grant's  career,  after  he  had  seen  much  of  the 
world  and  had  passed  through  so  marvelous  an  experience 
of  life  and  men,  he  seemed  to  me  to  become  more  conscious. 
Yet  it  may  be  that  it  was  I  who  grew,  not  he ;  that  I  got  to 
know  him  better,  and  at  last  could  see  what  had  existed  all  along 
beneath  the  veil  he  kept  so  close  about  his  intimacy.  He  was 
unwilling,  it  is  true,  that  friendship,  or  even  affection,  should 
penetrate  too  far;  nevertheless,  the  study  of  his  character  and 
deeds  for  twenty  years  revealed  qualities  and  peculiarities 
which  he  acknowledged  by  his  acts,  if  not  his  words ;  and  he 
finally,  I  thought,  became  not  only  willing,  but  desirous,  for  me 
to  know  some  of  the  workings  of  his  spirit  which  few  were  per 
mitted  to  perceive.  If  I  tell  any  of  his  secrets  now,  when  he 
cannot  be  pained,  his  silent  shade  will  not  reproach  me,  for  it 
is  to  make  him  loved  and  honored  by  others  as  he  was  by  me. 

But  to  return  to  Sherman.  When  the  terrible  and  unjust 
reaction  came,  and  the  Government  and  half  the  country  in 
one  harsh  burst  of  passion  forgot  all  that  Sherman  had  done, 
and  pronounced  him  a  traitor,  Grant  was  as  deeply  wounded 
almost  as  Sherman.  I  met  him  with  this  news  in  North 
Carolina,  as  he  was  returning  from  Sherman's  headquarters 
after  the  second  capitulation  of  Johnston.  He  knew,  for  he 
had  heard  them  say,  what  the  President  and  Stanton  thought 
of  Sherman's  terms,  and  he  disapproved  those  terms  as  fully 
and  resolutely  as  they ;  but  he  had  not  dreamed  that  these 
censures  would  be  made  known.  When  he  read  Stanton's 
comments  published  to  the  world,  his  face  flamed  with  indig 
nation,  his  fist  was  clenched,  and  he  exclaimed:  "It  is  in 
famous — infamous!"  he  repeated  the  word  —  "After  four 
years  of  such  service  as  Sherman  has  done — that  he  should 
be  used  like  this!"  On  his  return  to  Washington  he  was 
not  chary  in  expressing  his  indignation,  and  when  Sherman 


GRANT  AND   SHERMAN.  I2I 

arrived  there  with  his  army,  to  share  in  the  Great  Review,  the 
tone  of  public  feeling  was  already  changed,  partly,  no  doubt, 
by  Grant's  outspoken  protestations  for  his  friend. 

But  now  came  another  serious  trouble.  Sherman  was  not 
appeased.  He  could  not  forgive  the  insult  offered  him  before 
the  country ;  and  the  situation  of  public  affairs  was  still  too 
critical  for  men  like  Stanton  and  Sherman  to  be  at  odds  with 
out  creating  anxiety.  Sherman's  army  shared  his  feeling,  and 
it  was  not  thought  wise  to  encamp  it  too  near  Washington. 
Grant  did  his  best  to  bring  the  great  patriots  together,  and  Stan- 
ton  was  not  averse;  he  doubtless  felt  that  he  had  been  unjust. 
But  Sherman  held  off.  Grant  advised  him,  sympathized  with 
him,  and  sought  to  soothe  him.  But  Sherman  refused  in  public, 
at  the  head  of  his  army,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  President 
and  all  the  great  functionaries  of  the  nation,  the  hand  that 
Stanton  offered  him. 

He  wrote,  besides,  two  letters  to  Grant,  one  from  Rich 
mond  and  the  other  in  Washington,  which  Grant  gave  me  to 
keep,  directing  me  to  seal  them  up,  and  never  show  them  to 
any  human  being  without  his  leave.  Years  afterward,  with 
Grant's  sanction,  I  wrote  to  Sherman  for  permission  to  use 
them  in  my  history.  This  he  gave,  adding  fresh  comments 
full  of  pathos  and  the  softening  influence  of  time.  Grant  had 
never  answered  the  letters,  but  kept  the  secret,  so  that  the 
contents  remained  unknown  till  one  of  the  great  actors  had 
passed  away  and  the  other  had  forgiven  the  affront.  Then 
Sherman  wrote  to  me :  "  I  fully  concede  to  you  the  right  to 
use  anything  I  ever  wrote,  private  or  public,  to  give  the  world 
a  picture  of  the  feelings,  even  passions,  of  the  time. 
To-day  I  might  act  with  more  silence,  with  more  caution,  with 
more  prudence,  because  I  am  twelve  years  older.  But  these 
things  did  occur,  these  feelings  were  felt,  and  inspired  acts 
which  go  to  make  up  history ;  and  the  question  now  is  not, 
Was  I  right  or  wrong  ?  but,  Did  it  happen  ?  and  is  the  record 
worth  anything  as  an  historic  example  ? " 


122  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

And  now  the  two  men  who  had  stood  side  by  side  since 
Shiloh,  in  good  report  and  evil  report,  in  disaster  and  trial 
and  in  final  triumph,  were  to  be  tested  on  another  field. 
Andrew  Johnson  conceived  the  idea  of  making  them  rivals, 
of  pitting  the  friends  against  each  other  in  politics.  When 
he  found  that  he  could  not  win  Grant  to  his  purposes,  he  be 
thought  him  that  Sherman's  reputation  and  popularity  might 
serve  him  almost  as  well.  Sherman  had  lived  out  of  the 
strife  between  Congress  and  the  President,  and  could  not 
know  all  that  Grant  knew  of  Johnson's  cunning  and  designs. 
His  subordination  might  be  counted  on,  as  Grant's  had  been. 
Then,  too,  Sherman  had  seemed  to  entertain  notions  in  poli 
tics  not  entirely  dissimilar  to  those  with  which  Johnson  him 
self  had  started ;  he  might  be  inclined  to  act  with  the  loyal 
men  who  had  followed  Johnson  in  his  aberrations.  Above 
all,  he  might  be  tempted  by  the  chance  to  supplant  his  only 
superior  in  military  position  or  possibly  fame.  So  the  scheme 
was  laid  to  entrap  Sherman  and  use  him  to  further  Johnson  s 
views  in  antagonism  to  Grant. 

GENERAL    SHERMAN    TO    GENERAL    BADEAU. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  ) 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  June  27,  1877.      ) 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  Your  letter  of  June  i3th  catches  me  in  the 
act  of  packing  up  for  an  absence  of  three  months,  and  leaves  me 
only  time  to  say  that  the  marked  honors  paid  General  Grant  by  all 
classes,  from  the  sovereign  down  to  the  masses  of  England,  touch 
our  people,  especially  his  old  comrades,  with  great  force.  All  the 
papers  of  every  shade  of  politics  chronicle  his  movements  and 
furnish  the  minutest  details.  We  all  know  that  he  and  Mrs.  Grant 
went  up  from  London  last  evening  at  5  P.  M.,  and  were  the  guests 
of  her  most  gracious  Majesty,  Victoria,  at  Windsor  Castle.  I 
esteem  these  marks  of  favor,  not  as  mere  compliments  to  the  Gen 
eral  and  his  country,  but  as  a  foreshadowing  of  the  judgment  of 
history  on  his  wonderful  career.  Now  that  he  is  untrammeled  by 
the  personal  contests  of  partisans,  all  men  look  upon  him  as  the 


GRANT  AND    SHERMAN.  ^3 

General  Grant,  who  had  the  courage,  with  Lee  at  his  front  and 
Washington  at  his  rear,  to  undertake  to  command  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  in  1864,  to  guide,  direct,  and  push  it  through  sunshine 
and  storm,  through  praise  and  denunciation,  steadily,  surely,  and 
finally  to  victory  and  peace ;  and  afterwards,  though  unused  to  the 
ways  and  machinery  of  civil  government,  to  risk  all  in  undertaking 
to  maintain  that  peace  by  the  Constitution  and  civil  forms  of  govern 
ment.  There  have  been  plenty  of  people  trying  to  sow  dissensions 
between  us  personally,  and  I  feel  my  conscience  clear  that,  though 
sometimes  differing  on  minor  points,  I  never  doubted  his  patriot 
ism,  firmness,  and  personal  friendship.  If  the  General  and  family 
be  still  with  you,  give  them  the  assurance  of  my  best  love,  and 
believe  me,  Most  truly,  your  friend, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

GRANT,  SHERMAN,  AND  JOHNSON. 

JOHNSON  had  been  as  violent  as  Stanton  in  his  censure 
of  Sherman's  terms  in  North  Carolina.  General  Grant 
told  me  at  the  time  that  the  President  called  Sherman  a 
traitor  in  the  presence  of  the  Cabinet,  and  that  he  authorized 
the  publication  of  the  comments  of  Stanton  which  called 
down  on  the  great  soldier  the  denunciations  of  the  country 
he  had  helped  to  save.  But  when  it  became  desirable  to 
make  use  of  Sherman  Johnson  could  assume  a  different  tone. 
He  resorted  to  every  inducement  of  flattery,  confidence,  and 
tempting  advancement,  and  offered  him  in  turn  the  command 
of  the  army,  the  brevet  of  General,  and  the  position  of  Sec 
retary  of  War,  so  that  he  might  either  cope  with,  supplant, 
or  surpass  Grant.  But  Sherman  was  proof  against  all  his 
wiles. 

Johnson's  first  attempt  to  pit  the  great?  comrades  against 
each  other  was  in  the  matter  of  the  mission  to  Mexico.  I 
have  already  told  the  story,  but  some  points  belong  to  my 
present  theme.  In  October,  1866,  the  President  ordered 
Grant  to  send  for  Sherman  who  was  at  St.  Louis,  but  he  did 
not  inform  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  purpose  of  the  order. 
This,  however,  Grant  suspected,  and  wrote  to  Sherman  to 
come  direct  to  his  house.  There  he  told  his  friend  of  the 
plot  of  the  Administration  to  send  himself  out  of  the  coun 
try  and  to  put  Sherman  in  his  place  in  the  interim.  Sher 
man  at  once  waited  on  the  President  and  protested  against 
the  scheme.  He  represented  the  determination  of  Grant  not 


GRANT,   SHERMAN,  AND   JOHNSON.  12$ 

to  leave  the  country,  the  needlessness  of  sending  him,  and 
the  danger  of  insisting.  He  even  offered  himself  to  go  to 
Mexico,  and  in  the  end  he  was  substituted  for  Grant. 
Beyond  all  doubt  it  was  the  earnestness  of  his  urging,  the 
cogency  of  his  suggestions,  and  above  all  the  discovery  of 
his  loyalty  to  Grant  that  changed  the  purpose  of  the  Presi 
dent.  Sherman,  however,  like  Grant  at  the  outset,  was 
completely  subordinate  in  his  interviews  with  the  President 
and  strove  to  express  no  opinions  offensive  to  his  superior. 

A  year  after  these  events  the  time  came  for  Johnson  to 
report  his  reasons  for  the  suspension  of  Stanton.  Sherman 
was  then  on  duty  at  Washington  as  president  of  a  board  to 
revise  the  regulations  of  the  army.  His  relations  with  Grant 
were  so  intimate  that  they  discussed  in  advance  the  conduct 
of  Grant  in  case  the  Senate  should  disapprove  the  action  of 
the  President.  On  the  nth  of  January,  two  days  before  the 
Senate  decided,  Grant  told  Sherman  that  he  would  not  retain 
the  office  of  Secretary  of  War  after  the  disapproval  of  the 
Senate,  and  Sherman  urged  him  to  make  known  this  inten 
tion  promptly  to  the  President.  It  was  partly  because  of 
this  urgency  of  Sherman  that  Grant  went  the  same  day  to 
Johnson  to  announce  his  determination.  It  was  also  Sher 
man  who  first  suggested  the  name  of  Governor  Cox  as  a 
substitute,  when  Grant  should  give  up  the  office,  and  Grant 
urged  Sherman  to  repeat  the  suggestion  to  the  President. 
They  were  thus  in  complete  accord.  Neither,  at  this  junc 
ture,  deemed  it  proper  that  Stanton  should  return  to  his  office. 

But  Stanton  resumed  his  place,  and  his  first  act  was  to 
send  a  message  to  Grant  that  the  Secretary  of  War  desired 
to  see  him.  This  required  Grant  to  leave  his  own  office  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  street  to  wait  on  his  superior.  It  was, 
to  say  the  least,  an  offensive  method  of  announcing  that  Stan- 
ton  was  in  his  seat,  especially  to  the  man  who  had  treated 
him  with  so  much  delicacy  a  few  months  before,  when 
their  positions  had  been  reversed.  Then  Grant  had  gone 


126  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

to  Stanton's  house  and  told  him  in  advance  what  he  meant 
to  do,  and  afterward  sent  a  formal  and  highly  complimentary 
letter  before  he  entered  upon  his  functions.  Grant  now 
disliked  extremely  the  behavior  of  Stanton,  and  said  so  to 
Sherman,  as  well  as  to  his  own  confidential  officers. 

The  same  day  Grant  and  Sherman  went  together  to  the 
President.  There  had  already  appeared  in  the  journal  which 
served  as  Johnson's  mouthpiece  accusations  of  Grant's  want 
of  faith,  and  he  was  loath  to'  enter  the  Executive  presence, 
but  he  put  under  foot  all  personal  considerations.  The 
position  of  Stanton  was  discussed,  and  it  was  suggested 
that  Grant  should  advise  him  to  resign.  The  President 
maintained  that  Stanton's  orders  to  Grant  were  not  valid 
while  the  Secretary  held  office  against  the  will  of  the  Head 
of  the  State,  and  Grant  replied  that  if  the  President  wished 
him  to  disobey  Stanton,  he  should  give  a  written  order  to 
that  effect.  This  order  Johnson  did  not  give.  He  wished 
Grant  to  take  the  responsibility  of  disobeying,  but  was  him 
self  unwilling  to  take  the  responsibility  of  directing  the 
disobedience. 

Grant  and  Sherman  now  held  frequent  conferences, 
neither  taking  any  step  without  the  concurrence  of  the  other. 
Sherman,  like  Grant,  subordinated  all  personal  feeling  at  this 
juncture  to  the  public  interests.  He  forgot  any  remains  of 
resentment  he  may  have  retained  toward  Stanton,  and  offered 
to  go  to  him  with  Grant  to  discuss  the  situation;  but  for 
some  reason  the  interview  did  not  occur.  Grant,  however, 
visited  Stanton,  intending  to  recommend  him  to  resign,  but 
he  soon  perceived  that  the  advice  would  be  useless,  and  coun 
seled  Sherman  not  to  offer  it. 

Meanwhile  the  controversy  between  Grant  and  the  Presi 
dent  was  approaching  a  culmination.  Twice  Grant  received 
important  orders  from  Stanton  requiring  immediate  action, 
and  inclosing  communications  from  the  Treasury  which 
recognized  Stanton  as  Secretary  of  War;  and  yet  the  Presi- 


GRANT,   SHERMAN,   AND   JOHNSON. 

dent  had  verbally  instructed  him  to  disregard  Stanton's  au 
thority.  On  the  24th  of  January  Grant  formally  requested 
that  the  President  would  put  into  writing  these  verbal 
directions.  This  was  not  done,  and  Grant  was  placed  in 
a  very  embarrassing  position.  It  was  the  old  device — to 
make  some  one  else  do  the  unauthorized  work  and  take  the 
responsibility,  by  which  Johnson  was  to  profit  without  burn 
ing  his  fingers.  At  the  same  time  the  imputations  of  bad 
faith  were  continued  against  Grant.  Finally,  on  the  28th 
of  January,  Grant  renewed  his  request  for  written  instruc 
tions  to  disobey  Stanton,  and  in  the  same  letter  he  cate 
gorically  denied  the  assertion  of  any  promise  on  his  part  to 
remain  in  office  after  the  Senate  re-instated  Stanton. 

This  brought  matters  to  a  head.  Within  two  days  Sher 
man  was  offered  the  position  of  Secretary  of  War.  As  soon  as 
it  became  certain  that  Grant  could  not  and  would  not  be  used, 
the  crafty  politician  turned  to  the  next  in  command.  On  the 
3Oth  of  January  Sherman  had  a  long  interview  with  Johnson, 
in  which  the  President  proposed  either  to  oust  Stanton  by 
force,  or  to  remove  him  legally  by  submitting  Sherman's 
name  to  the  Senate  as  Secretary  of  War.  But  to  both  these 
measures  Sherman  was  averse.  On  the  3ist  he  wrote  a  let 
ter  to  the  President,  full  of  wisdom,  patriotism,  and  eloquence, 
a  copy  of  which  he  gave  to  Grant.  In  this  he  said :  "  To 
bring  me  to  Washington  would  put  three  heads  to  the  army 
— yourself,  General  Grant,  and  myself;  and  we  would  be 
more  than  human  if  we  were  not  to  differ.  In  my  judgment 
it  would  ruin  the  army,  and  would  be  fatal  to  one,  or  two,  of 
us."  "With  my  consent,"  he  said  emphatically,  "Washing 
ton,  never." 

The  next  day  the  Board  of  Officers,  of  which  Sherman 
was  president,  concluded  its  labors,  and  he  set  out  immedi 
ately  for  St.  Louis,  to  avoid,  if  possible,  being  caught  in  the 
political  storm.  Johnson  cajoled  him,  tempted  him,  and  flat 
tered  him,  but  in  vain.  Repeatedly  the  President  declared 


I28  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

that  he  wanted  Sherman  in  Washington,  but  Sherman  as 
often  declined  to  remain ;  and  Johnson  did  not  order  him  to 
stay. 

On  the  3  ist  of  January,  the  day  after  offering  Sherman 
the  position  of  Secretary  of  War,  Johnson  sent  a  letter  to 
Grant,  recapitulating  in  detail  and  ratifying  all  the  charges 
that  had  hitherto  been  only  anonymously  made.  On  the 
3d  of  February  Grant  replied,  denying  every  one  of  John 
son's  assertions,  and  charging  the  President  outright  with  an 
attempt  to  destroy  his  character  before  the  country.  Johnson 
forthwith  issued  an  order  for  Sherman  to  return  to  Washing 
ton,  but  with  his  usual  vacillation,  in  a  day  or  two  rescinded  it. 
On  the  1 2th  of  February,  however,  the  order  was  renewed, 
and  Sherman  was  directed  to  assume  command  of  a  new  mil 
itary  division  created  for  the  occasion,  with  headquarters  at 
Washington.  Grant  notified  him  of  this  by  telegraph,  and 
Sherman  replied :  "  Were  I  prepared,  I  should  resign  on  the 
spot,  as  it  requires  no  foresight  to  predict  such  must  be  the 
inevitable  result  in  the  end.'* 

Johnson  now  sent  to  the  Senate  the  nomination  of  Sher 
man  for  the  brevet  of  General,  which  would  enable  the  Presi 
dent  to  place  him  in  command  of  the  army  instead  of  Grant, 
but  Sherman  instantly  telegraphed  to  his  brother  in  the  Sen 
ate  to  oppose  the  confirmation.  The  same  day  he  wrote  a 
second  letter  to  the  President,  which  he  forwarded  through 
Grant.  To  Grant  himself  he  said :  "  I  never  felt  so  troubled 
in  my  life.  Were  it  an  order  to  go  to  Sitka,  to  the  devil,  to 
battle  with  rebels  or  Indians,  I  think  you  would  not  hear  a 
whimper  from  me.  .  .  .  My  first  thoughts  were  of  resigna 
tion,  and  I  had  almost  made  up  my  mind  to  ask  Dodge  for 
some  place  on  the  Pacific  Railroad,  .  .  .  and  then  again 
various  colleges  ran  through  my  memory,  but  hard  times  and 
an  expensive  family  have  brought  me  back.  ...  If  it  were 
at  all  certain  that  you  would  accept  the  nomination  of  Presi 
dent  in  May,  I  would  try  and  kill  the  intervening  time  and 


GRANT,   SHERMAN,   AND   JOHNSON. 

then  judge  of  the  chances,  but  I  do  not  want  you  to  reveal 
your  plans  to  me  till  you  choose  to  do  so." 

It  was  hard  to  drive  Sherman  out  of  the  army  or  compel 
him  to  oppose  his  friend  —  to  force  these  men  into  such 
positions,  who  had  done  what  they  had  for  the  country  —  all 
for  the  sake  of  enabling  Johnson  to  triumph  over  the  will  of 
the  people  who  had  won  in  the  war  —  Johnson  too,  who  was 
only  by  chance,  or  by  assassination,  in  his  place.  The  strain 
between  Grant  and  Sherman  was  terrible  ;  the  feeling,  pitiable. 

Sherman's  letter  to  the  President  was  as  emphatic  as  that 
to  Grant.  He  declared  :  "  If  I  could  see  my  way  clear  to 
maintain  my  family  I  would  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  resign 
my  present  commission  and  seek  some  business  wherein  I 
could  be  free  from  these  unhappy  complications  that  seem  to 
be  closing  about  me."  He  implored  a  revocation  of  the 
order,  and  continued :  "  By  being  placed  in  Washington  I 
will  be  universally  construed  as  a  rival  to  the  General-in-Chief, 
a  position  damaging  to  me  in  the  highest  degree.  Our  rela 
tions  have  always  been  most  confidential  and  friendly,  and  if 
unhappily  any  cloud  of  difference  should  arise  between  us, 
my  sense  of  personal  dignity  and  duty  would  leave  me  no 
alternative  but  resignation.  I  shall  proceed  to  arrange  for  it 
as  rapidly  as  possible,  so  that  when  the  time  does  come,  as  it 
surely  will,  if  this  plan  is  carried  into  effect,  I  may  act 
promptly."  He  ended  by  pronouncing  "the  blow  one  of  the 
hardest  I  have  'sustained  in  a  life  somewhat  checkered  by 
adversity." 

Neither  the  feeling  nor  the  conduct  of  Sherman  at  this 
crisis  can  be  fully  appreciated  without  remembering  that  he 
did  not  approve  the  course  of  Congress  in  many  respects,  and 
would  certainly  have  preferred  a  more  lenient  policy  toward 
the  South.  But  questions  like  these  were  now  far  in  the 
background,  and  the  devices  of  Johnson  were  such  as  Sher 
man  never  could  have  indorsed.  There  were,  indeed,  many 
honorable  and  loyal  men  who  believed  that  the  course 
9 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

originally  indicated  by  the  President,  would  have  been  more 
fortunate  for  the  country,  and  at  this  distance  of  time  all  can 
see  instances  in  which  Congress  might  have  acted  with 
greater  wisdom ;  but  the  crooked  arts  and  iniquitous 
machinations  of  the  obstinate,  cunning,  malicious  man  at  the 
head  of  the  Government  can  recommend  themselves  neither 
to  patriots  nor  men  of  honor  at  the  North  or  South,  Demo 
crats  or  Republicans.  They  cost  the  country  dear.  The 
shot  of  Booth  did  more  harm  to  the  South  than  to  the  illus 
trious  martyr  who  received  it,  or  to  the  unhappy  maniac  by 
whose  hand  Lincoln  fell. 

Grant,  as  well  as  Sherman,  was  tortured  by  the  petty  craft 
of  him  whom  Fate  had  thrust  into  a  position  where  he  could 
tyrannize  over  natures  greater  than  his  own.  Grant  now 
appealed  to  Sherman  to  write  out  his  recollections  of  the 
famous  interview  with  the  President,  at  which  Sherman  had 
been  present,  in  order  to  counterbalance  the  assertions  of 
Johnson's  Cabinet.  On  the  i8th  of  February  the  General- 
in-Chief  wrote  again  to  his  friend,  calling  for  his  support  in 
the  attacks  upon  his  honor : 

"Your  letter  to  the  President  which  you  informed  me  by 
telegraph  on  Friday  last  had  been  mailed  through  me,  has  not  yet 
come  to  hand.  It  may  come  to-day.  The  course  you  have  pursued 
has  given  immense  satisfaction  so  far  as  I  have  heard  any  expres 
sion  of  opinion.  The  dispatch  you  sent  to  Senator  Sherman  has 
not  been  published,  but  it  is  understood  to  be  the  ground  of  his 
action  in  the  Senate.  You  see  by  the  papers  Mr.  J.  has  been 
expressing  surprise  at  your  action,  saying  that  his  course  was 
understood  between  you  before  you  left,  and  that  you  did  not 
seem  to  disapprove  it.  Of  course  I  do  not  expect  to  make  any 
use  of  the  letters  which  you  have  written,  in  my  own  vindication, 
but  I  thought  your  letter  to  the  President  might  set  you  right  in 
the  estimation  of  people  who  do  not  know  you  as  well  as  I  do,  and 
might  possibly  suppose  from  the  fact  that  you  had  been  in  Wash 
ington  and  in  direct  communication  with  the  President,  that  you 
had  consented  to  aid  him  in  his  plans  to  offer  me  an  indignity.  I 


GRANT,   SHERMAN,   AND   JOHNSON.  I^l 

would  be  very  glad  to  have  you  here  if  the  public  was  not  losing 
by  bringing  you  away  from  where  you  are,  and  if  not  for  the 
annoying  position  it  would  place  you  in.  I  have  heard  that 
Mr.  Johnson  said  to  some  of  his  intimate  friends  that  he  intended 
to  have  you  and  me  knock  our  heads  together.  Your  intimation 
that  you  would  resign  under  any  circumstances  has  called  out  an 
expression  that  you  should  not  be  placed  in  a  position  to  make  it 
necessary,  even  if  it  took  legislation  to  prevent  the  contingency. 
This  of  course  is  an  individual  expression  of  opinion.  But  I 
would  say  under  no  circumstances  tender  even  a  contingent 
resignation.  You  do  not  owe  Mr.  Johnson  anything,  and  he  is 
not  entitled  to  such  a  sacrifice  from  you.  Please  present  my 
kindest  regards  to  Mrs.  Sherman  and  the  children." 

The  scrupulous  care  with  which  in  all  this  crisis  Grant 
regarded  Sherman's  wishes,  and  strove  to  do  nothing  to 
commit  him  further  than  he  chose,  is  shown  in  the  following 
letter  of  the  22d  of  February  to  Senator  Sherman  : 

"  The  National  Intelligencer  of  this  morning  contains  a  private 
note  which  General  Sherman  sent  to  the  President  while  he  was 
in  Washington,  dictated  by  the  purest  kindness  and  a  disposition 
to  preserve  harmony,  and  not  intended  for  publication.  It  seems 
to  me  that  the  publication  of  that  letter  is  calculated  to  place  the 
General  in  a  wrong  light  before  the  public,  taken  in  connection 
with  what  correspondents  have  said  before,  evidently  getting  their 
inspiration  from  the  White  House.  As  General  Sherman  after 
ward  wrote  a  semi-official  note  to  the  President,  furnishing  me  a 
copy,  and  still  later  a  purely  official  letter  sent  through  me,  which 
place  him  in  his  true  position,  and  which  have  not  been  published, 
though  called  for  by  the  "  House,"  I  take  the  liberty  of  sending 
you  these  letters  to  give  you  the  opportunity  of  consulting  General 
Sherman  as  to  what  action  to  take  upon  them.  In  all  matters 
where  I  am  not  personally  interested  I  would  not  hesitate  to 
advise  General  Sherman  how  I  would  act  in  his  place.  But  in 
this  instance  after  the  correspondence  I  have  had  with  Mr.  Johnson, 
I  may  not  see  General  Sherman's  interest  in  the  same  light  others 
see  it,  or  that  I  would  see  it  in,  if  no  such  correspondence  had 


!32  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

occurred.  I  am  clear  in  this,  however :  the  correspondence  here 
inclosed  to  you  should  not  be  made  public,  except  by  the  Presi 
dent,  or  with  the  full  sanction  of  General  Sherman.  Probably  the 
letter  of  the  3ist  of  January,  marked  confidential,  should  not  be 
given  out  at  all." 

Johnson  was  deterred  by  Sherman's  protestations,  by  the 
refusal  of  the  Senate  to  confirm  the  brevet,  and  by  the  fear 
that  he  would  damage  himself  if  he  insisted  further.  Doubt 
less,  too,  he  suspected  that  Sherman  would  not  prove  very 
serviceable,  if  forced  so  much  against  his  will  into  the 
uncoveted  position.  On  the  iQth  of  February,  therefore,  the 
President  informed  Sherman  that  he  would  not  be  ordered  to 
Washington.  Two  days  afterward,  without  consulting  the 
Senate,  Johnson  removed  Stanton  and  appointed  Lorenzo 
Thomas,  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  Army,  Secretary  of 
War  ad  interim.  The  same  day  a  resolution  was  offered  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  that  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  be  impeached  for  high  crimes  and 
misdemeanors.  On  the  24th  of  February  the  resolution  was 
adopted. 

Points  suggested  by  General  Sherman  in  answer  to  the 
President's  letter  to  General  Grant,  of  January  31,  1866:  •/ 

"  Acknowledge  receipt  formally. 

"Regret  that  matters  of  importance  should  have  transpired 
verbally  when  the  memory  of  mere  words  in  a  general  conversa 
tion  is  interpreted  according  to  the  bias  of  hearers.  Will  take 
care  in  future  it  shall  be  avoided. 

"  Knew  that  the  President  on  Saturday,  Sunday,  and  Monday 
possessed  all  the  knowledge  of  the  action  of  the  Senate  and  its 
legal  effects  that  you  did,  and  as  the  responsibility  rested  with 
him,  you  presumed  he  would  adopt  his  own  course. 

"  A  resignation  was  never  hinted  at  as  necessary,  as  the  law 
itself  terminated  the  tenure  of  the  Secretary  of  War  ad  interim. 


GRANT,  SHERMAN,   AND   JOHNSON.  l^$ 

"  Know  your  own  motive  and  wishes  to  secure  as  much 
harmony  of  action  as  possible,  and  to  avoid  as  far  as  could  be  the 
controversy  unhappily  existing  between  President  and  Congress, 
but  conscious  of  rectitude,  forbear  to  question  motives  of  others. 

"  Question  of  Mr.  Stanton  is  one  of  pure  legality.  His  sitting 
in  that  particular  office  does  not  make  him  Secretary  of  War.  If 
he  is  not  Secretary  of  War,  why  does  the  Secretary  of  Treasury 
pay  his  drafts  as  such  ? 

"  The  controversy  as  it  stood  then  and  as  it  stands  now,  is  not 
one  which  the  Commander-in-Chief  should  settle,  but  it  is  for  the 
courts  or  the  President  by  an  *  order.'  w.  T.  s." 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE    IMPEACHMENT    OF    ANDREW   JOHNSON. 

RANT  had  originally  been  very  much  averse  to  the 
proposition  to  impeach  the  President.  Suggestions  of 
this  proceeding  had  been  made  as  early  as  1866,  and  in  May  of 
that  year  Grant  wrote  to  Washburne,  who  was  then  in  Europe : 
"  But  little  is  heard  now  about  impeachment.  It  is  sincerely 
to  be  hoped  that  we  will  not,  unless  something  occurs  here 
after  to  fully  justify  it."  It  was  not  until  Johnson's  removal 
of  Stanton  and  the  appointment  of  Lorenzo  Thomas  as 
Secretary  of  War,  and  after  his  own  violent  differences  with 
the  President,  that  Grant  looked  with  favor  on  this  extreme 
measure.  But  when  the  motion  for  impeachment  was  finally 
passed  he  heartily  approved  it.  He  took  the  liveliest  inter 
est  in  the  proceedings,  and  though  he  preserved  a  proper 
reticence  in  his  public  utterances,  he  did  not  scruple  with 
those  in  his  confidence  to  express  his  opinion  that  the  action 
of  Congress  was  entirely  justified.  He  refused,  however,  to 
visit  the  Senate  during  the  trial,  and  did  nothing  inconsistent 
with  the  dignity  of  his  position. 

But  the  election  for  President  was  now  only  a  few  months 
off,  and  from  the  time  of  the  publication  of  his  final  corre 
spondence  with  Johnson  it  was  evident  that  Grant  must  be 
the  candidate  of  the  Republicans.  He  no  longer  declined  to 
acknowledge  this  probability,  or  to  converse  on  the  subject; 
and  the  leaders  of  the  party  continually  consulted  him  during 
the  progress  of  the  trial.  Before  its  conclusion  he  was 
formally  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  and  he  would  have 

(134) 


THE   IMPEACHMENT   OF   ANDREW   JOHNSON.  ^5 

been  untrue  to  his  implied  obligations  had  he  failed  to  sym 
pathize  with  his  supporters  in  a  matter  so  momentous  as 
their  battle  with  the  President. 

His  political  convictions,   as    I    have   shown,   had   been 
forming  and  crystallizing  for  several  years,  amid  the  changing 
circumstances  and  contingencies  of  the  time ;  but  the  action 
of  Johnson  undoubtedly  precipitated  his  conclusions.      For 
Grant  was   subject  to  all  the   ordinary  feelings   and   even 
passions  of  a  man,  and  the  long  series  of  attempts  first  to 
beguile  and  cajole  him,  and  afterward  to  entrap  and  misrep 
resent  him,  had  their  natural  effect.     They  went  hand  in 
hand  with  what  he  thought  the  President's  endeavors  to 
thwart  and  frustrate  the  law,  and  the  will  of  the  loyal  North. 
Finally,  when  Johnson  at  the  same  juncture  assailed  Grant's 
personal  honor  and  defied  the  authority  of    Congress,  the 
soldier  resented  one  action  while  the  citizen  condemned  the 
other.     Doubtless  the  imputations  on  his  character  sharpened 
his  appreciation  of  the  public  misconduct  of  his  enemy ;  no 
one  is  proof  against  inducements  and  influences  like  these ; 
but  the  fact  did  not  lessen  the  purity  of  his  conduct  or  the 
integrity  of  his  motives.     Christianity  itself  mingles  personal 
considerations  with  those  of  abstract  right  and  wrong ;  and 
a  man  who  has  been  struck  in  a  righteous  cause  is  hardly  to 
be  blamed  if  he  returns  the  blow  with  increased  and  indig 
nant  zeal.     Grant,  I  repeat,  was  very  human ;  tempted  in  all 
points  like  other  men;    he  was  made  neither  of   wood  nor 
stone,  but  of  flesh  and  blood;  and  at  this  juncture  the  fervor 
of  his  public  spirit,  was  certainly  intensified  by  his  indigna 
tion  at  Johnson's  behavior  toward  himself. 

But  he  committed  no  injustice.  He  resented  his  own 
wrongs,  yet  he  made  no  display  of  rancor  and  descended  to 
no  unworthy  wiles.  He  was  at  one  time  summoned  before 
Congress,  but  he  rigidly  confined  his  testimony  to  what  he 
had  seen  and  known,  and  refused  to  exaggerate  either  the 
language  or  acts  of  the  President  or  his  own  impressions  of 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

them;  although  he  was  certain  that  this  very  moderation 
would  be  an  argument  in  Johnson's  favor. 

Nevertheless,  when  he  thought  it  his  duty  to  take  an 
important  step,  he  did  not  hesitate.  At  the  crisis  of  the 
trial  it  became  evident  that  some  of  the  Republican  Senators 
were  uncertain  as  to  their  judgment  or  their  course,  and 
Grant  was  urged  to  use  his  influence  with  them.  The  Sen 
ators  were  judges,  it  is  true,  but  this  was  a  political  trial,  and 
Grant  believed  that  he  had  a  right  to  support  the  weak  and 
confirm  the  strong  in  so  grave  an  emergency.  He  not  only 
conversed  with  those  whose  action  he  thought  he  could  affect, 
arguing  in  favor  of  the  conviction  of  Johnson  and  demon 
strating  his  guilt,  but  he  visited  at  least  one  Senator  at  his 
house  with  this  purpose.  This  was  Mr.  Frelinghuysen. 
Grant  told  me  of  his  intention  before  he  paid  the  visit,  and 
returned  greatly  gratified,  for  though  Frelinghuysen  had  not 
disclosed  his  intention  he  had  said  enough  to  assure  Grant  of 
his  views.  Two  or  three  days  afterward  Frelinghuysen  voted 
in  favor  of  conviction. 

The  day  before  the  verdict  was  rendered  a  remarkable 
scene  occurred  at  Grant's  headquarters.  Benjamin  F.  Wade, 
the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate,  would  in  case  of  the 
deposition  of  Johnson  immediately  become  President.  Nat 
urally  he  was  considering  this  possibility.  He  was  an  ardent 
Republican,  and  a  friend  and  supporter  of  General  Grant. 
He  came  to  Grant's  office  while  I  was  present  and  said: 
"  General,  I  am  here  to  consult  with  you  about  my  Cabinet, 
in  case  Mr.  Johnson  is  found  guilty."  I  was  allowed  to 
remain  during  the  interview.  Mr.  Wade  then  went  on  to 
say  that  as  Grant  was  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party 
and  would  undoubtedly  be  elected,  he  wished  to  make  no 
temporary  appointments  that  would  be  unacceptable  to  his 
probable  successor.  Grant  listened  attentively  but  offered 
no  suggestions  of  his  own.  The  matter  was  profoundly 
delicate,  and  yet  it  was  not  improper  for  these  two  men,  who 


THE  IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

might  each  in  turn  and  so  soon  become  the  Head  of  the 
State,  to  compare  their  plans.  Wade  mentioned  several 
names  for  Cabinet  positions,  and  ascertained  that  Grant 
would  not  object  to  them.  Stanton's,  of  course,  was  one  of 
these.  But  Grant  made  no  revelation  of  his  own  purposes, 
if  indeed  they  were  formed,  and  there  was  no  discussion  of 
policy ;  about  that  they  would  doubtless  be  in  accord.  The 
interview  lasted  perhaps  half  an  hour.  But  the  next  day 
Johnson  was  acquitted,  and  Wade  never  made  a  Cabinet. 
He  got  very  close  to  greatness ;  the  vote  of  one  man  in  the 
Senate  excluded  him. 

Grant  was  at  first  very  much  disappointed  at  the  result  of 
the  trial,  and  said  so  to  some  of  his  intimates ;  but  he  was 
discreet,  and  forebore  to  make  his  feeling  public  or  its 
expression  in  any  way  indecorous.  After  a  while  his  judg 
ment  changed,  and  he  thought  on  the  whole  it  was  better 
for  the  country  that  the  President  should  not  have  been 
removed.  He  believed  that  Johnson  had  been  taught  a 
lesson  which  he  would  not  forget,  and  that  the  precedent 
of  a  successful  impeachment  would  have  been  a  greater 
misfortune  to  the  State  than  any  evil  that  Johnson  might 
still  have  been  able  to  accomplish.  In  addition  to  this  I 
heard  him  say  that  a  fear  of  Wade's  well-known  bitterness 
and  lack  of  restraint  reconciled  him  more  easily  to  enduring 
Johnson  a  little  longer.  He  even  suggested  that  a  similar 
apprehension  might  have  influenced  some  of  the  Republican 
Senators  who  had  voted  for  acquittal. 

As  years  went  by  Grant's  judgment  changed  on  several 
points  in  regard  to  which  at  this  time  he  was  very  decided. 
He  found  the  Tenure  of  Office  act  a  great  obstruction  to  his 
own  authority  as  President,  and  was  anxious  for  a  much 
greater  modification  of  its  provisions  than  Congress  was 
willing  to  concede.  Yet  he  had  been  strongly  in  favor  of 
curtailing  Johnson's  powers.  He  justified  this  apparent 
inconsistency  by  declaring  that  the  times  had  been  unusual, 


GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

the  man  exceptional ;  and  that  what  was  indispensable  imme 
diately  after  a  great  civil  convulsion  in  order  to  prevent 
further  commotions  and  possibly  revolution,  was  unnecessary 
and  indefensible  in  the  ordinary  years  of  peace.  Grant 
indeed  was  never  willing  to  let  constitutional  restrictions 
bind  the  State  so  that  it  could  not  save  itself.  He  was 
full  of  reverence  for  law,  but  that  the  Sabbath  was  made 
for  man,  and  not  man  for  the  Sabbath,  was  a  doctrine  to 
which  in  all  things  he  subscribed. 

He  was  heartily  glad  when  the  turmoil  of  the  impeach 
ment  was  over,  and  was  entirely  satisfied  to  have  a  prominent 
Republican  like  Evarts  accept  a  seat  in  Johnson's  Cabinet. 
There  were  many  in  his  party  who  disapproved  the  course 
of  Evarts  at  this  juncture.  They  were  indignant  even  that 
he  should  defend  the  President  professionally,  and  still  more 
so  when  he  consented  to  become  a  member  of  Johnson's 
Government.  But  Grant  himself  had  set  the  precedent,  and 
could  not  condemn  the  man  who  followed  it.  Both  he  and 
Stanton  had  held  places  in  the  same  Cabinet  while  disap 
proving  the  policy  of  its  chief;  and  he  thought  and  said 
that  Evarts,  especially  as  the  legal  adviser  of  the  Adminis 
tration,  might  be  able  to  act  as  a  useful  check,  and  thus 
do  the  country  important  service.  He  was  glad  also  to  have 
one  man  in  the  Cabinet  with  whom  in  most  matters  he  could 
sympathize. 

The  result  of  the  trial  was  a  crushing  and  intolerable  blow 
to  Stanton,  from  which  he  never  recovered.  Although  there 
lacked  but  one  vote  of  the  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  neces 
sary  to  convict  the  President,  the  verdict  was  in  some  sort 
a  condemnation  of  the  Secretary.  It  implied  that  he  should 
not  have  remained  in  the  Cabinet  against  the  will  of  his 
chief,  and  it  made  it  imperative  on  him  immediately  to  resign. 

General  Schofield  was  at  once  nominated  by  the  President 
for  the  position  of  Secretary  of  War.  Grant  still  retained 
some  of  the  heat  of  the  contest  and  wrote  to  Schofield, 


THE  IMPEACHMENT   OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

who  was  then  in  command  at  Richmond:  "Under  the 
circumstances  I  advise  you  to  decline  the  Secretaryship  in 
advance."  But  Schofield  started  for  Washington  and  went 
at  once  to  visit  Grant,  who  revised  his  opinion,  and  Schofield 
entered  the  Cabinet  with  the  full  concurrence  of  the  General- 
in-Chief.  He  displayed  rare  ability  in  his  difficult  position. 
He  was  able  to  perform  his  duties  with  efficiency,  so  as  to 
satisfy  the  President,  and  at  the  same  time  not  offend  the  Leg 
islature  nor  the  party  that  had  sought  to  overthrow  his  chief. 
A  subordinate  of  Grant  in  the  army  and  his  personal 
friend,  owing  indeed  to  Grant  much  of  his  advancement, 
he  behaved  to  his  great  inferior  with  consummate  tact  and 
delicacy,  deferring  to  him  whenever  this  was  proper,  and 
nevertheless  maintaining  the  dignity  of  his  own  position. 
Their  relations  were  always  extremely  cordial.  With  Evarts 
and  Schofield  in  the  Cabinet,  Grant  was  able,  even  as  the 
candidate  of  the  party  that  was  so  hostile  to  the  President, 
to  retain  something  like  concord  with  the  Government. 

EXTRACT    FROM    LETTER    OF    HON.    EDWARDS    PIERREPONT   TO 
GENERAL    BADEAU. 

"I  knew  Johnson  personally;  not  very  well,  but  well  enough  to 
see  that  he  had  immense  cunning  and  persistency ;  and  it  seemed 
clear  to  me  that  in  the  contest  with  his  Secretary  of  War  the 
President,  clothed  with  all  the  powers  of  his  great  office,  would 
in  the  end  prevail,  and  that  Stanton  would  sometime,  somehow, 
be  ousted  from  his  place,  and  our  long  intimacy,  I  thought,  war 
ranted  me  in  writing  him  the  most  earnest  letter  that  I  could  pen, 
urging  him  to  resign  in  the  very  beginning  of  the  contest  with  his 
chief.  I  now  have  his  reply  in  which  he  says  that  his  wife  warmly 
indorsed  my  letter,  but  that  every  other  friend  was  against  it; 
that  those  in  the  Senate  and  the  House  who  had  stood  so  faith 
fully  by  him  during  the  war  implored  him  to  remain;  and  that 
duty,  patriotism,  and  fidelity  to  party  all  demanded  that  he  should 
"stick."  ...  I  was  in  Washington  and  dined  with  the  Sec 
retary  at  his  house  in  K  street,  on  the  day  when  General  Grant 


140  GRANT  IN  PEACE. 

announced  to  Stanton  that  the  President  had  urged  him  (General 
Grant)  to  accept  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War,  and  that  the 
General  had  accepted  the  offer.  The  day  was  warm,  and  during 
the  early  twilight  we  sat  in  the  wide  hall  with  the  street  door  open, 
talking  upon  this  very  subject,  when  General  Grant  came  slowly 
up  the  steps.  After  the  usual  greeting  and  the  passing  of  a  few 
words,  the  General  said  to  the  Secretary  that  he  wanted  to  speak 
with  him,  and  the  two  retired  to  the  library.  They  were  absent 
from  ten  to  fifteen  minutes,  and  both  looked  troubled  on  their 
return.  The  General  went  away,  only  saying  "Good  evening." 
Stanton,  with  a  suppressed  agitation  which  was  very  marked,  but 
in  calm  language,  told  me  the  purport  of  the  interview  and  of 
what  Sumner  and  other  Senators  had  said  to  make  him  "stick." 
He  then  said:  "You  and  Mrs.  Stanton  are  the  only  ones  who 
gave  me  good  advice  and  I  ought  to  have  followed  it," 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

GRANT   AS   A    PRESIDENTIAL   CANDIDATE. 

I  HAVE  already  shown  Grant's  original  aversion  to  poli 
tics.  Immediately  after  the  close  of  the  war,  the  at 
tention  of  the  country  was  turned  to  the  great  soldier  as  a 
probable  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  but  to  him  nothing 
could  be  more  disagreeable  than  the  thought.  Probably  no 
man  has  ever  been  mentioned  for  the  place  who  was  more 
unwilling  to  accept  the  honor.  He  was  plain  and  unassum 
ing,  for  all  his  elevation,  entirely  satisfied  with  his  position 
at  the  head  of  the  army,  and  gratified  with  his  personal  pop 
ularity.  He  had  received  no  training  in  politics,  and  pos 
sessed  no  aptitude  for  the  career ;  he  disliked  the  ways  and 
arts  of  politicians,  and  preferred  his  soldier  friends  and  his 
reputation  as  a  soldier  to  political  associates  or  political 
fame.  He  knew,  too,  that  he  must  lose  some  of  his  popu 
larity  when  he  became  a  candidate,  must  give  up  much  of 
his  ease  and  offend  many  of  his  friends  when  once  he  en 
tered  office.  Besides  all  this,  he  had  tasted  the  bitterness  of 
poverty,  and  he  was  now  placed  beyond  pecuniary  anxiety, 
while,  if  he  became  President,  he  must  relinquish  the  income 
of  $22,000  a  year  that  was  settled  on  him  for  life.  He  had 
little  to  look  forward  to  afterward,  no  resources  to  take  the 
place  of  those  he  would  lose  ;  and  he  was  still  young, —  only 
forty-three  when  the  war  closed.  He  considered  all  these 
circumstances,  and  he  told  me  afterward  that  he  looked  with 
positive  apprehension  at  the  probability,  which  by  degrees 


142 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


was  converted  into  a  certainty,  of  becoming  a  Presidential 
candidate. 

When  he  was  first  approached  on  the  subject  he  resented 
the  liberty  and  repelled  all  discussion  of  the  theme.  I  have 
often  seen  men  who  hoped  to  draw  him  out  receive  very 
mortifying  and  unexpected  rebuffs.  They  would  make,  per 
haps,  an  elaborate  little  speech,  devise  a  snare  into  which 
they  thought  he  must  certainly  fall,  invent  a  bait  that  must 
tempt  him  to  talk;  but  Grant  would  simply  look  at  them 
with  no  expression  whatever  on  his  face,  and  say  not  a  single 
word.  If  he  had  uttered  anything  at  all  they  might  have 
continued  or  renewed  their  wiles,  but  this  absolute  silence 
was  the  most  embarrassing  answer  possible.  It  not  only 
entirely  baffled  them,  but  was  merciless  in  its  way.  They 
stammered  and  blushed,  no  matter  how  bold  or  adroit ;  then 
they  attempted  to  change  the  subject,  and  invariably,  before 
many  minutes,  took  their  leave.  Sometimes,  as  the  door 
closed,  Grant  would  look  up  at  me  with  a  quizzical  expres 
sion  that  showed  he  enjoyed  their  confusion.  For  a  man 
unused  to  the  stratagems  of  peace  he  was  the  most  skillful 
and  the  most  successful  in  these  repulses  I  have  ever  seen. 
His  interlocutors  never  returned  to  the  charge. 

But  the  course  of  Johnson  made  it  incumbent  at  last  on 
the  soldier  to  accept  the  political  situation,  however  unwel 
come.  The  people  whom  he  had  led  in  the  war  naturally 
looked  to  him  to  guard  what  he  had  won,  and  for  a  year 
before  the  actual  necessity  for  decision  there  could  be  no 
mistaking  the  signs.  Still  Grant  lived  in  the  hope  that  the 
necessity  might  be  averted.  He  would  not  admit  to  himself 
that  he  must  take  up  the  new  role.  The  approach  of  the 
crisis  awoke  no  ambition  in  him.  Indeed,  the  spectacle  of 
Johnson  dishonored,  impeached,  almost  deposed,  was  not  cal 
culated  to  make  one  who  stood  so  near  at  all  eager  to  become 
his  successor.  The  struggles  whose  inner  history  Grant 
knew  so  well,  the  troubles  with  Cabinet  Ministers,  the  dis- 


GRANT  AS   A   PRESIDENTIAL   CANDIDATE. 

tracting  fears  and  anxieties  of  Johnson,  perhaps  the  fate  of 
Lincoln, —  all  conspired  to  dispel  the  illusions  which  men 
further  off  might  entertain.  Grant  saw  for  himself  that  the 
lot  of  the  President  was  a  hard  one ;  and  I  do  not  believe 
he  ever  admitted  to  his  own  heart  before  the  final  rupture 
with  Johnson  that  he  would  accept  the  nomination  for  the 
Presidency. 

This  repugnance  doubtless  helped  him  to  conceal  so 
long  his  differences  with  the  President,  and  made  him  sub 
mit  to  more  from  Johnson  than  he  otherwise  would  have 
endured.  Then,  too,  Grant  saw  not  a  little  in  the  conduct 
of  Congress  and  of  individual  members  of  the  Republican 
party  which  he  did  not  commend.  Of  course,  with  the  gen 
eral  policy  of  the  party  he  was  in  accord,  but  he  disapproved 
many  particulars  and  disliked  many  men  that,  as  a  candidate, 
he  must  in  some  sort  indorse.  Besides  all  this,  he  had 
many  admirers  and  some  warm  personal  friends  among  the 
Democrats  whom  he  was  unwilling  to  lose,  and  the  influence 
of  his  wife's  family,  which  went  for  something,  was  decidedly 
hostile  to  the  Republican  policy  and  sentiment.  Thus  he 
deferred  to  the  last  moment  taking  the  decisive  step. 

But  when  he  wrote  the  letter  that  defied  the  President  he 
identified  himself  with  the  President's  enemies.  The  country 
looked  upon  the  step  as  signifying  his  willingness  to  be  recog 
nized  as  Johnson's  antagonist.  Johnson  himself  at  the  time, 
and  even  afterward,  hoped  to  be  the  nominee  of  the  Demo 
crats.  He  was  at  this  moment  acting  in  unison  with  them; 
his  only  friends  were  of  their  party ;  he  was  their  representa 
tive,  and  though  he  did  many  things  that  many  Democrats 
disapproved,  they  were  forced  as  a  party  to  uphold  him. 
Thus  when  Grant  was  thrust  into  a  position  of  personal  and 
prominent  hostility  to  Johnson,  the  Republicans  claimed  him 
and  rallied  around  him.  He  knew  himself  that  the  die  was 
cast. 

He  was  nominated  by  acclamation  at  Cincinnati  in  May, 


144 


GRANT   IN    PEACE. 


1868.  Stanton  carried  him  the  news.  I  was  with  Grant  at  his 
own  headquarters  when  the  Secretary  of  War  entered  the  room. 
I  had  never  seen  Stanton  there  before,  but  this  time  he  did 
not  send  for  Grant.  He  came  hurriedly  up  the  stairs  panting 
for  breath  lest  some  one  should  precede  him.  He  had  ob 
tained  the  first  information  of  the  vote,  even  in  advance  of 
Grant,  and  as  he  rushed  in  he  exclaimed :  "  General !  I  have 
come  to  tell  you  that  you  have  been  nominated  by  the  Re 
publican  party  for  President  of  the  United  States."  Grant 
received  the  intelligence  as  he  did  every  important  announce 
ment  of  his  life.  There  was  no  shade  of  exultation  or  agita 
tion  on  his  face,  not  a  flush  on  his  cheek,  nor  a  flash  in  his 
eye.  I  doubt  whether  he  felt  elated,  even  in  those  recesses 
where  he  concealed  his  inmost  thoughts.  At  that  moment  I 
believe  he  was  sorry  to  leave  his  position  in  the  army,  and 
disliked  as  much  as  ever  the  prospect  of  new  responsibilities 
and  unfamiliar  cares.  But  of  course,  when  he  was  in  a  fight 
he  desired  to  win,  and  since  his  name  had  been  placed  before 
the  public  with  his  tacit  sanction,  he  would  have  been  disap 
pointed  had  he  not  received  the  nomination.  Of  that,  how 
ever,  there  had  hardly  been  a  possibility.  The  next  night 
he  made  his  first  political  speech,  in  answer  to  the  public 
announcement  of  his  nomination.  The  address  was  entirely 
unprepared,  like  almost  every  speech  he  ever  made,  but  I 
took  it  down  at  the  time.  It  was  in  these  words :  "  Gentle 
men,  being  entirely  unaccustomed  to  public  speaking,  and 
without  the  desire  to  cultivate  the  power,  it  is  impossible  for 
me  to  find  appropriate  language  to  thank  you  for  this  demon 
stration.  All  that  I  can  say  is,  that  to  whatever  position  I 
may  be  called  by  your  will,  I  shall  endeavor  to  discharge  its 
duties  with  fidelity  and  honesty  of  purpose.  Of  my  rectitude 
in  the  performance  of  public  duties  you  will  have  to  judge 
for  yourselves  by  the  record  before  you." 

With  all  his  modesty  Grant  was  conscious  of  his  own 
character.  He  felt  the  weight  of  the  services  he  had  ren 
dered,  and  dared  to  allude  to  them  without  humility. 


GRANT  AS   A   PRESIDENTIAL   CANDIDATE.  I^ 

Indeed  he  had  been  told  so  often  that  he  was  indispens 
able  at  this  crisis  that  he  might  be  pardoned  if  he  believed  it. 
He  thought  at  any  rate  that  he  was  as  important  to  the 
Republican  party  as  the  party  was  to  him.  He  had  not 
wanted  the  nomination  and  the  party  had  wanted  the  pres 
tige  of  his  name  at  the  polls.  He  was  not  now  grateful  to 
the  party,  for  he  believed  that  if  the  party  leaders  could  have 
done  without  him  they  never  would  have  nominated  him. 
And  it  is  true  that  he  was  not  the  choice  of  the  leaders,  who 
doubted  his  political  ability  and  distrusted  even  yet  his  politi 
cal  fidelity ;  he  was  forced  upon  them  by  the  rank  and  file. 
Stanton,  Chase,  Greeley,  Sumner  —  all  would  have  preferred 
a  purely  political  man.  Grant  knew  this. 

He  refused  from  the  first  to  take  any  active  part  in  the 
campaign.  When  the  trial  of  the  President  was  concluded 
and  Congress  adjourned,  he  set  out  for  his  little  home  in 
Galena  to  get  away  from  arrangements  and  conferences. 
The  party  managers  were  very  much  annoyed  by  this  course. 
Nearly  all  his  friends  thought  it  unwise,  and  those  who  were 
intimate  enough  advised  against  it.  He  was  now,  they  said, 
the  chief  of  the  party,  and  its  important  members  desired  to 
consult  him  continually  during  the  contest.  But  he  replied 
that  he  did  not  wish  to  consult  them.  He  had  lent  his 
name,  but  he  would  take  no  part,  give  no  advice  in  the 
struggle.  He  went  off  as  far  as  he  could  from  the  turmoil, 
and  directed  that  his  letters  should  not  be  forwarded  to  him, 
nor  even  opened.  Grant,  indeed,  at  this  time,  meant  to  keep 
himself  untrammeled  by  pledges  not  only  about  place,  but 
even  about  policy.  He  had  some  idea  of  being  the  President 
of  the  people  rather  than  of  a  party.  He  became  absolutely 
a  politician  afterward,  but  only  this  idea  will  account  for 
much  that  was  extraordinary  in  his  course,  both  during  the 
canvass  and  even  after  the  election.  He  had  no  thought  of 
being  untrue  to  those  who  supported  him,  but  he  had  not 
sought  the  nomination,  and  he  felt  himself  more  free  on  this 
10 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

account ;  and  he  meant  to  keep  himself  so.     This  is  not  a 
surmise  of  mine ;  it  is  what  I  have  heard  him  declare. 

When  he  went  to  Galena  I  remained  in  Washington  writ 
ing  a  pamphlet  history  of  his  life,  to  be  used  in  the  political 
canvass.  He  knew  my  occupation  and  approved  it,  so  that 
he  was  not  after  all  indifferent  to  success  nor  to  the  means 
to  insure  it.  He  simply  did  not  wish  to  use  these  means 
himself  in  this  campaign.  He  wanted  to  feel  that  he  had 
not  striven  for  his  own  elevation. 

When  my  work  was  complete,  he  wrote  me  the  following 
letter : 

GALENA,  ILL.,  August  18,  1868. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  As  I  have  concluded  to  remain  here  till 
about  the  close  of  September,  I  think  you  had  better  open  the 
letters  that  have  accumulated  in  Washington.  Such  as  are  on 
official  subjects  refer  to  Rawlins.  All  others  do  with  as  your 
judgment  dictates,  only  do  not  send  any  to  me  except  such  as  you 
think  absolutely  require  my  attention  and  will  not  keep  till  my 
return.  If  you  are  not  otherwise  more  agreeably  engaged,  I  think 
you  will  find  it  pleasant  here  for  a  while  and  then  to  return  with 
me.  I  have  also  written  to  Comstock  to  come  out  if  he  feels  like 
it.  The  family  are  all  well.  Yours  truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Accordingly,  I  opened  the  hundreds  of  letters  that  had 
been  received  since  his  departure,  answered  those  that 
required  answers,  and  took  a  dozen  or  more  with  me  to 
Galena.  There  I  remained  until  the  election,  for  Grant  did 
not  return  to  Washington  before  November.  In  all  this 
period  only  one  or  two  of  the  political  people  of  consequence 
ventured  to  write  to  him,  but  many  letters  were  addressed  to 
me  the  contents  of  which  were  evidently  intended  for  my 
chief.  Of  course,  I  laid  all  these  before  him,  and  my 
answers  were  governed  by  his  wishes ;  but  he  still  refused 
to  advise,  much  more  to  dictate  any  of  the  strategy  of  the 
campaign.  E.  B.  Washburne  and  Russell  Jones  were  the 


GRANT  AS   A   PRESIDENTIAL   CANDIDATE. 

only  politicians  of  note  who  saw  him  often  during  the  can 
vass  ;  but  they  were  his  intimate  personal  friends  and  in  his 
confidence  in  many  ways.  Rawlins  remained  nearly  the  entire 
summer  at  the  East.  He  wrote  rarely,  but  was  in  constant 
communication  with  the  political  managers.  He  was  with 
out  orders  or  express  sanction  from  Grant  for  this  course, 
but  Grant  knew  that  Rawlins  was  acting  in  his  interest,  just 
as  he  knew  that  I  had  written  his  history  for  the  campaign. 
Comstock,  one  of  the  aides-de-camp,  was  also  at  Galena,  but 
he  abstained  scrupulously  from  politics.  He  prided  himself 
on  being  a  soldier,  pure  and  simple. 

Two  instances  of  Grant's  persistent  determination  not  to 
become  a  partisan  I  can  now  recall.  General  Frank  Blair 
was  the  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  and 
in  his  speeches  made  repeated  and  offensive  reference  to 
Grant,  pronouncing  him  a  military  despot,  a  tool  of  the  poli 
ticians,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. ;  but  Grant  refused  to  resent  the 
language.  He  had  been  a  warm  personal  friend  of  Blair  and 
excused  the  heat  of  his  expressions  in  a  political  campaign, 
though  there  were  many  military  and  political  associates  of 
each  who  thought  these  expressions  unpardonable ;  for  Blair 
had  received  advancement  and  recognition  from  Grant,  and 
was  thoroughly  conscious  of  the  purity  of  Grant's  intentions. 
All  this  made  no  difference  in  their  personal  relations  ;  and 
when  Grant  first  met  Blair  after  the  canvass  was  over,  he 
received  him  as  cordially  as  ever. 

The  other  circumstance  relates  to  Sherman.  Many  of 
Grant's  friends  thought  that  an  expression  of  sympathy  from 
Sherman,  the  utterance  of  a  wish  for  Grant's  success,  would 
have  great  weight  with  Sherman's  old  soldiers,  as  it  certainly 
would  have  had ;  but  Sherman  was  determined  to  keep  him 
self  entirely  out  of  practical  politics.  He  had  sympathized 
with  those  who  held  that  the  South  should  have  been 
allowed  to  return  under  milder  conditions;  and  he  was  un 
willing  to  say  one  word  to  imply  a  contrary  feeling,  even  in 


148 


GRANT   IN    PEACE. 


favor  of  Grant.  His  silence  provoked  some  caustic  criticism 
from  many  who  were  anxious  for  Grant's  election.  But  it 
never  affected  Grant.  He  respected  Sherman's  individuality; 
he  thought  Sherman  had  a  right  to  his  own  views ;  he  was 
sure  of  Sherman's  friendship;  and  Sherman's  reticence  in  no 
way  lessened  Grant's  confidence.  Yet  I  believe  that  Grant 
was  anxious  for  the  utterance  which  Sherman  withheld,  both 
as  a  matter  of  feeling  and  because  he  knew  the  weight  it 
would  carry.  He  was  disappointed  when  the  expression  did 
not  come ;  but  I  heard  him  defend  Sherman  for  not  giving  it. 
Their  friendship  stood  this  test  also. 

During  the  political  campaign  Grant  went  about  the  coun 
try  very  little.  Once  he  visited  St.  Louis  and  once  Chicago, 
but  he  stayed  at  the  houses  of  intimate  friends  or  relatives 
and  avoided  political  demonstrations.  There  was  a  political 
meeting  in  Galena,  but  he  was  not  present.  His  mornings 
were  passed  in  reading  and  answering  letters,  or  giving  me 
directions  or  information  for  such  as  I  was  to  reply  to,  though 
he  often  said :  "  Say  nothing  to  that.  If  you  do  not  answer, 
the  letter  will  answer  itself."  He  was  always  clever,  and 
sometimes  adroit,  in  his  reticence. 

He  read  the  newspapers  closely,  and  discussed  public 
affairs,  even  the  chances  of  the  election ;  for  with  all  his  taci 
turnity,  and  all  his  apparent  inaction,  he  would  have  been 
profoundly  mortified  at  defeat.  In  the  afternoon  he  drove  or 
walked,  paid  visits  to  his  old  friends  about  Galena,  sat  in 
their  offices  and  warehouses,  and  took  tea  with  their  families 
in  turn.  He  had  many  transient  visitors,  and  entertained 
them  in  the  same  simple  fashion  to  which  he  had  been  accus 
tomed  before  his  greatness ;  perhaps  with  a  more  liberal 
hospitality  but  with  as  little  ceremony. 

On  the  day  of  the  election  I  accompanied  him  to  the  polls, 
where  he  voted  for  Washburne  for  member  of  Congress; 
and  indeed  cast  his  ballot  for  the  entire  Republican  ticket, 
except  for  President.  He  was  a  citizen  of  Galena  when  the 
war  broke  out,  and  had  not  lost  his  franchise. 


GRANT  AS   A   PRESIDENTIAL   CANDIDATE. 

At  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening  he  went  to  Washburne's 
house,  not  far  from  his  own.  There  arrangements  had  been 
made  to  receive  the  news  ;  wires  were  laid  to  connect  with  the 
office  of  the  telegraph,  and  by  these  the  messages  were  to  come 
which  would  announce  the  name  of  the  next  President. 
There  were  in  the  room  a  dozen  or  more  of  the  citizens  of 
Galena,  one  or  two  correspondents  of  Republican  newspa 
pers,  and  a  few  political  people,  but  except  Washburne  none 
of  national  importance. 

Every  man  present  seemed  more  excited  than  he  whose 
stake  was  greatest  of  all.  He  did  not  pretend  to  be  indiffer 
ent,  but  he  would  have  displayed  a  greater  anxiety  if  a  friend 
had  been  the  candidate.  Once  or  twice  the  news  was  less 
favorable  than  had  been  expected,  and  sometimes  there 
seemed  a  balancing  of  the  chances,  but  I  often  saw  him  show 
more  interest  over  a  game  at  cards  than  on  that  night  when 
the  Presidency  was  played  for. 

Finally,  between  one  and  two  o'clock  the  returns  were 
sufficiently  definite  for  us  to  congratulate  him  on  his  elec 
tion.  Then  we  walked  up  the  hill  to  his  own  modest  house, 
and  standing  on  the  door-step  the  President-elect  of  the 
United  States  addressed  a  little  company  of  between  fifty 
and  a  hundred  citizens  and  friends.  He  was  unelated  in 
spirit,  calm  in  bearing,  and  simple  in  speech,  and  uttered 
nearly  the  same  thoughts  as  on  the  night  when  he  had  been 
nominated.  I  was  very  much  struck  with  one  expression 
which  was  afterward  repeated  in  his  inaugural  address.  It 
seemed  to  me  eminently  characteristic  of  the  man  and  appro 
priate  to  the  occasion,  though  it  was  destined  to  be  harshly 
criticised.  "The  responsibilities  of  the  position  I  feel,  but 
accept  them  without  fear." 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

PRESIDENT-ELECT. 

A  FEW  days  after  the  election  Grant  returned  from  Ga 
lena  to  Washington.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  family 
and  three  staff  officers,  of  whom  I  was  one.  There  had  been 
threats  of  assassination,  and  I  had  opened  several  letters  that 
contained  warnings  of  this  danger,  but  Grant  took  no  precau 
tions  and  made  no  change  in  his  plans,  though  his  route  was 
known  in  advance.  The  aides-de-camp  were  armed,  but  this 
was  without  his  knowledge. 

Twice  when  I  had  been  traveling  with  Grant  attempts 
were  made  to  take  his  life.  In  North  Carolina,  on  his  return 
from  the  surrender  of  Johnston  to  Sherman,  the  train  on 
which  he  was  journeying  was  thrown  from  the  rails  under 
circumstances  that  left  little  doubt  of  the  design.  There  was 
no  one  in  the  single  car  but  the  Union  General-in-Chief  and 
his  party  of  two  or  three  officers,  and  if  some  bitter  and  dis 
appointed  spirit  out  of  all  the  millions  at  the  South  had  taken 
this  method  to  avenge  the  lost  cause,  it  would  hardly  have 
been  extraordinary,  and  certainly  not  unprecedented.  At 
another  time,  soon  after  the  war,  Grant  was  passing  through 
Southern  Indiana,  a  region  where  the  rancor  during  the  re 
bellion  had  been  almost  fiercer  than  in  the  field,  and  as  those 
who  indulged  in  it  did  not  fight,  but  only  talked,  they  cher 
ished  their  hatred  when  the  war  was  ended — unlike  most  of 
the  men  who  spilt  their  blood  for  the  cause  they  preferred. 

It  was  night,  and  we  were  on  a  special  train,  again  in  a 
single  car.  Again  there  was  no  one  in  the  party  but  Grant 

(150) 


PRESIDENT-ELECT.  l  $  r 

with  two  of  his  staff,  a  servant,  and  the  officers  of  the  road. 
We  were  moving  at  a  rapid  rate,  and  about  midnight  arrived 
at  a  bridge  at  least  an  eighth  of  a  mile  in  length,  and  that 
crossed  a  stream  seventy  or  eighty  feet  below.  The  night 
was  dark,  and  a  switch  had  been  left  open  at  the  approach  to 
the  bridge,  while  stones  were  placed  on  the  road  in  advance. 
The  train  was,  of  course,  thrown  off  the  rails,  but  the  impetus 
was  sufficient  to  carry  us  across  the  bridge  and  into  a  narrow 
cut  beyond,  before  the  car  was  overturned.  The  banks  of 
the  cut  prevented  a  serious  fall,  and  the  speed  of  the  engine 
had  been  checked,  but  Grant  was  more  disturbed  than  I  often 
saw  him  in  an  emergency.  The  car  was  violently  shaken, 
and  he  left  his  seat  and  went  to  the  door  before  the  motion 
ceased.  No  one  was  injured,  but  had  the  overturn  occurred 
twenty  seconds  sooner  the  train  must  have  been  precipitated 
into  the  river.  The  car  was  too  much  damaged  to  proceed, 
but  we  mounted  the  engine  and  in  this  way  traveled  to  our 
destination  through  the  night.  There  was  no  doubt  in  the 
mind  of  any  that  the  interruption  had  been  planned,  but  it 
was  thought  wise  to  say  nothing  on  the  subject,  and  the  de 
tails  of  the  incident  were  not  made  public.  Only  one  or  two 
miscreants  had  probably  been  concerned  in  the  attempt,  and 
there  was  no  reason  to  cast  odium  on  a  whole  region,  or  to 
arouse  the  indignation  of  the  country,  which  was  hardly  yet 
appeased  after  the  murder  of  Lincoln.  Grant  himself  en 
joined  silence  in  regard  to  the  circumstance,  and  his  compan 
ions  were  very  willing  to  comply,  for  crime  is  contagious,  and 
to  announce  one  attempt  like  this  is  to  suggest  another. 

There  was  little  change  in  Grant's  outward  demeanor 
after  the  election.  He  was  as  simple  as  ever,  though  some 
what  more  reserved.  I  fancied  I  saw  the  shadow  of  his 
coming  responsibility  and  that  it  depressed  him.  On  his 
arrival  at  Washington  he  was  at  once  beset  with  applications 
for  office,  and  advice  for  his  own  behavior  and  policy.  One 
of  his  acquaintances,  a  Mr.  Corbyn,  who  afterwards  became 


1^2  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

his  brother-in-law,  wrote  out  an  inaugural  address  for  him  in 
full,  and  brought  it  to  him  in  my  presence.  As  soon  as 
Corbyn  left  the  room  Grant  handed  the  paper  to  me  and  told 
me  to  seal  it  up,  and  be  sure  it  was  not  read  by  any  human 
being  till  after  the  4th  of  March.  He  never  knew  the  con 
tents,  and  I  never  read  more  than  the  first  line  :  "  Fellow- 
citizens,  I  appear  before  you  at  this  time." 

There  were  more  than  six  hundred  letters  waiting  for  him 
in  Washington,  all  of  which  I  opened.  A  newspaper  corres 
pondent  came  in  and  saw  me  at  this  task,  and  the  next  week 
there  was  a  caricature  of  "  The  man  that  opens  the  letters  " 
sitting  behind  a  heap  of  rejected  applications  as  high  as  the 
table ;  this  part  of  the  representation  was  not  exaggerated. 
Grant  directed  me  to  show  him  no  letters  that  asked  for 
office.  He  always  had  an  idea  that  the  man  who  sought  a 
place  was  unfit  for  it ;  that  the  place  should  seek  the  man ; 
a  notion  that  in  his  case  might  have  been  correct,  for  he 
lacked  ordinary  ambition,  and  yet  possessed  great  faculties ; 
but  most  people  will  consider  that  he  was  exceptional  in  this 
peculiarity  as  in  so  many  others. 

Some  of  the  applications,  however,  came  from  people  of 
so  much  consequence,  or  from  friends  of  such  a  degree  of 
intimacy,  personal  or  political,  that  notwithstanding  his 
injunction  I  did  not  always  feel  at  liberty  to  withhold  them, 
and  he  tacitly  admitted  that  I  was  right.  Among  the  aspi 
rants  was  Henry  Wilson,  then  Senator  from  Massachusetts, 
and  afterward  Vice-President,  who  set  forth  his  desires  and 
qualifications  for  the  position  of  Secretary  of  War.  Grant 
did  not  answer  the  letter,  and  the  subject  was  never  broached 
in  conversation  between  them.  Those  who  wanted  foreign 
missions  were  numerous,  and  collectorships  and  other  lucra 
tive  posts  were  in  great  demand.  But  no  applicant  received 
an  answer. 

While  he  was  at  Galena,  Grant  had  said  to  me,  that  he 
thought  Motley,  the  historian,  would  make  a  good  Secretary 


PRESIDENT-ELECT. 


153 


of  State.  Motley  had  been  Minister  at  Vienna,  but  was 
removed  by  Johnson  for  criticising  the  Reconstruction  policy 
of  the  Administration  too  sharply,  and  great  sympathy  was 
felt  for  him  by  Republicans.  Sumner,  especially,  was  anxious 
that  he  should  be  restored  to  the  post  he  had  lost.  Mot- 
'  ley  corresponded  with  me  during  the  canvass,  and  sent 
me  copies  of  the  speeches  he  made  for  Grant.  These  were 
shown  to  Grant,  and  they  impressed  him  favorably.  But 
soon  after  the  election,  Grant  visited  Boston,  where  Motley 
called  on  him.  I  did  not  accompany  my  chief  on  this  occa 
sion,  and  on  his  return  I  asked  his  opinion  of  Motley. 
"  He  parts  his  hair  in  the  middle  and  carries  a  single  eye 
glass,"  was  the  reply ;  and  the  tone,  as  much  as  the  words, 
indicated  that  the  historian  was  too  foreign  in  his  ways  to 
please  the  President-elect/  At  that  time,  Grant  had  not 
entirely  rid  himself  of  the  narrowness  of  his  early  life,  some 
of  which,  indeed,  lasted  even  through  his  Presidency ;  but 
after  he  went  abroad  and  met  so  many  great  men  in  Europe 
and  Asia,  and  even  Africa,  with  dress  and  manners  different 
from  anything  he  had  seen  in  America,  he  ceased  to  regard 
such  peculiarities  as  decisive.  No  man  ever  grew  or  ex 
panded  in  mind  and  taste  and  character  more  continuously 
and  conspicuously. 

During  the  winter  of  1868-9,  Seward,  as  Secretary  of 
State,  attempted  to  settle  the  difficulties  with  England  aris 
ing  out  of  the  Alabama  claims.  As  the  new  Administration 
was  just  coming  into  power,  the  Republicans  were  very 
indignant  that  a  discredited  Cabinet  should  assume  to 
control  the  policy  of  the  nation  in  so  important  an  affair. 
But  Seward  persisted,  and  a  treaty  was  negotiated  at  London 
which  was  extremely  unacceptable  to  the  Republicans,  and, 
indeed,  to  the  majority  of  the  nation,  of  whatever  party. 
Grant  was  especially  displeased,  and  expressed  his  feeling 
openly.  He  disliked  Seward,  to  whom  he  attributed  not  a 
little  of  Johnson's  craft,  and  he  thought  the  negotiation  an 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

unwarrantable  intrusion  on  his  own  approaching  prerogatives. 
Besides  this,  he  entirely  disapproved  the  concessions  of  the 
Administration  to  England. 

Before  the  treaty  was  confirmed,  he  took  a  remarkable 
step.  I  was  personally  acquainted  with  Sir  Edward  (then 
Mr.)  Thornton,  the  British  Minister,  and  Grant  directed  me 
to  pay  the  Envoy  a  visit,  and  in  the  course  of  conversation, 
make  known  his  objections  to  the  treaty;  in  fact,  to  declare 
that  I  was  certain  Grant  would  use  his  influence  to  prevent 
its  confirmation  by  the  Senate,  and  if  it  should  be  ratified, 
would,  as  President,  assuredly  procure  its  revocation.  I 
made  my  visit,  not  stating  that  I  had  been  sent  by  Grant, 
but  implying  this  as  well  as  I  was  able  without  express  words. 
The  Minister  doubtless  understood  my  object,  and  knew  that 
such  a  visit  could  not  possibly  have  been  paid  by  the  confi 
dential  secretary  of  the  President-elect,  without  the  sanction 
of  his  chief.  If  he  did  his  duty,  he  notified  his  own  Govern 
ment  ;  but  the  only  result  apparent  was  a  renewed  haste  on 
the  part  of  the  plenipotentiaries,  so  that  the  treaty  might  be 
concluded  before  Grant  came  into  his  place.  It  was  ratified 
by  the  contracting  Governments,  but  almost  immediately 
rejected  by  the  Senate,  and  in  less  than  two  months  the 
Administration  that  made  it  was  out  of  power.  The  Treaty 
of  Washington,  negotiated  Under  Grant  and  Gladstone,  took 
its  place. 

This  was  not  the  only  occasion  when  Grant  acted  as  if 
the  responsibilities  of  government  were  very  near.  General 
Rosecrans  was  nominated  by  Johnson  as  Minister  to  Mexico 
about  this  time ;  the  appointment  was  known  to  be  very  dis 
agreeable  to  Grant,  if  not  purposely  designed  to  be  offensive 
to  him.  The  animosity  of  Rosecrans  after  Grant  removed 
him  from  command  at  Chattanooga  had  never  ceased.  He 
had,  like  most  of  the  discarded  generals,  joined  the  party  that 
opposed  the  war,  and  had  supported  Johnson  through  all  his 
tergiversations  and  aberrations.  To  appoint  an  important 


PRESIDENT-ELECT.  j^ 

Minister  immediately  before  the  beginning  of  a  new  admin 
istration  would  have  been  under  any  circumstances  discourte 
ous  and  exceptional,  but  when  the  Minister  was  openly  and 
personally  hostile  to  the  probable  incoming  President,  the 
nomination  appeared  a  studied  insult. 

After  his  election  Grant  directed  me  to  write  to  his 
personal  friend,  Mr.  Romero,  who  had  long  been  Mexican 
Minister  to  the  United  States,  but  was  now  in  the  Mexican 
Government.  I  was  to  address  him,  not  avowedly  by  Grant's 
order,  but  so  that  my  authority  could  not  be  mistaken,  and 
to  state  to  Romero  how  distasteful  the  appointment  of  Rose- 
crans  was  to  Grant.  The  envoy  thus  would  be  unable  in 
the  short  time  that  he  enjoyed  his  honors  to  execute  any 
important  diplomatic  business,  or  to  thwart  the  policy  of 
the  incoming  Government.  Grant  would  probably  not  have 
taken  this  course  but  for  his  profound  interest  in  Mexican 
affairs,  an  interest  of  which  the  Administration  was  very  well 
aware.  He  had  recommended  a  definite  policy  in  regard  to 
Mexico,  and  to  have  a  man  appointed  as  Minister  there  who 
was  likely  to  oppose  in  advance  whatever  he  believed  were 
Grant's  views,  was  in  Grant's  eyes  sufficient  justification  for 
this  interference. 

It  must  be  remembered  too,  that  Grant  had  been  given  by 
Congress  an  authority  that  made  him  in  many  matters  inde^ 
pendent  of  the  President.  It  had  been  declared  his  duty 
to  oppose  the  President's  acts  and  policy.  He  had  seen 
Johnson  tried  for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  and  almost 
deposed.  He  believed  that  his  own  election  was  the  con 
demnation  of  Johnson  and  the  fiat  of  the  people  directing 
him  to  undo  much  that  Johnson  had  done.  Yet  Johnson 
was  endeavoring  to  carry  out  measures  in  regard  both  to 
England  and  Mexico  which  he  knew  to  be  unacceptable  to 
the  people  and  offensive  to  the  President  they  had  chosen. 
Now,  when  Grant  found  himself  on  the  threshold  of  the 
highest  place,  the  sensation  of  power,  as  well  as  the  con- 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

sciousness  of  his  own  rights,  was  very  strong.  The  acts  I 
have  described  are  evidence  that  he  felt  the  importance  of 
his  position  more  fully  than  he  showed.  They  were  not 
known  to  any  man  about  him  but  myself,  and  were  never 
revealed  by  me  until  now. 

As  the  time  approached  when  Grant  was  to  enter  upon 
his  new  functions  those  who  were  expecting  place  or  recog 
nition  at  his  hand  became  restive  because  he  gave  no  inti 
mation  of  his  purposes.  Every  effort  was  made  to  obtain  an 
insight  into  his  plans,  but  without  avail.  He  did  not  disclose 
even  to  Rawlins  or  Washburne  —  who  had  been  his  trusted 
intimates  from  the  very  beginning  of  his  greatness  —  what 
he  meant  to  do  for  or  with  them.  Henry  J.  Raymond,  the 
editor  of  the  New  York  Times,  was  a  warm,  and,  of  course, 
an  important  supporter  of  Grant ;  he  wrote  to  me  beg 
ging  for  a  hint  of  the  future  President's  policy,  so  that  he 
might  be  prepared  to  advocate  it.  I  read  the  letter  to  Grant, 
but  he  refused  to  furnish  any  data  for  a  reply.  Horace 
Greeley  also,  I  was  told  by  those  who  should  have  known, 
would  have  been  glad  to  be  taken  into  Grant's  confi 
dence,  although  he  made  himself  no  application  like  Ray 
mond's;  but  the  same  silence  was  preserved  toward  him. 
The  country  was  full  of  comment  on  this  reticence,  and 
many  of  Grant's  friends  became  anxious,  not  only  those  who 
wanted  place,  but  others  from  a  genuine  and  patriotic  con 
cern.  But  Grant  kept  every  intention  within  his  own  breast 
down  to  a  very  few  days  before  his  inauguration. 

He  was  led  to  this  unusual  course  partly  by  his  military 
habits  and  experience,  and  partly,  no  doubt,  by  a  belief  that 
his  own  judgment  was  better  than  that  of  any  who  could 
advise  him.  He  had  been  used  in  the  army  to  appointing 
commanders  without  consulting  their  wishes  and  to  order 
ing  movements  without  informing  his  inferiors ;  and  he 
kept  up  the  practice  in  civil  life.  Many  of  his  Cabinet 
Ministers  were  appointed  before  they  themselves  were  noti 
fied.  One  of  them  told  me  he  felt  as  if  he  had  been  struck 


PRESIDENT-ELECT. 

by  lightning  when  he  heard  of  his  own  nomination.  Mar 
shall  Jewell  went  to  Washington  once  to  urge  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  friend  to  the  Russian  Mission,  but  was  unsuccess 
ful,  and  on  his  return  he  learned  that  his  own  name  had  been 
sent  to  the  Senate  for  the  post.  Jewell  was  afterward  dis 
missed  from  the  Cabinet  in  the  same  peremptory  way. 
Grant  said  to  him  one  morning :  "  Mr.  Jewell,  I  would  like 
to  receive  your  resignation " ;  and  that  was  the  Minister's 
first  and  only  warning.  - 

But  besides  this,  Grant  was  undoubtedly  at  this  time 
affected  by  the  adulation  that  was  offered  him.  His  head 
was  as  little  turned  as  any  man's  who  comes  into  the  highest 
place;  but  he  had  been  told  for  years  of  his  greatness,  of 
his  judgment,  and  of  his  knowledge  of  men.  All  who  ap 
proach  Presidents  or  Presidents-elect  say  what  they  think 
will  please  them  and  withhold  what  will  displease ;  all  have 
something  to  ask,  if  only  recognition,  for  the  recognition  of 
Presidents  is  itself  an  honor;  and  most  people  want  much 
more.  Every  one  now  was  assuring  Grant  that  the  people 
reposed  full  confidence  in  him,  that  he  was  the  sole  arbiter, 
the  judge  of  last  resort;  and  in  some  sort  this  was  true;  but 
the  unwillingness  to  ask  or  take  any  advice  in  this  untried 
and  most  difficult  of  all  positions  —  in  a  man  who  had  no 
experience  either  in  distributing  the  patronage  or  administer 
ing  the  affairs  of  civil  government  —  betrayed  a  confidence 
in  himself  almost  unprecedented.  This  is  the  explanation  of 
the  distance  at  which  he  kept  not  only  the  public  and  the 
press,  but  political  and  personal  friends.  He  alone  was  to 
be  President,  and  he  alone,  he  thought,  was  responsible. 

But  no  man  is  so  much  above  and  beyond  his  fellows  as 
to  be  able  to  dispense  entirely  with  their  aid.  Had  Grant 
called  around  him  and  consulted  able  and  experienced  states 
men  at  this  juncture,  many  misfortunes  to  himself,  his 
friends,  and  to  the  country  would  doubtless  have  been 
avoided.  He  would  not,  perhaps,  have  been  obliged,  in  a 
second  inaugural  address,  to  admit  the  mistakes  he  had 


I  $8  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

made.  I  will  yield  to  none  in  regard  for  his  memory  or 
admiration  for  his  achievements,  but  the  world  will  more 
readily  believe  me  when  I  recount  his  excellences  if  I  do  not 
hesitate  to  portray  his  errors ;  and  this  that  I  now  point  out 
was  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  in  his  career. 

One  afternoon,  about  three  weeks  before  the  4th  of 
March,  Grant  wrote  his  inaugural  address.  I  was  alone  with 
him  in  the  room,  and  when  he  had  finished  he  handed  the 
paper  to  me.  This  was  before  the  return  of  Rawlins  from 
Connecticut,  whither  he  had  gone  sick  and  almost  heart 
broken,  because  Grant  withheld  his  confidence.  The  address 
was  written  at  the  first  almost  as  it  was  afterward  delivered. 
Grant  told  me  to  lock  it  up  carefully,  and  it  is  within  my 
knowledge  that  he  showed  it  to  no  one  but  myself  until  a 
day  or  two  before  the  inauguration.  I  reviewed  it  repeated 
ly  with  him  during  this  period,  for  he  was  used  to  allowing 
me  to  read  his  most  important  and  secret  papers,  and  to 
make  what  suggestions  I  chose  as  to  matter  or  style.  But 
in  all  his  utterances  I  was  always  anxious  that  he  should  say 
his  own  thought,  and  as  far  as  possible  in  his  own  way.  On 
this  occasion  I  suggested  one  material  change,  or,  rather, 
addition. 

I  had  been  greatly  impressed  with  the  sentence  he  ut 
tered  at  Galena  on  the  night  of  his  election  :  "  The  responsi 
bilities  of  the  position  I  feel,  but  accept  them  without  fear." 
I  proposed  that  he  should  introduce  this  line,  and  pointed 
out  where  I  thought  it  could  be  inserted.  He  approved  the 
suggestion,  and  this  sentence  —  his  own  —  became  a  part  of 
the  inaugural  address.  There  were  one  or  two  verbal  modi 
fications  besides,  and  these  were  all.  The  draft  was  never 
out  of  my  keeping  till  it  was  copied  on  either  the  2d  or  the 
3d  of  March.  It  is  in  my  possession  now  with  the  penciled 
interpolation  and  other  alterations  in  my  own  hand.  Grant 
gave  it  to  me  on  the  3d  of  March  after  the  doors  were  closed 
and  all  visitors  excluded,  when  he  and  I  together  revised  the 
address  for  the  last  time. 


o 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

CABINET-MAKING. 

N  the  4th  of  March  Grant  refused  the  company  of  the 
_  '  outgoing  President  on  his  way  to  the  Capitol,  and 
Johnson  remained  at  the  White  House  signing  his  last 
papers,  until  noon.  Then  he  made  room  for  the  man  whom 
he  doubtless  detested  more  than  any  other,  who  had  done 
more  than  any  other  to  foil  his  plans  and  thwart  his  wishes, 
and  who  now  was  to  supplant  him  and  demolish  whatever  of 
a  policy  Johnson  had  been  able  to  establish  by  obstinacy  or 
circumstance  or  craft.  At  the  Capitol  another  of  Grant's 
rivals,  Chief-Justice  Chase,  administered  the  oath  of  that, 
office  which  he  had  himself  so  earnestly  hoped  and  striven 
to  attain. 

And  thus  the  highest  honor  that  any  American  can 
obtain  was  added  to  the  military  glories  already  heaped  on 
Grant.  He  was  very  reserved  and  even  restrained,  colder 
in  manner  than  ever  before,  and  evidently  felt  the  gravity 
of  his  position,  the  full  dignity  of  his  office.  I  had  never 
seen  him  so  impressed  but  once  before.  In  the  first  day's 
battle  in  the  Wilderness  he  was  almost  stern  at  times,  and 
wore  his  gloves  and  sword ;  both  were  unusual  circumstances 
with  him  and  they  seemed  to  me  to  indicate  his  sense  of  the 
novel  and  increased  responsibilities,  for  that  was  his  first 
battle  as  General-in-Chief  of  the  armies.  On  this  first  day 
of  his  Presidency  there  were  no  trappings  of  office  to 
assume,  but  he  bore  himself  with  a  distant  and  almost 
frigid  demeanor  that  marked  how  much  he  felt  he  was 

(159) 


T6o  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

removed  from  those  who  had  hitherto  been  in  some  sort 
his  associates.  That  day  there  was  no  geniality,  no  familiar 
jest,  hardly  a  smile;  but  the  man  who  became  the  chief 
of  a  nation  of  fifty  millions  and  stepped  into  the  ranks  of 
earth's  mightiest  potentates  might  well  be  grave. 

His  personal  staff  attended  him  to  the  Capitol  and 
afterward  to  the  White  House,  where  their  military  rela 
tions  with  him  ceased.  He  desired  them  to  meet  him  the 
next  morning  in  the  Cabinet  chamber,  and  then  returned 
to  his  private  residence,  which  his  family  did  not  vacate 
for  several  weeks.  He  directed  me,  however,  to  remain  at 
the  White  House  and  receive  any  communications  for  him 
during  the  day.  In  this  way  it  happened  that  his  first 
correspondence  as  President  was  with  me.  I  give  it  in  full : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  March  4,  1869. 

DEAR  GENERAL,  —  Mr.  George  H.  Stuart  is  one  of  a  committee, 
the  others  being  the  Chief-Justice  and  Senator  Frelinghuysen,  who 
desire  to  present  you  in  the  name  of  some  religious  society  with  a 
Bible.  They  will  wait  on  you  whenever  you  say  —  except  that 
the  Chief-Justice  must  be  at  the  Supreme  Court,  and  Mr.  Stuart 
leaves  here  to-morrow  night.  If  you  will  send  word  to  me  what 
time  will  suit  you,  I  will  let  Mr.  Stuart  know.  Mr.  Stuart  proposes 
to-morrow  morning  before  ten  o'clock,  or  if  the  court  does  not 
meet  till  eleven,  before  that  time.  With  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant,  ADAM  BADEAU. 

To  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

My  note  was  returned  to  me,  and  on  the  back  of  it 
Grant  penciled  these  words,  the  first  he  wrote  as  President : 

"To-morrow  before  10  A.  M.  at  my  house,  or  between  10  A.  M. 
and  3  P.  M.  at  the  Executive  Mansion.  U.  S.  G. 

The  meeting  took  place  in  the  Cabinet  room,  and  Chase 
presented  the  Bible,  expressing  a  hope  that  its  contents 
might  enable  Grant  to  fill  his  high  office  worthily.  The 


CABINET-MAKING. 


Chief-Justice  must  have  required  a  full  share  of    Christian 
sentiment  to  enable  him  to  perform  his  task. 

Immediately  afterward  Grant  received  his  staff  for  the 
last  time,  and  announced  the  disposition  to  be  made  of  them. 
Three  were  nominally  placed  on  the  staff  of  Sherman,  who 
succeeded  Grant  as  General-in-Chief,  but  they  were  in  reality 
to  be  on  duty  at  the  Executive  Mansion.  Horace  Porter 
was  to  act  as  private  secretary,  with  Babcock  to  assist  him  ; 
Comstock  had  some  nominal  duties  from  which  he  soon 
requested  to  be  relieved,  and  ordered  to  duty  as  engineer  ; 
Dent  remained  as  aide-de-camp  with  ceremonial  functions, 
and  Parker  was  shortly  afterward  appointed  Commissioner 
of  Indian  Affairs.  I  was  assigned  a  room  at  the  Executive 
Mansion,  where  I  was  to  finish  my  Military  History  and  to 
have  some  charge  of  Grant's  unofficial  letters  for  a  while  ; 
but  when  I  saw  the  President  alone  he  informed  me  that 
he  meant  to  give  me  the  mission  to  Belgium.  He  did  not 
wish,  however,  to  appoint  me  at  once,  lest  it  should  provoke 
a  charge  of  favoritism. 

A  few  weeks  before  the  4th  of  March,  as  nothing  was 
said  by  Grant  to  either  Rawlins  or  Washburne  of  their 
future,  both  became  ill.  Rawlins  went  off  to  Connecticut, 
and  from  there  it  was  reported  to  Grant  that  he  was  dying! 
Grant  sent  for  him  and  told  him  he  was  to  be  Secretary  of 
War,  whereupon  Rawlins  at  once  got  very  much  better. 
But  Washburne  was  ill  of  the  same  disease,  and  to  him 
Grant  now  offered  the  position  of  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 
Rawlins,  of  course,  was  satisfied  with  his  promised  dignity, 
but  Washburne  would  have  preferred  to  be  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  This  position,  however,  Grant  designed  for  Alex 
ander  T.  Stewart,  the  well-known  merchant  of  New  York. 
He  thought  that  a  man  who  had  managed  his  own  affairs  so 
well  must  be  successful  with  the  finances  of  the  Nation. 
Stewart  was,  indeed,  the  first  of  those  designed  for  Cabinet 
positions  whom  Grant  informed  of  his  intention.  It  was 


r62  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

necessary  that  the  great  business  man  should  be  apprised  in 
advance,  that  he  might  make  his  arrangements  in  time. 

When  Washburne  became  certain  that  he  could  not 
obtain  the  portfolio  of  the  Treasury,  he  asked  for  the  State 
Department,  but  Grant  was  unwilling  to  make  the  appoint 
ment.  Washburne  then  declared  that  he  would  prefer  to  be 
Minister  to  France,  and  to  this  Grant  consented.  But 
Washburne  again  requested  as  a  personal  favor  that  he 
might  hold  the  position  of  Secretary  of  State  for  a  few  days. 
The  consideration  this  would  give  him  afterward  both  at 
home  and  in  his  new  position  was  something  he  thought 
Grant  should  not  refuse.  Washburne,  indeed,  had  been  a 
devoted  friend,  had  made  many  opportunities  for  Grant  in 
the  days  when  Grant  needed  them,  had  first  suggested  and 
afterward  urged  in  Congress  every  one  of  Grant's  promo 
tions  that  required  legislative  action,  from  Brigadier-General 
of  Volunteers  to  General  of  the  Armies,  and  if  Grant  was 
under  obligations  to  any  human  being  it  was  to  Washburne, 
He  knew,  besides,  that  Washburne  had  expected  more  than 
he  was  receiving,  that  he  was  a  disappointed  man,  as  he  well 
might  be;  and  Grant  consented  to  the  temporary  appoint 
ment  of  Secretary  of  State,  with  the  understanding  that  no 
important  places  were  to  be  filled  while  Washburne  held  the 
position  ;  that  he  was  to  have  the  name,  but  not  the  authority. 

James  F.  Wilson  of  Iowa,  was  offered  the  State  Depart 
ment  permanently,  but  declined  it,  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
no  private  fortune,  and  that  the  salary  was  insufficient  for 
the  inevitable  expense  that  must  be  incurred.  Wilson  also 
probably  felt  that  his  abilities  were  better  fitted  for  other 
posts.  Rawlins  had  suggested  Wilson's  name,  for  after 
Rawlins  knew  that  he  was  himself  to  be  a  Cabinet  Minister 
he  felt  free  to  offer  advice  on  many  points,  and,  in  fact,  re 
gained  an  influence,  if  not  an  ascendency,  which  at  one  time 
seemed  to  have  waned. 

Rawlins,  however,  was  not  to  be  Secretary,  of  War  imme- 


CABINET-MAKING. 


diately.  Schofield  was  to  hold  the  place  for  a  week.  He 
had  proved  himself  a  friend  in  a  position  where  he  might 
have  given  Grant  trouble,  and  this  recognition  was  his 
reward.  He  sat  as  Grant's  first  Secretary  of  War. 

No  other  appointments  to  the  Cabinet  were  made  known 
in  advance,  even  to  those  for  whom  they  were  intended. 
The  other  Ministers  first  read  their  names  in  the  newspapers 
on  the  5th  of  March.  A  few  days  before  the  inauguration, 
Adolph  E.  Borie,  of  Philadelphia  was  in  Washington,  and  on 
the  3d  of  March  he  called  on  the  President-elect.  Grant  had 
given  orders  that  no  visitor  whatever  should  be  received  ; 
for  he  had  only  a  few  hours  left  in  which  he  intended  to  close 
his  business  as  General-in-Chief.  But  when  Borie  was  re 
fused  admission  he  sent  his  card  to  me,  and  begged  me  to 
procure  him  two  or  three  moments'  audience.  He  had  two 
friends  with  him  from  Philadelphia  whom  he  was  extremely 
anxious  to  present  to  Grant,  and  he  promised  not  to  remain 
nor  to  mention  politics.  Accordingly  I  suggested  that  as 
Borie  had  been  so  good  a  friend  he  should  be  accorded  a 
moment's  interview.  Grant  acquiesced,  and  Borie  and  his 
friends  came  in.  There  had  been  a  vast  deal  of  talk  in  the 
newspapers  about  a  Cabinet  Minister  from  Pennsylvania,  and 
Grant  at  once  inquired  :  "  Well,  Mr.  Borie,  have  you  come 
to  learn  the  name  of  the  man  from  Pennsylvania  ?  "  Borie 
disclaimed  any  curiosity,  and  two  days  afterward,  return 
ing  to  Philadelphia,  he  read  on  the  train  that  his  own  name 
had  been  sent  to  the  Senate  as  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  He 
was  "the  man  from  Pennsylvania,"  and  that  was  the  first  he 
knew  about  it. 

Grant,  indeed,  at  this  time,  looked  upon  Cabinet  Ministers 
as  on  staff  officers,  whose  personal  relations  with  himself 
were  so  close  that  they  should  be  chosen  for  personal 
reasons  ;  a  view  that  his  experience  in  civil  affairs  somewhat 
modified.  If  he  had  served  a  third  term  in  the  Presidency, 
his  selections  for  the  Cabinet  would  hardly  have  been  made 


!64  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

because  he  liked  the  men  as  companions  or  regarded  them 
as  personal  friends.  At  this  juncture  also,  Rawlins  was  con 
stantly  urging  that  Grant  should  have  no  men  about  him 
who  could  possibly  become  his  rivals.  He  was  always 
pointing  to  the  trouble  that  Chase  and  Seward  and  other 
aspirants  had  made  in  Lincoln's  Cabinet,  and  declared  that  a 
man  who  would  not  subordinate  his  own  ambition  to  that  of  his 
chief  should  not  be  allowed  to  enter  the  Government.  Grant 
never  replied  to  remarks  like  these,  but  he  would  have  been 
no  more  than  human  if  he  had  remembered  them.  He  cer 
tainly  now  took  no  man  int<^  his  Cabinet  whose  Presidential 
aspirations  seemed  likely  to  come  into  conflict  with  his  own. 

And  Grant,  from  the  first,  I  am  sure,  desired  a  re-election. 
He  did  not  say  so ;  but  no  man  can  hold  the  Presidential 
office  and  not  be  anxious  for  this  indorsement  from  the  peo 
ple.  The  ambition  is  both  propfer  and  inevitable  ;  and  Grant 
entertained  it,  like  every  President  who  either  followed  or 
preceded  him.  I  have,  however,  no  idea  that  he  was  plan 
ning  for  re-election  thus  ear$;  and  he  certainly  never 
admitted  either  at  the  time  or  afterward  that  such  motives 
affected  him  in  the  selection  of  Cabinet  Ministers.  Never 
theless,  I  thought  then,  and  I  think  still,  that  he  was  deter 
mined  to  have  no  rivals  near  thp  throne. 

On  the  5th  of  March  theMjabmet  appointments  were 
sent  to  the  Senate.  Washburne  was  to  be  Secretary  of 
State  ;  Stewart,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ;  Borie,  Secretary 
of  the  Navy ;  CreswelJ,  Postmaster-General ;  Hoar,  Attor 
ney-General,  and  Cox,  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  Schofield 
remained  Secretary  of  War.  It  was  soon  discovered  that 
Stewart  was  ineligible  to  Jhe  post  for  which  he  had  been 
named.  The  law  declared  that  no  person  engaged  in  trade 
should  be  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Grant  had 
been  ignorant  of  this  provision,  and  the  Senate  was  equally 
so,  for  the  nomination  was  confirmed  unanimously.  As  soon, 
however,  as  the  disability  was  ascertained,  Grant  requested 


CABINET-MAKING.  X5^ 

that  Stewart  should  be  exempted  by  Congress  from  the 
operation  of  the  law ;  but  this  the  Senate  was  unwilling  to 
concede,  and  Stewart's  name  was  accordingly  withdrawn. 
Both  Grant  and  Stewart  were  greatly  mortified  at  the  result. 
Stewart  offered  to  place  his  business  in  the  hands  of  trustees 
during  his  entire  term  of  office  and  to  devote  the  proceeds  to 
some  charity  or  public  interest,  but  this  was  insufficient  to 
remove  the  scruples  of  the  Senate,  and  Grant  could  not 
delay  the  formation  of  his  Cabinet.  Stewart  felt  sore  be 
cause  Grant  gave  him  up  so  soon,  and  their  friendship  was 
never  again  so  intimate  as  it  once  had  been.  The  whole 
occurrence  provoked  much  harsh  criticism,  and  it  was  said 
that  if  Grant  had  consulted  men  of  civil  experience,  and  not 
trusted  entirely  to  his  own  judgment  and  knowledge,  the 
blunder  would  never  have  been  made. 

George  H.  Boutwell  was  hurriedly  selected  for  the  Treas 
ury,  but  as  he  and  Hoar  were  both  from  Massachusetts, 
another  change  became  almost  inevitable.  Hoar,  indeed, 
remained  in  his  place  a  year,  and  was  nominated  to  the  bench 
of  the  Supreme  Court  on  his  retirement,  but  the  Senate  re 
fused  to  confirm  him.  He  naturally  disliked  to  be  displaced 
to  make  room  in  another  department,  and  his  relations  with 
the  President  were  in  consequence  somewhat  strained.  He 
knew  from  the  first  that  his  position  was  insecure,  and  was 
never  the  ardent  friend  of  the  President  that  as  Cabinet 
Minister  he  might  otherwise  have  been.  At  least  so  Grant 
always  thought. 

And  now,  as  Wilson  declined  the  position  of  Secretary  of 
State,  and  Washburne  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  remain,  it 
became  necessary  to  find  a  substitute.  In  this  emergency 
Grant  offered  the  place  to  Hamilton  Fish  of  New  York,  and 
sent  Colonel  Babcock,  one  of  his  new  secretaries,  to  that  city 
with  the  proposition.  The  offer  was  entirely  unexpected  by 
Fish,  and  at  first  he  was  not  inclined  to  accept  it.  He 
would,  indeed,  have  preferred  the  post  of  Minister  to  Eng- 


1 66  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

land,  and  it  required  some  urging  before  he  consented  to 
enter  the  Cabinet.  Thus  the  two  most  important  places  in 
the  new  Government  were  filled  by  men  who  had  not  been 
originally  selected  by  Grant. 

Meanwhile  Borie  had  read  the  notification  of  his  appoint 
ment  as  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  proceeded  to  Washing 
ton  to  thank  the  President  and  decline  the  honor.  I  was 
intimate  with  him,  and  knowing  his  reluctance  to  accept  the 
post,  I  met  him  at  the  station  to  do  what  I  could  to  change 
his  feeling.  I  represented  the  unfortunate  condition  of 
affairs,  the  frequent  changes  and  disappointments,  the 
blunder  about  Stewart,  the  uncertainty  about  Fish,  and  Cox, 
and  Hoar,  who  had  all  been  taken  by  surprise,  and  the  dis 
credit  it  would  bring  on  the  new  Administration  if  still 
another  Cabinet  Minister  delayed  or  declined.  Borie  was 
personally  very  much  attached  to  Grant,  and  I  urged  that 
his  acquiescence  under  the  circumstances  would  be  an  act  of 
positive  friendship.  He  finally  consented  to  remain  in  the 
Cabinet  for  a  few  months,  until  the  President  could  find  a 
successor  without  increasing  the  public  dissatisfaction  at 
these  frequent  changes.  Of  course  it  was  his  regard  for 
Grant  that  decided  Borie,  but  he  often  laughingly  said  to  me 
that  but  for  my  urging  he  would  not  have  entered  the 
Cabinet. 

Cox  and  Hoar  also  finally  accepted  the  honor  tendered, 
but  not  until  the  former  General-in-Chief  discovered  that  he 
could  not  order  eminent  civilians  into  office  as  he  had  been 
used  to  sending  soldiers  to  a  new  command.  He  was  some 
what  surprised  that  any  one  should  hesitate  to  accept  the 
position  he  offered,  but  as  a  matter,  of  fact  nearly  every  mem 
ber  of  his  Cabinet  but  Rawlins  had  to  be  urged  to  accept  his 
place.  Even  if  their  ambition  was  gratified,  the  suddenness 
of  the  summons  found  them  unprepared ;  they  had  their 
private  affairs  to  arrange,  and  every  man  assuming  a  high 
political  place  desires  some  time  to  fit  himself  properly  for 
his  new  career. 


CABINET-MAKING.  !  67 

Thus  Washburne  was  supplanted  in  a  week  by  Fish, 
Stewart's  name  was  withdrawn  and  Boutwell's  substituted, 
Schofield  was  followed  before  the  end  of  the  month  by 
Rawlins,  and  in  less  than  a  year  Akerman  succeeded  Hoar. 
All  of  these  changes  came  from  Grant's  inexperience  or  from 
the  secrecy  with  which  he  had  veiled  his  intentions,  not  only 
from  the  individuals  most  affected,  but  from  others  who 
might  have  predicted,  or  perhaps  prevented  what  occurred. 

Finally,  however,  the  Cabinet  was  constructed,  and  the 
new  President  began  his  administration  of  the  Government. 
He  was  the  same  man  who  had  been  surrounded  at  Belmont 
and  nearly  crushed  at  Shiloh,  who  had  plodded  through  the 
marshes  of  Vicksburg  and  fought  the  weary  forty  days  in  the 
Wilderness.  He  had  made,  indeed,  a  false  start,  but  it  was 
not  the  first  time,  and  one  rebuff  never  daunted  or  dis 
couraged  Grant.  He  remembered  that  he  had  overcome 
Johnson  in  politics  as  well  as  Lee  in  war,  and  he  felt  no 
unwillingness  or  inability  to  cope  with  his  new  difficulties. 

Alexander  T.  Stewart  was  a  New  York  merchant  who  had  been 
stanchly  loyal,  as  well  as  liberal  with  his  wealth  and  his  influence 
and  his  labor,  in  the  cause  of  the  Union,  and  he  early  became  one 
of  Grant's  most  devoted  friends.  The  stand  he  took  during  the 
Rebellion  brought  him  into  further  prominence,  and  first  made 
him  more  than  a  great  tradesman.  It  showed  him,  indeed,  in  his 
largest  aspect ;  for  he  was  narrow  in  many  things.  The  lack  of 
early  advantages  was  more  apparent  in  him  than  in  many  of  the 
self-made  men  of  America.  It  was  not  only  that  he  had  the  true 
merchant  spirit — that  he  was  munificent  with  millions  and  mean 
about  a  penny ;  not  so  much  that  he  showed  the  lack  of  scholar 
ship  or  deficiency  in  other  'acquirements ;  but  there  was  a  small- 
ness  about  his  ideas,  a  pettiness  at  times  about  his  feeling,  a  lack 
of  many  sides  to  his  character  —  all  of  which  betrayed  the  life  of 
application  to  business  he  had  led  for  more  than  forty  years  —  so 
close  indeed,  that  he  had  time  for  nothing  else.  And  yet  it  was 
this  very  life  that  resulted  in  his  mammoth  fortune  and  the  impor- 


!68  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

tance  and  opportunities  it  gave  him.  This  fortune  and  his  pat 
riotic  course  brought  him  into  connection  with  General  Grant,  and 
thus  made  his  name  national. 

During  the  winiC-r  preceding  Grant's  first  inauguration,  I  remem 
ber  dining  at  Stewart's  house  with  the  President-elect.  The  com 
pany  was  composed  exclusively  of  men,  but  of  as  much  distinction, 
social  or  personal,  as  often  meets  under  one  roof  in  New  York : 
Hamilton  Fish,  John  Jacob  Astor,  Joseph  Harper,  Edwards  Pierre- 
pont,  Charles  P.  Daly,  Henry  Hilton,  all  were  present,  and  others, 
perhaps  as  eminent.  The  table  of  course  was  sumptuous,  and  all 
the  accessories  elaborate.  Mr.  Stewart  called  especial  attention 
to  the  Johannisberger  wine  of  some  famous  vintage,  which,  at  the 
close  of  the  dinner,  was  served  by  the  thimbleful ;  he  only  brought 
it  out,  he  said,  on  extraordinary  occasions ;  it  had  cost  him  thirty 
dollars  a  bottle.  Nobody  dreamed  then  that  Mr.  Stewart  was  to 
be  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  but  before  the  4th  of 
March  the  place  was  offered  him. 

When  the  difficulties  proved  insurmountable  Stewart  lost  his 
only  chance  of  becoming  a  statesman.  The  President  could  find 
another  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  but  Stewart  had  no  other  Pres 
ident  to  turn  to.  He  became  a  plain  dry  goods  man  again,  without 
place,  or  power,  or  public  career.  To  be  so  near  a  great  position, 
and  yet  to  lose  it ;  to  be  appointed  and  confirmed,  and  even  con 
gratulated,  to  have  made  his  arrangements  and,  doubtless,  deter 
mined  on  his  appointments  in  advance,  and  yet  to  be  dashed 
down  to  private  life,  was  hard.  But  besides  this,  Stewart  thought 
that  some  of  the  importance  or  influence  which  had  been  offered 
him  should  have  been  allowed  to  remain.  He  even  wanted  to 
retain  a  little  of  the  patronage  which  might  have  been  his,  had 
he  entered  office.  I  have  more  than  once  seen  men  go  out  of  a 
government  on  friendly  terms  with  its  chief ;  but  after  they  left, 
they  could  not  forget  the  power  and  position  they  once  had 
held ,  they  seemed  always  to  feel  that  they  should  possess  some 
of  the  official  privileges  and  relations  they  had  enjoyed  before. 
When  this  proved  impracticable,  their  feelings  were  apt  to  change, 
and  their  friendship  cooled.  Something  like  this  occurred  with 
Stewart. 

I  went  out  of  the  country  in  May,  1869,  and  returned  in  the 


CABINET-MAKING. 

next  September.  On  arriving  at  New  York  I  went  to  Mr. 
Stewart's  great  "  store,"  as  I  had  been  used  to  do  before  Grant 
was  President,  and  spent  an  hour  with  him  in  private  talk.  I 
was  amazed  at  the  tone  of  his  conversation ;  he  did  not  expect,  he 
said,  to  enjoy  the  influence  he  had  once  anticipated,  but  even  the 
few  favors  he  asked  had  been  withheld.  The  personal  friends  he 
had  expected  to  advance  were  overlooked,  or  their  claims  belittled, 
if  not  ignored.  Judge  Hilton,  his  life-long  associate  and  intimate, 
he  had  hoped,  would  be  appointed  Collector  of  New  York,  and  a 
relative  of  his  own  wife  he  wanted  made  Consul  at  Havre.  The 
Collectorship  was  gone  irretrievably  to  another,  and  instead  of 
Havre,  his  relative  was  offered  Bordeaux.  He  wanted  me  to  repre 
sent  this  to  the  Government.  But  the  Government  was  made  up ; 
the  carriage  was  full ;  the  train  had  started,  and  those  who  had 
not  succeeded  in  entering,  could  hardly  expect  to  be  treated  like 
regular  passengers.  Stewart  was  out  in  the  cold.  He  saw  the 
President  occasionally  after  this,  and  entertained  him  when  he 
came  to  New  York ;  but  their  intimacy  was  at  an  end. 


CHAPTER    XX. 

GRANT    IN    SOCIETY. 

GRANT  was  a  plain  man,  but  those  are  greatly  mistaken 
who  suppose  that  he  was  a  common  one.  His  early 
life  he  has  himself  described  as  that  of  plain  people  at  the 
West  fifty  or  sixty  years  ago.  He  received,  however,  the 
advantages  of  West  Point  and  its  associations,  and  officers 
of  the  army  in  those  days  were  considered  eligible  to  any 
company.  At  St.  Louis  he  married  into  a  family  that  held 
itself  as  high  as  any  in  the  old  society  of  that  semi-Southern 
city ;  a  society  which  was  undoubtedly  at  that  time  provincial 
and  narrow;  its  members  had  seen  or  known  little  of  any 
world  but  their  own,  but  the  feeling  they  had  that  their  posi 
tion  was  equal  to  any  gave  them  a  certain  distinction  of 
bearing  that  nothing  else  could  confer.  It  was  not  a  highly 
educated  society,  and  resembled  in  some  points  the  squire 
archy  of  England  that  Macaulay  describes ;  elevated  in  feel 
ing  though  contracted  in  acquirement,  and  if  over-conscious 
of  its  own  consequence,  nevertheless  never  meeting  anybody 
of  more  consequence  than  its  own  members.  In  this  circle 
Grant  obtained  a  knowledge  of  the  sentiments  and  pre 
judices  that  are  by  some  supposed  to  be  characteristic  only 
of  gentlemen.  Many  of  these  he  shared  by  nature,  others  he 
acquired,  but  others  he  always  repudiated. 

He  was,  as  all  the  world  knows,  simple  in  his  tastes  and 
habits,  and  at  one  time  unacquainted  with  many  of  the 
etiquettes  and  requirements  of  an  artificial  society ;  not  a  few 
of  which,  indeed,  he  disliked  after  he  became  familiar  with 

(170) 


GRANT  IN   SOCIETY.  171 

them.  Forms  and  ceremonies  were  always  distasteful  to 
him,  and  though  he  complied  with  such  as  his  position  ren 
dered  unavoidable,  he  escaped  from  them  in  private  as  speed 
ily  and  as  effectually  as  possible.  But  the  very  simplicity  of 
taste  and  feeling,  the  plainness  of  manner  that  he  preserved 
in  his  extraordinary  elevation,  were  proof  of  a  native  and 
genuine  refinement. 

When  he  arrived  at  the  capital  to  receive  the  command 
of  the  armies  he  was  shy  and  reserved  in  general  company : 
of  course  never  timid,  but  he  was  aware  of  his  deficiencies 
in  social  knowledge,  and  the  consciousness  made  him  con 
strained  and  sometimes  awkward  under  the  honors  and  con 
gratulations  that  were  heaped  upon  him.  But  this  very 
awkwardness  in  the  Conqueror  of  Vicksburg  had  a  certain 
charm.  It  indicated  an  absence  of  conceit,  a  lack  of  pre 
tence,  and  a  modesty  almost  unexampled  in  a  man  of  his 
achievements,  and  showed  how  sweet  and  gentle  a  nature 
lay  beneath  the  sterner  qualities  which  had  won  his  battles 
and  his  fame. 

He  always  desired,  however,  to  conform  to  the  require 
ments  of  whatever  place  he  was  called  upon  to  fill,  and  was 
now  quite  willing  to  perform  his  social  duties.  I  accom 
panied  Mrs.  Grant  when  she  made  her  first  visit  to  the 
White  House,  over  which  she  was  afterward  to  preside,  and 
General  Grant  was  greatly  pleased  to  have  the  visit  paid. 
It  was  at  an  afternoon  reception  held  by  Mrs.  Lincoln,  and 
Lincoln  himself  was  present.  The  President  had  never  met 
Mrs.  Grant,  and  at  first  he  did  not  hear  her  name ;  he  was 
allowing  her  to  pass  with  the  customary  bow  that  every  one 
receives,  but  I  repeated,  "Mrs.  General  Grant,  Mr.  Presi 
dent";  and  the  tall,  ungainly  man  looked  down  upon  his 
visitor  with  infinite  kindness  beaming  from  his  ugly,  historic 
face;  then  placed  both  his  hands  on  Mrs.  Grant's  and 
welcomed  her  more  than  warmly.  He  asked  about  the 
General,  and  himself  presented  her  to  Mrs.  Lincoln.  The 


If 2  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

mistress  of  the  White  House  was  also  gracious ;  she  invited 
Mrs.  Grant  to  visit  the  conservatories,  and  desired  me  to 
show  them  to  the  lady  who  was  destined  herself  to  dispense 
the  courtesies  of  the  nation  in  the  same  Executive  Cham 
ber.  On  our  way  out  several  great  political  women  seemed 
inclined  to  patronize  the  Western  General's  wife;  not,  of 
course,  offensively,  but  still  they  acted  as  they  would  hardly 
have  behaved  among  or  toward  themselves.  But  Mrs.  Grant 
at  once  detected  the  suggestion  of  superiority  in  their  court 
esies,  and  asserted  herself  delicately  but  skillfully.  When 
they  wanted  to  introduce  fine  ladies  to  her  in  the  lobbies 
of  the  White  House,  she  regretted  that  her  carriage  was 
waiting,  but  she  would  be  happy  to  receive  the  ladies  at  her 
hotel;  and  when  they  offered  seats  in  their  boxes  at  the 
play,  evidently  in  order  to  be  seen  with  the  wife  of  the 
General-in-Chief,  she  politely  indicated  that  a  box  had  already 
been  secured  for  her ;  and  for  this  she  afterward  selected 
her  own  company. 

Her  influence,  of  course,  affected  her  great  husband. 
He  had  constantly  the  suggestions  of  a  woman  who  under 
stood  other  women,  and  who  knew  instinctively  what  would 
be  said  of  him  and  to  him,  as  well  as  what  she  wanted  him 
to  say  and  do  in  return.  Naturally  she  was  anxious  about 
the  appearance  he  made  in  what  is  called  "society."  He 
had  been  ushered  all  at  once  into  the  most  distinguished 
and  exacting  circles ;  he  would  be  watched  and  criticized 
as  well  as  welcomed  and  admired;  and  with  a  feminine 
insight  she  comprehended  both  the  petty  craft  and  the 
important  ambitions  that  underlie  so  many  of  the  ceremonies 
of  official  life  at  Washington  as  well  as  in  aristocratic  capi 
tals.  When  Grant  was  overmodest,  or  willing  to  let  himself 
be  passed  by,  there  was  always  the  mentor  to  caution  and 
urge  and  stimulate  and  advise;  and  sometimes  the  mentor 
was  needed. 

I  recall  an  instance  in  which  I  contended  for  a  while 


GRANT   IN   SOCIETY. 

against  Mrs.  Sprague,  the  daughter  of  Chief -Justice  Chase. 
Everybody  in  Washington,  Cabinet  Ministers,  foreign  envoys, 
Senators,  even  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  hurried 
to  call  on  General  Grant  after  his  brilliant  successes  in  the 
war;  the  ordinary  Washington  etiquette  of  visiting  was 
broken  down  for  him.  But  the  Chief-Justice  did  not  call. 
He  considered  himself  the  second  person  in  the  country, 
the  next  after  the  President  in  position,  as  under  ordinary 
circumstances  he  certainly  would  have  been.  Besides  this 
he  was  an  aspirant  for  the  Presidency  and  unwilling  to  admit 
Grant's  precedence  in  any  way.  Mrs.  Sprague  spoke  to  me 
of  the  matter  at  a  dance  at  General  Grant's  house.  She, 
as  a  Senator's  wife,  had  called  upon  Mrs.  Grant,  but  she 
thought  General  Grant  should  call  on  the  Chief-Justice.  I, 
however,  tried  hard  to  keep  the  General  from  paying  the 
first  visit.  Like  all  staff  officers  I  magnified  the  conse 
quence  of  my  chief,  and  I  was  younger  then  and  had  not 
seen  the  preposterous  regard  for  precedence  at  European 
courts ;  perhaps  in  such  matters  I  was  not  so  good  a  demo 
crat  as  studying  a  real  aristocracy  has  made  me  since.  At 
any  rate  I  put  every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  visit.  But 
one  afternoon  General  Grant  was  driving  and  stopped  to 
call  on  the  Chief-Justice.  The  visit  was  instantly  returned, 
and  the  General  and  Mrs.  Grant  were  asked  to  dinner;  so 
Mrs.  Sprague  triumphed.  I  always  suspected  that  the  Gen 
eral  made  the  visit  with  malice  prepense,  for  he  often  used 
to  say,  "Badeau,  you  think  too  much  of  these  things,"  and 
he  would  pretend  to  scold.  Once  or  twice  he  was  in  earnest 
when  he  thought  matters  were  carried  too  far. 

Nevertheless  he  conformed  to  many  observances  which 
at  first  he  had  found  irksome  as  well  as  unusual.  It  was 
some  little  time  before  he  consented  to  wear  an  evening 
coat,  and  the  white  tie  especially  was  a  disagreeable  novelty. 
But  he  soon  discovered  that  he  made  himself  more  conspic 
uous  by  avoiding  the  dress  that  others  wore  than  by  adopt- 


174 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


ing  it ;  and  when  he  ascertained  the  importance  attributed 
to  visits  in  the  official  and  high  political  world  in  which  he 
lived,  he  became  anxious  that  they  should  be  paid  and 
returned  punctiliously.  In  time  it  was  he  who  urged  Mrs. 
Grant  to  make  her  calls,  and  those  who  did  not  know  would 
hardly  believe  how  particular  he  grew  about  placing  people 
at  dinner.  Not  that  he  regarded  these  points  as  important, 
but  others  did,  whom  he  was  unwilling  to  neglect  or  to 
offend. 

So  too  about  his  parties.  He  was  always  willing  to  open 
his  house,  and  wanted  no  one  left  out  whom  it  was  proper  to 
invite.  He  had  indeed  a  genuine  liking  for  society ;  not  only 
because  wherever  he  went  he  was  the  chief  and  the  idol, 
though  this  might  make  any  one  fond  of  the  world ;  but  he 
was  social  by  nature.  He  not  only  had  a  pleasure  in  the 
company  of  his  intimates,  not  only  enjoyed  the  conversation 
of  important  men  ;  but  he  liked  to  look  at  pretty  girls  and  to 
listen  to  the  talk  of  clever  women.  For  a  long  time,  how 
ever,  he  was  not  ready  in  replying;  he  had  little  small  talk, 
and  could  not  make  conversation  without  a  theme ;  but  he 
observed  closely  under  his  mask  of  silence,  and  I  always 
relished  his  criticisms  of  people  and  manners.  He  gossiped 
very  genially,  and  observed  little  points  of  behavior  and  their 
significance  as  acutely  as  many  of  long  experience  in  what 
is  called  "the  world."  I  had  a  great  deal  to  do  with  his 
early  social  career.  I  was  very  much  at  his  house  and  his 
table  before  he  became  President ;  I  dispensed  the  invitations 
to  his  receptions,  and  went  with  him  to  dinners  and  parties 
innumerable  in  half  the  cities  of  the  Union.  I  stood  by  him 
at  public  receptions  when  thousands  shook  him  by  the  hand, 
and  every  man  put  all  his  enthusiasm  and  all  his  patriotism 
into  a  single  grasp,  until  Grant's  arm  became  swollen  and 
lame  for  weeks,  and  the  newspapers  published  a  caricature  of 
"The  hand  we  shook  so  often."  Sometimes  in  the  crowd 
the  aides-de-camp  thrust  out  their  hands  and  saved  him  many 


UNIVERSITY 

OF 


"THE   BOY   STOOD   ON    THE    BURNING    DECK." 


GRANT  IN   SOCIETY.  I^ 

a  squeeze.  He  possessed  the  "royal"  memory  of  faces,  and 
when  at  his  own  house  or  headquarters  any  of  the  millions 
called  whom  he  had  met  before,  he  always  remembered  the 
names  which  we  who  had  stood  beside  him  were  often  unable 
to  recall. 

For  years  his  unwillingness  to  make  a  speech  was  curious. 
When  he  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  he  declared  he 
had  neither  the  power  of  public  speaking  nor  the  disposition 
to  acquire  it.  In  the  long  series  of  ovations  that  followed 
him  everywhere  after  the  close  of  the  war  not  more  than  two 
or  three  words  were  ever  extorted  from  him  in  reply  to 
encomiums  and  even  adulation  such  as  few  men  have  ever 
heard  addressed  to  themselves.  I  was  once  traveling  with 
him  by  railroad  during  the  height  of  his  early  popularity. 
Wherever  the  train  stopped  it  was  surrounded  by  ardent  and 
patriotic  throngs.  His  silence  had  now  become  celebrated, 
and  a  woman  in  the  crowd  cried  out,  "  I  want  to  see  the  man 
that  lets  the  women  do  all  the  talking." 

At  another  time  his  youngest  son,  Jesse,  then  a  boy  of 
only  seven  years,  came  out  on  the  platform  when  the  cries 
for  a  "speech"  were  loudest  and  his  father  was  as  silent  as 
the  Sphynx.  The  lad  looked  first  at  the  mass  of  enthusiastic 
people  before  him  and  then  at  the  great  soldier  by  his  side, 
and  inquired,  "  Papa,  why  don't  you  speak  to  them  ?  "  But 
Grant  remained  mute  and  Jesse  at  last  cried  out :  "I  can 
make  a  speech,  if  papa  can't."  The  shouts  instantly  went 
up;  "A  speech  from  Jesse  !  A  speech  from  Jesse  !  "  Then 
there  was  a  hush,  and  the  child  began  in  his  treble  voice,  but 
without  a  shade  of  the  embarrassment  his  father  would  have 

felt, 

"  The  boy  stood  on  the  burning  deck."  — 

Jesse  made  another  speech  during  the  same  summer  that 
was  even  more  felicitous.  Grant  and  his  family  were  at  the 
farm  near  St.  Louis  where  Mrs.  Grant's  father  resided.  One 


I76  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

hot  day  after  the  two  o'clock  dinner,  when  everybody  was 
out  on  the  lawn,  Jesse  mounted  a  haystack  and  exclaimed : 
"I'll  show  you  how  papa  makes  a  speech."  Grant  himself 
laughed,  and  we  all  went  up  to  the  haystack.  Then  Jesse 
made  a  bow  (which  his  father  would  not  have  done),  and 
began :  "  Ladies  and  gentlemen,  —  I  am  very  glad  to  see  you ; 
I  thank  you  very  much.  Good  night."  Everyone  laughed, 
but  Grant  blushed  up  to  the  eyes.  I  don't  think  he  relished 
the  imitation  at  all;  it  was  too  close.  But  Jesse  was  the 
baby,  and  we  talked  about  something  else. 

Years  afterward  I  thought  of  this  scene  in  Missouri  when 
I  heard  Grant  at  a  great  table  in  the  Guildhall  at  London 
address  a  brilliant  company  in  felicitous  language  that  evoked 
cheers  of  admiration  from  some  of  the  acutest  critics  of 
eloquence  in  the  world.  For  he  certainly  acquired  the  art 
of  putting  one  or  two  appropriate  thoughts  into  fitting  lan 
guage  on  such  occasions  in  as  high  degree  as  any  one  I  ever 
listened  to.  His  replies  were  models  not  only  of  terse  and 
modest  expression,  but  of  epigrammatic  force  and  fluent  wit, 
timely  in  suggestiveness,  personal  in  application,  and  almost 
always  conveying  a  wise  as  well  as  graceful  sentiment. 
Indeed,  the  shyness  and  awkwardness  that  were  so  apparent 
at  the  beginning  of  his  career  had  passed  completely  away 
before  the  end.  Perhaps  a  little  lingered  until  he  became 
President,  but  the  sense  of  the  greatness  of  his  position  that 
came  to  him  then  took  away  all  shyness.  He  was  not  only 
the  first  wherever  he  went,  but  the  Chief  of  the  State,  and 
he  felt  that  the  Government  was  upon  his  shoulders.  There 
was  no  personal  vanity  implied  in  maintaining  or  even  in 
asserting  such  a  dignity.  In  small  things  as  well  as  great 
this  feeling  was  apparent.  He  never  entered  the  street-cars 
while  he  was  President,  although  often  before  he  had  morti 
fied  his  staff  and  his  family  by  using  the  democratic  convey 
ance  ;  he  was  careful  whom  he  visited,  and  regarded  etiquette 
scrupulously  in  this  matter;  he  selected  the  company  and 


GRANT    IN   SOCIETY. 

arranged  the  precedence  at  his  dinners,  frequently  disap 
pointing  relatives  and  intimate  friends  who  saw  themselves 
displaced  on  public  occasions  for  public  dignitaries,  though 
in  his  private  life  he  returned  to  his  former  associates. 

During  the  first  year  of  his  Presidency  I  spent  eight 
months  on  duty  at  the  Executive  Mansion,  where,  although 
I  was  no  longer  the  official  secretary,  I  had  my  own  room 
and  saw  him  with  much  of  my  old  intimacy.  I  revised  with 
him  and  for  him  his  first  annual  message  to  Congress,  and 
Cabinet  Ministers  came  to  me  to  have  passages  inserted 
which  they  did  not  venture  themselves  to  propose.  Thus  I 
watched  the  growth  of  the  new  manner.  I  observed  a 
greater  dignity  of  feeling,  a  conscious  and  intentional  gravity, 
an  absence  of  that  familiar,  almost  jocular  mood  which  once 
had  been  so  frequent.  And  yet  he  did  not  forget,  much  less 
repel,  his  former  friends.  They  were  what  they  had  always 
been  to  him,  just  as  worthy,  perhaps  just  as  intimate  as  ever, 
and  the  very  few  were  certainly  as  dear;  but  he  was  the 
President. 

The  great  changes,  however,  were  more  apparent  later. 
In  the  second  year  of  his  Presidency  I  was  made  Consul- 
General  at  London,  and  I  saw  him  afterward  on  only  two  or 
three  occasions  during  a  short  visit  to  this  country  until  the 
close  of  his  last  Administration.  In  this  interval  had  come 
all  the  storm  of  calumny  that  burst  upon  him,  all  the  anxieties 
of  the  last  sad  year  of  his  official  life,  all  the  falsity  of 
friends,  the  attacks  upon  his  honor,  the  injury  he  received 
from  the  association  of  those  who  used  and  abused  his  name 
and  his  friendship  for  their  own  purposes.  Besides  all  this 
there  was  of  course  the  increase  of  years,  the  long  occupancy 
of  the  highest  place,  the  weight  of  national  cares,  the  famil 
iarity  with  autnority.  I  met  him  on  the  steamer  that 
brought  him  to  Liverpool,  and  saw  him  first  in  the  captain's 
cabin,  where  he  was  waiting  for  me,  alone.  He  threw  his 
arms  around  me  —  and  I  kissed  him.  He  was  my  chief,  my 

12 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

General,  my  friend.  From  that  moment  dated  a  new  inti 
macy,  closer  than  the  old.  I  was  with  him  incessantly  during 
his  stay  in  England.  He  wrote  at  once  a  telegram  to  the 
Government  asking  that  I  might  be  permitted  to  accompany 
him,  but  I  changed  the  message  and  put  it  in  my  own  name, 
so  that  he  who  had  been  President  should  not  be  placed  in 
the  position  of  soliciting  favors  from  his  successor. 

But  with  all  my  intimacy  I  noticed  now  a  broader  man 
in  manner  and  character.  He  was  far  more  conscious ;  he 
understood  himself  better;  he  knew  his  powers;  he  knew 
what  he  wanted  to  do  and  say  under  all  circumstances.  He 
was  a  greater  man  than  the  one  I  had  left  in  America 
seven  years  before.  I  was  especially  struck  with  his  poise 
in  the  new  situations  into  which  he  was  thrown.  No  one 
had  anticipated  the  great  popular  enthusiasm  that  welcomed 
him  everywhere  in  England ;  but  he  was  as  calm  and  undis 
turbed  as  of  old,  ready  to  receive  and  acknowledge  the  ova 
tion,  for  such  it  was,  gratified  deeply,  but  not  elated.  His 
fluency  of  speech  amazed  me.  He  had  learned  the  art  since 
I  had  met  him  last. 

In  his  association  on  more  than  equal  terms  with  the 
most  distinguished  Englishmen,  at  the  dinners  with  dukes 
and  Prime  Ministers,  at  which  he  was  always  first,  in  the 
company  of  Princes  and  of  the  Queen,  he  preserved  his  com 
posure.  The  etiquette  was  of  course  unfamiliar  to  him,  but 
he  advised  himself  of  it  in  advance,  and  then  conformed  just 
so  far  as  he  thought  proper  and  dignified  in  his  position,  but 
no  further.  He  was  in  no  way  neglectful  of  ceremonies,  far 
less  offensive,  but  he  did  not  forget  that  he  was  a  republican, 
nor  that  he  had  been  a  President.  He  said  everywhere  that 
the  compliments  paid  to  him  were  meant  for  the  nation  that 
he  represented,  which  was  a  very  proud  sort  of  humility. 
But  it  was  no  assumption  in  him  to  assume  that  he  repre 
sented  America.  He  remained  as  simple  as  ever  in  his 
bearing,  and  still  almost  plain,  but  he  was  seldom  awkward  or 


GRANT  IN   SOCIETY. 

embarrassed  now.  He  was  able  to  criticise  Queen  Victoria's 
manner,  and  he  declared  to  me  that  he  thought  it  uneasy. 
He  said  her  Majesty  seemed  too  anxious  to  put  him  at  his 
ease,  and  he  implied  that  the  anxiety  was  unnecessary. 
With  the  President  of  the  French  Republic,  Marshal  Mac- 
Mahon,  he  was  on  delightful  terms.  They  walked  up  and 
down  the  Champs  Elysees  arm  in  arm,  Grant  talking  English 
and  MacMahon  French,  for  each  understood  the  other's  Ian. 
guage,  though  unable  to  speak  it.  He  received  the  first 
visit  from  the  King  of  the  Belgians,  and  asked,  as  any  one 
else  might  with  an  equal,  when  he  and  Mrs.  Grant  could  pay 
their  respects  to  the  Queen.  I  was  present  at  the  interview, 
and  thought  of  Galena  and  the  neighbors  there  of  this  man 
who  was  exchanging  visits  with  sovereigns.  On  this  occa 
sion  he  was  exact  in  his  etiquette ;  he  went  himself  to  the 
door  of  the  room,  but  directed  me  to  wait  upon  the  King  to 
his  carriage.  But  his  Majesty  would  not  permit  this  atten 
tion,  and  said  peremptorily  that  I  must  not  descend  the 
staircase.  I  remembered  the  story  of  Louis  XIV  and  Lord 
Stair,  and  replied  that  when  the  King  commanded  I  could 
only  obey.  Grant  approved  my  behavior. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

• 

THE   FRENCH    IN   MEXICO. 

GRANT  always  regarded  the  French  occupation  of  Mex 
ico  and  the  establishment  of  the  Empire  of  Maximilian 
as  a  part  of  the  attempt  to  subvert  our  own  Republic,  and 
his  indignation  at  the  course  of  Napoleon  III  on  this  conti 
nent,  was  both  active  and  outspoken  even  during  the  war. 
I  often  heard  him  declare  at  City  Point  that  as  soon  as  we 
had  disposed  of  the  Confederates  we  must  begin  with  the 
Imperialists  ;  and  when  the  Rebellion  was  actually  crushed, 
it  became  his  first  object  to  insure  the  expulsion  of  the 
French  from  the  neighboring  country.  On  the  first  day  of 
the  Grand  Review  at  Washington  in  1865,  he  hurried  Sheri 
dan  off  to  Texas,  not  leaving  him  time  to  witness  the  conclu 
sion  of  the  pageant,  and  gave  him  secret  orders  to  watch  the 
course  of  events  on  the  Rio  Grande. 

Grant,  indeed,  at  this  time,  hoped  that  Johnson  could  be 
induced  to  issue  a  peremptory  demand  for  the  withdrawal  of 
the  French,  and  in  case  of  non-compliance,  that  he  would 
at  once  offer  armed  assistance  to  the  Republicans.  With 
this  hope  the  General-in-Chief  moved  a  large  body  of  troops 
to  the  frontier,  and  Sheridan  understood  that  he  was  not  to 
be  over-cautious  about  provoking  the  Imperial  forces  on  the 
other  side. 

But  the  Government  of  Johnson  did  not  share  Grant's 
views.  It  is  probable  that  the  President  himself  might  have 
been  brought  to  concur  in  them,  but  Seward  was  entirely 
opposed  to  the  course  that  Grant  recommended.  It  was  the 

(180) 


THE   FRENCH   IN   MEXICO.  jgj 

difference  between  the  soldier  and  the  diplomatist.  Grant 
was  for  prompt  action,  peremptory  demands,  menaces,  and,  if 
necessary,  war,  though  he  did  not  believe  that  war  would  be 
necessary.  Seward  hoped  to  accomplish  the  same  object  by 
waiting  for  events,  by  skillful  management,  by  diplomatic 
notes  and  protocols.  Besides  this,  Seward  may  have  thought 
the  province  his  own,  that  he  was  entitled  to  bring  about  the 
result  in  his  own  way  and  achieve  the  triumph  that  belonged 
to  his  own  Department.  At  any  rate  he  did  his  best  to 
thwart  the  plan  proposed  by  Grant,  and  as  he  was  in  the 
Cabinet,  and  besides  in  harmony  with  the  President's  domes 
tic  policy,  he  won  the  day.  His  views  finally  controlled  the 
action  of  the  Government.  It  was  some  little  while,  how 
ever,  before  the  contest  was  decided,  and  when  Grant  first 
found  the  influence  of  the  Secretary  hostile,  he  was  not  at 
all  discouraged,  although  displeased.  Since  he  could  not 
have  the  assistance  of  Seward,  he  resorted  to  means  of  his 
own  devising.  For  he  was  very  much  in  earnest,  and 
believed  that  dilatory  diplomacy  might  result  in  the  establish 
ment  of  an  empire  in  Mexico. 

Three  months  after  the  close  of  the  war  he  sent  General 
Schofield,  in  whose  ability  and  discretion  he  had  great  confi 
dence,  on  a  peculiar  errand.  Schofield  was  nominally 
ordered  to  make  an  inspection  of  the  troops  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  but  he  was  furnished  with  a  leave  of  absence  with 
permission  to  visit  Mexico,  This  had  been  granted  with  the 
concurrence  of  the  President,  who  had  full  knowledge  of  the 
object  in  view. 

At  the  same  time  Grant  wrote  to  Sheridan  that  there 
must  be  a  large  amount  of  captured  ordnance  in  his  com 
mand,  as  well  as  "similar  articles  "  left  there  by  discharged 
Union  soldiers.  Sheridan  was  directed  to  send  none  of  these 
"articles"  to  the  North.  "Rather  place  them,"  said  Grant, 
"  convenient  to  be  permitted  to  go  into  Mexico,  if  they  can 
be  got  into  the  hands  of  the  defenders  of  the  only  govern 
ment  we  recognize  in  that  country."  He  continued : 


!82  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

"  I  hope  General  Schofield  may  go  with  orders  to  receive  these 
articles,  but  if  he  does  not  I  know  it  will  meet  with  general 
approval  to  let  him  have  them,  if  contrary  orders  are  not  received. 
It  is  a  fixed  determination  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  and  I  think  myself  safe  in  saying  on  the  part  of  the  Presi 
dent  also,  that  an  empire  shall  not  be  established  on  this  conti 
nent  by  the  aid  of  foreign  bayonets.  A  war  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  is  to  be  avoided,  if  possible,  but  it  will  be  better  to 
go  to  war  now,  when  but  little  aid  given  to  the  Mexicans  will 
settle  the  question,  than  to  have  in  prospect  a  greater  war  sure  to 
come  if  delayed  until  the  empire  is  established.  We  want,  then, 
to  aid  the  Mexicans  without  giving  cause  of  war  between  the  United 
States  and  France.  Between  the  would-be  empire  of  Maximilian 
and  the  United  States  all  difficulty  can  easily  be  settled  by  observ 
ing  the  same  sort  of  neutrality  that  has  been  observed  toward  us 
for  the  last  four  years.  This  is  a  little  indefinite  as  a  letter  of 
instructions  to  be  governed  by.  I  hope  with  this  you  may  receive 
these  instructions  in  more  positive  terms.  With  a  knowledge  of 
the  facts  before  you,  however,  that  the  greatest  desire  is  felt  to  see 
the  Liberal  Government  restored  in  Mexico,  and  no  doubt  exists 
of  the  strict  justice  of  our  right  to  demand  this  and  enforce  the 
demand  with  the  whole  strength  of  the  United  States,  and  your 
own  judgment  gives  you  a  basis  of  action  that  will  aid  you.  I 
will  recommend  in  a  few  days  that  you  be  directed  to  discharge  all 
the  men  you  think  can  be  spared  from  the  Department  of  Texas, 
where  they  are,  giving  transportation  to  their  homes  to  all  who 
desire  to  return.  You  are  aware  that  existing  orders  permit  dis 
charged  soldiers  to  retain  their  arms  and  accoutrements  at  low  rates, 
fixed  in  orders." 

This  letter  was  delivered  to  Schofield  to  carry  to  Sheridan. 
It  was  on  the  25th  of  July,  1865,  that  Grant  wrote:  "It  is 
the  fixed  determination  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
that  an  empire  shall  not  be  established  on  this  continent  by 
the  aid  of  foreign  bayonets";  and  on  the  6th  of  September 
following  Mr.  Seward  wrote  to  Mr.  Bigelow,  our  Minister  to 
France:  "We  do  not  insist  or  claim  that  Mexico  and  the 


THE   FRENCH   IN  MEXICO.  ^ 

other  States  on  the  American  continent  shall  adopt  the  polit 
ical  institutions  to  which  we  are  so  earnestly  attached,  but 
we  do  hold  that  the  people  of  those  countries  are  to  exercise 
the  freedom  of  choosing  and  establishing  institutions  like  our 
own,  if  they  are  preferred."  The  difference  in  tone  and 
language  between  the  soldier  and  the  statesman  was  indi 
cative  of  the  difference  in  the  means  they  desired  to  employ 
— to  accomplish,  nevertheless,  the  same  end. 

Grant  did  not  write  to  Schofield  again  for  nearly  a  year, 
but  on  the  24th  of  March,  1866,  he  said  to  that  officer: 

"  I  have  never  written  to  you  since  your  departure,  for  two 
reasons :  First,  because  I  was  afraid  to  send  through  the  mails, 
lest  the  letter  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  French  authorities. 
Second,  because  I  could  not  say  anything  which  would  be  agree 
able  to  Mr.  Seward,  and  did  not  like,  therefore,  to  send  by  his 
mail.  I  might  add  a  third  reason  and  say  that  Mr.  S.  keeps  the 
whole  question  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico  so  befogged 
that  I  know  nothing  really  to  write  upon  the  subject  that  you  do 
not  learn  from  the  papers  of  the  country.  It  looks  to  me  very 
much  as  if  Mr.  Seward's  policy  was  to  hold  the  Government  and 
let  the  Imperial  establishment  take  its  chances  for  success  or  fail 
ure.  If  he  has  a  partiality  in  the  matter,  I  think  it  leans  to 
Imperial  success.  In  this  matter,  however,  I  may  do  him  injustice. 
One  thing  is  certain,  however,  with  the  present  policy,  and  it  looks 
as  if  it  was  to  continue,  the  friends  of  the  Liberal  Government  of 
Mexico  can  do  nothing  to  help  it.  Under  these  circumstances  I 
would  say  there  is  no  necessity  for  your  remaining  longer  abroad, 
unless  your  instructions  require  it.  ...  If  I  was  to  try  to 
give  you  any  positive  information  in  regard  to  our  relations  with 
Mexico,  or  with  the  man  who  keeps  troops  there,  I  could  not  do  so. 
I  could  say  nothing  more  consoling  to  the  Emperor  of  the  French 
than  what  I  have  here  stated,  nor  nothing  more  distasteful  to  him 
than  that  the  American  people  are  united  in  their  determination 
that  his  reign  on  this  continent  shall  cease.  Another  election 
will  probably  bring  this  latter  fact  clear  before  his  vision.  I 
regret  that  his  expulsion  had  not  been  the  closing  scene  in  the 


184  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

great  struggle  through  which  the  country  has   just  passed,  and 
which  he  contributed  largely  to  protract." 

It  will  be  noticed  that  Grant  speaks  of  the  expulsion 
of  the  "Emperor  of  the  French,"  evidently  regarding  the 
Mexican  potentate  as  only  the  tool  of  his  great  prototype 
in  France. 

On  the  2Oth  of  July,  1866,  Grant  wrote  to  Sheridan: 

"Your  dispatch  relative  to  selling  the  arms  at  Brownsville  to 
the  Liberals  was  referred  by  me  to  the  President,  strongly  recom 
mended.  I  also  saw  the  President  in  person  about  it,  who  said  : 
'Why  can't  we  let  them  have  them?'  The  subject  will  be  up 
before  the  Cabinet  to-day,  and  as  Seward  is  absent,  I  am  in  hopes 
it  will  be  decided  to  let  them  go.  Whether  this  is  done  or  not  the 
Liberals  are  now  getting  arms.  I  got  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury  to  give  clearances  for  a  large  lot  of  arms  for  Brownsville,  for 
export  beyond  the  limits  of  the  United  States.  Some  are  now  on 
the  way,  and  others  will  follow.  There  has  been  entirely  too 
much  lukewarmness  about  Washington  in  Mexican  affairs.  I  am 
afraid  that  it  may  yet  cause  us  trouble.  It  looks  to  me  very  much 
as  if  Napoleon  was  going  to  settle  the  European  quarrel  in  his 
own  way,  thus  making  himself  stronger  than  ever  before.  If  he 
does,  will  he  not  compel  Austria  to  sustain  the  Imperial  Govern 
ment  with  such  aid  as  he  will  give  ?  This  looks  to  me  to  be  the 
danger  to  apprehend.  You  and  I  should,  and  we  have  done  it, 
aid  the  Liberal  cause  by  giving  them  all  the  encouragement  we 
can.  A  Minister  to  the  Liberal  Government  has  been  confirmed, 
but  he  is  idling  about  Washington,  waiting  for  Mr.  S.  to  give  him 
his  instructions." 

On  the  3<Dth  of  July  Grant  wrote  again  to  Sheridan: 
"Since  the  repeal  of  our  neutrality  laws  I  am  in  hopes  of 
being  able  to  get  authority  to  dispose  of  all  our  surplus 
ammunition  within  your  command  to  the  Liberals  of  Mexico. 
Seward  is  a  powerful  practical  ally  of  Louis  Napoleon,  in  my 
opinion,  but  I  am  strongly  in  hope  that  his  aid  will  do  the 
Empire  no  good."  On  the  Qth  of  October  he  said: 


THE   FRENCH   IN   MEXICO.  ^5 

"Enclosed  I  send  you  two  letters  furnished  me  by  the  Mexican 
Minister.  One  is  from  the  agent  of  the  Liberal  Government  of 
Mexico,  and  the  other  is  an  intercepted  letter  fully  explaining 
itself.  How  far  the  agent  may  judge  the  objects  of  Santa  Anna 
and  Mr.  Seward  correctly  I  do  not  know.  But  I  do  not  believe 
that  either  of  these  parties  is  favorable  to  the  Liberal  cause.  My 
own  opinion  is  that  the  interest  of  the  United  States  and  duty  is 
to  see  that  foreign  interference  with  the  affairs  of  this  continent 
are  put  an  end  to.  There  is  but  one  Government  in  Mexico  that 
has  ever  been  recognized  by  the  United  States,  and-  we  must 
respect  the  claims  of  that  Government  and  advance  its  interests 
in  every  way  we  can.  It  is  probable  that  you  may  have  an  oppor 
tunity  of  judging  the  designs  of  Santa  Anna  should  he  attempt  to 
send  a  force  to  the  Rio  Grande.  Should  his  designs  be  inimical 
to  the  Government  of  Mexico  with  which  we  are  at  peace,  the 
same  duty  in  obedience  to  our  own  neutrality  laws  compels  us  to 
prevent  the  fitting  out  of  expeditions  hostile  to  that  Government 
that  existed  in  the  case  of  the  Fenian  movement  against  our 
Northern  neighbor.  There  is  but  one  party,  one  Government  in 
Mexico,  whose  complaints  or  wishes  have  claim  to  respect  from 
us.  No  policy  has  been  adopted  by  our  Government  which 
authorizes  us  to  interfere  directly  on  Mexican  soil  with  that  coun 
try,  but  there  is  nothing  that  I  know  of  to  prevent  the  free  passage 
of  people  or  material  going  through  our  territory  to  the  aid  of  the 
recognized  Government.  Our  neutrality  should  prevent  our  allow 
ing  the  same  thing  when  the  object  is  to  make  war  upon  that 
Government,  so  long  as  we  are  at  peace  with  it." 

It  would  be  hard  for  the  most  accomplished  doctor  of  laws 
to  turn  the  neutrality  acts  both  ways  more  skillfully  to  suit  his 
own  purposes.  Yet  who  can  contest  the  logic  of  Grant's 
reasoning  or  the  justice  of  his  conclusions  ? 

But  however  profoundly  he  disapproved  of  Seward's 
course,  Grant  had  no  desire  to  criticise  or  censure  a  member 
of  the  Government  before  the  country.  He  had  a  soldier's 
regard  for  official  propriety,  and  besides  he  could  not  but 
entertain  a  genuine  admiration  for  many  points  in  Seward's 


lS6  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

character  as  well  as  for  his  public  services.     On  the  3ist  of 
October  he  wrote  again  to  Sheridan : 

"  Since  the  publication  of  your  letter  of  the  23d  inst.,  to  Brevet 
Brigadier-General  Sedgwick,  it  may  be  possible  that  you  or  I  may 
be  called  on  for  a  copy  of  the  instructions  under  which  you  gave 
such  instructions.  My  letter  of  the  gth  of  October  contained  some 
passages  which  it  would  not  be  well  to  give  to  the  public,  and  were 
confidential,  though  it  gives  authority  for  just  the  instructions  you 
have  given  to  General  Sedgwick,  barring  perhaps  calling  Maximil 
ian  a  buccaneer.  I  have  thought  it  proper  to  renew  my  letter  to 
you  for  official  record,  leaving  out  the  objectionable  passages 
[those  referring  to  Seward].  Do  not  understand  me  as  shrinking 
from  the  responsibility  of  the  letter  I  wrote  to  you.  On  the 
contrary,  I  am  delighted  with  your  letter.  It  will  have  a  great 
effect  in  sustaining  the  cause  of  Juarez  both  by  encouraging  his 
adherents  and  by  discouraging  other  factions.  In  view  of  the  fact 
that  Max.  and  the  French  are  about  going  out  of  Mexico,  it  might 
have  been  well  to  have  left  out  the  term  buccaneer.  If,  however, 
the  explanation  is  called  for,  I  will  be  glad  even  of  the  use  of  that 
expression." 

Thus  the  matter  dragged  along  for  nearly  two  years, 
Grant  doing  everything  in  his  power  to  hasten  the  result  at 
which  he  was  aiming,  and  Seward  opposing  Grant's  measures 
if  not  his  object,  in  every  possible  way.  In  conversation  with 
journalists  and  other  leaders  and  makers  of  opinion  Grant 
constantly  sought  to  create  a  public  feeling  in  favor  of 
demanding  the  withdrawal  of  the  French.  I  remember  on 
one  occasion,  at  a  reception  given  to  him  at  the  Union 
League  Club  in  New  York,  he  so  far  departed  from  his  cus 
tom  and  did  violence  to  his  ordinary  inclination  as  to  force 
himself  to  utter  a  few  words  in  public,  almost  a  speech, 
indicating  how  strongly  he  desired  the  intervention  of  our 
Government. 

The  country,  however,  did  not  respond  very  ardently  to 
these  utterances,  and  I  have  no  doubt  now  that  Seward's 


THE   FRENCH   IN   MEXICO. 

policy  was  more  in  accord  with  the  general  sentiment.  The 
nation  did  not  feel  so  keenly  as  Grant  on  the  subject,  nor  did 
it  apprehend  the  danger  that  he  saw  in  delay.  There  was 
a  prevalent  belief  that  Louis  Napoleon's  object  in  Mexico 
had  been  frustrated  when  Lee  surrendered,  and  that  the 
French  were  certain  to  withdraw  if  allowed  to  do  so  without 
unnecessary  humiliation.  Indeed,  had  the  nation  been  polled 
the  majority  would  probably  have  endured  the  establishment 
of  a  monarchy  in  Mexico  rather  than  have  engaged  at  that 
time  in  another  war. 

Nevertheless  the  departure  of  the  French  and  the  down 
fall  of  Maximilian  were  doubtless  accelerated  by  the  urgency 
of  Grant  and  the  knowledge  that  Napoleon  had  of  Grant's 
popularity  and  influence.  The  French  Minister  to  the 
United  States,  the  Marquis  de  Montholon,  was  married  to 
an  American,  and  doubtless  reported  the  situation  to  his 
master.  Grant  took  good  care  that  the  envoy  should  know 
his  views.  I  visited  the  Montholons  frequently,  and  he 
instructed  me  to  bring  up  the  subject  often  and  to  be  explicit 
in  expressing  his  opinions. 

In  1 867  the  French  were  finally  withdrawn  and  Maximilian 
was  left  to  his  fate.  He  was  speedily  captured,  and  then  a 
determined  effort  was  made  to  save  his  life.  Foreign  Govern 
ments  addressed  our  own  on  the  subject,  and  Mr.  Seward 
made  a  formal  application  to  the  Mexicans  in  the  ex-Emperor's 
behalf.  But  the  Liberal  Government  took  the  ground  that 
Imperial  pretenders  must  learn  that  they  carried  their  lives 
in  their  hands  when  they  attempted  to  overthrow  the  Mexi 
can  Republic,  and  that  the  traitor  was  as  guilty  who  mounted 
a  throne  as  if  he  had  endeavored  to  overturn  one.  Maximil 
ian  was  tried  like  any  other  individual  who  sought  to  subdue 
the  institutions  of  the  State  ;  he  was  found  guilty  and  shot  — 
a  lesson  that  usurpers  will  long  remember.  Grant  concurred 
in  the  abstract  justice  and  the  political  propriety  of  the  act. 
Attempts  were  made  to  induce  him  to  recommend  clemency, 


X38  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

for  his  influence  would  have  been  very  great  with  the  Mexi 
cans,  who  knew  how  ardently  he  had  supported  their  cause, 
but  he  sternly  refused  to  interfere.  Indeed,  his  indirect 
advice  to  the  Mexican  Minister  at  Washington,  doubtless 
communicated  to  his  Government,  was  in  favor  of  meting 
the  same  punishment  to  a  crowned  offender  as  to  humbler 
culprits.  I  state  this  on  General  Grant's  authority. 

He  never  forgave  the  Bonapartes.  When  he  was  in  Eng 
land  and  a  guest  at  my  house,  he  received  an  invitation  from 
Mr.,  now  Sir  Algernon  Borthwick,  the  proprietor  of  The 
Morning  Post,  a  man  of  political  and  social  importance,  and 
who  had  been  a  staunch  friend  of  Napoleon  III.  The  party 
was  a  breakfast  in  the  country  to  meet  the  Prince  Imperial ; 
Grant  declined  the  invitation  politely ;  he  said  to  me  that  he 
was  unwilling  to  show  any  courtesy  of  a  significant  character 
to  the  son  of  the  man  who  had  so  injured  this  country  in  the 
moment  of  its  greatest  peril.  I  went  to  the  party,  for  Borth 
wick  had  always  been  civil  to  me,  and  when  I  was  presented 
to  the  Prince  he  inquired  very  courteously  about  General 
Grant.  On  my  return  I  repeated  his  remarks,  for  I  always 
told  my  chief  whatever  was  said  to  me  about  him,  of  what 
ever  character;  but  he  was  in  no  degree  mollified.  He  was 
never  good  at  concealing  emotions  of  a  harsher  character, 
and  disliked  to  the  last  all  hollow  courtesies.  The  Empress 
heard  some  of  his  criticisms  and  retaliated  in  kind. 

In  the  last  months,  almost  the  last  weeks,  of  Grant's  life, 
when  he  was  closing  his  eyes  upon  the  dissensions  and 
rancors  of  this  world,  after  he  had  forgiven  the  South  and 
spoken  kindly  even  of  Rosecrans  and  Jefferson  Davis,  he 
still  retained  an  implacable  dislike  for  Louis  Napoleon's  acts 
and  character.  In  the  concluding  pages  of  his  Memoirs  — 
written  under  the  very  shadow  of  the  scythe  of  the  Destroyer 
—  may  be  found  these  lines  : 

"  I  did  not  blame  France  for  her  part  in  the  scheme  to  erect  a 
monarchy  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Mexican  Republic.  That  was  the 


THE   FRENCH   IN   MEXICO.  jgg 

scheme  of  one  man  without  genius  or  merit.  He  had  succeeded  in 
stealing  the  Government  of  his  country  and  made  a  change  in  its 
form  against  the  wishes  and  interests  of  his  countrymen.  He  tried 
to  play  the  part  of  the  first  Napoleon  without  the  ability  to  sustain 
that  role.  He  sought  by  new  conquests  to  add  to  his  empire  and 
his  glory ;  but  the  signal  failure  of  his  scheme  of  conquest  was  the 
precursor  of  his  own  overthrow.  .  .  .  The  third  Napoleon 
could  have  no  claim  to  having  done  a  good  or  just  act." 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

GRANT   AND    SEWARD. 

THERE  was  a  positive  antagonism  between  Grant  and 
Seward.  Their  characters  were  as  unlike  as  their  poli 
cies  and  achievements.  During  the  last  months  of  the  war 
Seward  paid  a  visit  at  Grant's  headquarters  at  City  Point, 
and  while  there  he  told  me  a  story  which  illustrates  more  than 
one  point  in  his  character.  He  was  describing  the  alarm  and 
anxiety  of  the  North  in  the  autumn  of  1864.  For  months 
Grant  had  accomplished  nothing  in  front  of  Richmond ;  Hood 
had  forced  Sherman  to  retrace  his  steps  from  Atlanta,  and 
Early  had  nearly  captured  Washington.  The  opponents  of 
the  Government  at  the  North  made  the  most  of  the  situation 
for  political  purposes.  The  elections  were  approaching,  and 
a  Cabinet  council  was  held.  It  was  necessary,  Seward  said, 
to  throw  something  overboard  in  order  to  save  the  ship,  and 
Emancipation  was  to  be  the  Jonah.  He  was  selected,  he  told 
me,  to  make  the  sacrifice,  and  proceeded  to  Auburn,  where  he 
delivered  the  speech  which  many  will  remember,  re-opening 
the  whole  question  of  slavery  and  Emancipation,  when  the 
States  should  return  to  the  Union.  "When  the  insurgents," 
he  said,  "shall  have  disbanded  their  armies  and  laid  down 
their  arms,  the  war  will  instantly  cease ;  and  all  the  war  meas 
ures  then  existing,  including  those  which  affect  slavery,  will 
cease  also ;  and  all  the  moral,  economical,  and  political  ques 
tions,  as  well  questions  affecting  slavery  as  others,  which  shall 
then  be  existing  between  individuals  and  States  and  the  Fed 
eral  Government,  whether  they  arose  before  the  Civil  War 

(190) 


SF.WARD    ANNOUNCING    VICTORY. 


GRANT  AND   SEWARD.  lgl 

began,  or  whether  they  grew  out  of  it,  will  by  force  of  the 
Constitution,  pass  over  to  the  arbitrament  of  courts  of  law, 
and  to  the  councils  of  legislation."  So  spoke  the  Secretary 
of  State  a  year  and  a  half  after  the  proclamation  of  Emanci 
pation  had  been  made. 

A  few  days  later  he  returned  to  Washington,  and  soon 
the  news  was  brought  of  Sheridan's  victory  at  Winchester. 
Seward  took  the  telegram  to  the  President.  It  was  long  past 
midnight,  and  Lincoln  came  to  the  door  of  his  bedroom  in  his 
nightgown.  There  he  held  the  candle  while  the  Secretary  of 
State  read  to  him  the  great  intelligence.  The  President  was 
delighted,  of  course,  at  the  victory,  but  Seward  exclaimed : 
"And  what,  Mr.  President,  is  to  become  of  me  ?"  He  told  me 
this  story,  I  suppose,  to  illustrate  his  spirit  of  self-sacrifice, 
but  when  I  repeated  it  to  Grant  the  soldier  looked  at  the  act 
in  a  different  light.  He  thought  the  sacrifice  of  principle 
should  not  have  been  made,  and  was  shocked  that  Seward 
could  have  thought  of  himself  at  such  a  crisis.  But  Seward 
believed  in  sacrificing  even  political  principle  to  the  success 
of  a  great  cause,  or  the  salvation  of  a  country.  He  said  to 
me  at  this  time :  "  Nations  have  never  more  virtue  than  just 
enough  to  save  themselves." 

Grant's  course  under  somewhat  similar  circumstances  was 
different.  He  often  told  me  of  the  pressure  brought  to  induce 
him  to  sign  what  was  known  as  the  Inflation  Act.  Personal 
and  political  friends  of  importance  assured  him  that  his  refusal 
would  be  fatal  to  Republican  success  at  the  polls,  and  although 
his  judgment  was  opposed  to  the  measure,  he  finally  wrote  out 
a  message  approving  the  bill.  He  even  read  the  message  to 
his  Cabinet,  but  in  writing  and  reading  it  the  weakness  of  his 
forced  reasoning  became  more  apparent  than  ever.  He  could 
not  bring  himself  to  do  violence  to  his  own  convictions.  That 
night  he  tore  up  the  message  and  wrote  another  which  con 
tained  the  veto  that  forever  defeated  Inflation. 

Each  of  these  men  had  in  his  own  way  accomplished  great 


!Q2  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

things  for  the  State.  Seward  was  an  adroit  and  intellectual 
strategist,  a  man  born  with  the  instincts  and  used  to  the  arts 
of  diplomacy ;  a  statesman  who  had  aimed  at  the  highest 
place,  but  when  he  failed  in  his  aim,  had  humbled  himself  to 
take  a  secondary  post,  in  which  he  conceived  and  carried  out 
an  international  policy  for  his  triumphant  rival ;  a  man  who 
after  the  war  and  the  success  of  the  principles  and  the  party 
with  whom  and  for  whom  he  had  battled  half  a  lifetime,  found 
himself  suddenly  in  the  Cabinet  of  a  Southerner  determined 
to  bring  the  defeated  Southerners  back  to  the  position  and 
the  power  they  had  enjoyed  before  they  rebelled  ;  and  Seward 
not  only  acquiesced  in  the  design,  but  aided  it  with  all  the 
skill  and  intellect  he  had  once  employed  on  the  other  side. 
There  was  nothing  in  such  a  character  or  career  to  attract  or 
to  assimilate  with  Grant,  who  was  by  nature  blunt  and  plain 
in  word  and  act ;  a  soldier  to  the  core ;  unused  to  bending 
when  he  could  not  break,  and  ignorant  of  any  means  to  accom 
plish  his  purposes  but  the  most  direct  and  forcible.  Even  in 
war  he  had  been  less  of  a  strategist  than  a  fighter,  and  he  car 
ried  the  same  characteristics  into  civil  affairs.  Indeed  when 
ever  later  in  his  political  career  he  was  induced  by  political 
associates  to  lay  aside  his  own  peculiar  directness  and  attempt 
manoeuvring  he  failed.  His  ways  were  never  those  of  diplo 
macy,  nor  even  of  legitimate  craft.  The  more  of  a  technical 
politician  he  became,  the  less  was  his  hold  on  the  people,  and 
the  less  the  success  he  achieved.  When  he  returned  to  his 
native  straightforwardness  and  outspokenness  his  influence 
and  popularity  were  regained.  Such  a  man  could  not  appre 
ciate  Johnson's  Secretary  of  State. 

Seward  had  succeeded  by  temporizing  and  negotiating, 
by  patience  and  subtle  skill,  by  submitting  to  what  was 
inevitable  and  obtaining  whatever  was  attainable,  in  at  first 
postponing,  and  at  last  preventing,  the  active  intervention 
of  England  and  France  in  favor  of  the  South  during  the 
War;  and  he  hoped  afterward  to  secure  the  withdrawal  of 


GRANT   AND    SEWARD. 


the  French  from  Mexico  by  the  same  means.  But  to  Grant 
this  seemed  to  indicate  indifference  to  the  result,  and  he 
finally  came  to  believe  that  Seward  was  willing  for  Maxi 
milian  to  remain.  Here  was  their  first  open  difference. 
They  were  antagonists  apparently  even  in  aim,  and  certainly 
in  means  and  methods  and  manner.  The  consequence  was 
not  only  a  marked  divergence  of  opinion,  but  on  Grant's  part, 
a  coolness  of  feeling  that  lasted  for  years  and  was  never 
entirely  removed.  But  though  Grant  at  times  could  hardly 
force  himself  to  be  civil,  and  disliked  even  to  go  to  Seward's 
house,  the  courteous  Secretary  kept  up  his  visits  and  his 
compliments. 

Mr.  Elaine,  in  his  "  Twenty  Years  of  Congress/'  attributes 
to  Seward  the  conception  of  Johnson's  entire  scheme  of 
restoring  the  States,  but  Grant  never  gave  Seward  credit 
for  the  plan.  He  thought  it  the  child  of  Johnson's  brain, 
developed  by  the  situation  in  which  he  found  himself,  of  a 
humble  Southerner  suddenly  raised  to  a  position  in  which 
he  could  dispense  essential  favors  to  those  who  had  always 
seemed  his  superiors  but  now  courted  him  for  their  own 
purposes.  Grant  in  his  "  Memoirs  "  speaks  of  Johnson  as  a 
"President  who  at  first  aimed  to  revenge  himself  upon 
Southern  men  of  better  social  standing  than  himself,  but 
who  still  sought  their  recognition,  and  in  a  short  time  con- 
ceived  the  idea  and  advanced  the  proposition  to  become  their 
Moses  to  lead  them  triumphantly  out  of  all  their  difficulties." 
I  remember  once  returning  to  him  from  the  White  House, 
and  describing  to  him  what  I  had  seen;  the  antechamber 
of  the  tailor-President  crowded  with  magnates  of  the  South, 
Hunter  and  Richard  Taylor  and  others  of  that  sort,  waiting 
for  a  chance  to  ask  to  be  pardoned. 

Grant,  like  every  other  human  being,  was  sometimes 
unjust  in  his  judgments,  and  did  not  always  allow  the  credit 
of  the  highest  motives  to  those  who  opposed  him.  He 
thought  Johnson  was  affected  by  the  influences  I  have 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

described,  and  that  Seward  for  the  sake  of  place  and  power 
followed  in  the  political  somersault.  No  word  intimating  a 
belief  that  Seward  originated  Johnson's  policy  ever  escaped 
him  in  my  hearing,  either  in  the  excited  intercourse  of  the 
time  or  in  the  deliberate  discussions  of  later  years. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  Grant  thought  Seward  intel 
lectual  and  able ;  and  of  course  he  never  dreamed  of  denying 
his  patriotism ;  but  the  genius  of  the  one  was  so  diametrically 
opposed  to  that  of  the  other  that  Grant  could  not  do  justice 
to  the  considerations,  whether  of  legitimate  ambition  or  lofty 
statesmanship,  that  may  have  actuated  Seward.  He  was 
too  intensely  himself  to  be  sympathetic.  He  could  not  put 
himself  into  Seward's  place.  He  could  not  understand  how 
Seward  could  reverse  the  feelings  and  principles  of  a  lifetime 
to  remain  in  Johnson's  Cabinet.  He  could  not  perceive  that 
Seward,  once  the  bugbear  of  the  slave-holders,  might  take 
an  exquisite  pleasure  in  the  thought  that  they  owed  their 
exemption  from  many  misfortunes  to  the  man  they  had  so 
long  and  so  bitterly  reviled. 

But  although  Grant  thought  Seward  only  a  follower  of 
Johnson  in  the  Reconstruction  policy,  he  certainly  believed 
that  many  of  the  devices  of  Johnson  were  due  to  Seward's 
suggestion.  He  did  not  think  Johnson  clever  enough  to 
initiate  all  the  craft  that  gave  the  country  and  Congress  so 
much  trouble  and  alarm.  Many  of  the  acutest  arguments  in 
defense  of  Johnson  Grant  thought  were  in  reality  perversions 
of  Seward's  intellect  in  an  unworthy  cause;  and  the  effort 
to  send  Grant  to  Mexico  he  always  attributed  to  Seward. 
The  conception  was  worthy  of  the  diplomatic  Secretary,  to 
whom  it  would  fall  to  carry  out  the  device  if  it  succeeded; 
for  if  Grant  had  accepted  the  position  pressed  upon  him  he 
must  have  received  his  instructions  from  Seward,  who  had 
opposed  and  defeated  Grant's  Mexican  policy.  Those  instruc 
tions,  in  fact,  were  written  out,  and  Seward  once  began  to 
read  them  in  Cabinet,  but  Grant  refused  to  hear  them. 


GRANT   AND    SEWARD. 


Even  after  this  they  were  forwarded  to  Grant  through  the 
Secretary  of  War,  but  were  finally  turned  over  to  Sherman. 
It  would  indeed  have  been  a  Machiavellian  triumph  to  have 
got  rid  of  Grant  at  that  juncture  in  affairs  at  home  and  at 
the  same  time  forced  him  to  carry  out  Seward's  policy  in 
Mexico. 

But  though,  as  I  have  said,  Grant  never  got  over  his 
dislike  of  Seward's  course,  either  in  the  Mexican  matter  or 
in  the  general  policy  of  the  Administration,  Seward  was 
determined  not  to  quarrel  with  Grant.  He  was  never  person 
ally  conspicuous  in  the  stratagems  which  Grant  was  obliged 
to  contest,  and  even  at  the  crisis  of  the  relations  between 
Grant  and  Johnson,  when  other  Cabinet  Ministers  ranged 
themselves  on  the  side  of  the  President,  Seward  contrived  to 
write  a  letter  not  entirely  unsatisfactory  to  his  chief,  while 
yet  he  refrained  from  giving  the  lie  to  Grant.  Thus  their 
relations,  although  after  this  period  never  intimate,  were  not 
absolutely  interrupted.  Some  of  Seward's  admirers  even 
proposed  to  Grant,  when  he  became  President-elect,  to 
invite  Seward  to  remain  in  the  State  Department,  but  he 
never  entertained  the  idea. 

I  remember  a  dinner  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Thornton,  the 
British  Minister,  given  after  Grant's  election,  at  which  Sew 
ard  sat  on  the  right  of  the  host  and  Grant  on  the  left  ;  and 
Seward  remarked,  as  he  took  his  seat,  "After  the  4th  of 
March,  General,  you  and  I  will  be  obliged  to  exchange  places 
at  table."  But  there  were  many  even  then  who  placed  Gen 
eral  Grant  above  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  Grant  himself, 
in  more  important  matters  than  rank  or  etiquette,  was  assert 
ing  his  own  consequence.  He  had  endeavored,  as  I  have 
shown,  to  prevent  the  host  who  was  then  entertaining  them 
from  negotiating  a  treaty  with  Seward,  and  he  had  striven 
successfully  to  lessen  the  influence  of  Seward's  Minister  to 
Mexico. 

Still   the   honors  were   divided.      Seward   had   defeated 


!Q6  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Grant  in  what  the  soldier  had  so  much  at  heart, —  the  forci 
ble  expulsion  of  Maximilian,  accomplishing  the  overthrow  of 
the  empire  by  diplomatic  means,  though  he  risked,  as  Grant 
believed,  the  existence  of  the  Mexican  Republic ;  but  Seward 
himself  was  defeated  in  the  great  object  of  Johnson's  Admin 
istration, —  the  Reconstruction  policy;  and  in  this  defeat 
Grant  was  the  principal  figure  and  instrument.  Grant's 
election,  indeed,  was  the  seal  of  Seward's  and  Johnson's 
overthrow.  Up  to  the  last  their  differences  continued.  In 
sending  Rosecrans  to  Mexico,  Seward  must  have  known  the 
affront  he  offered  Grant,  and  by  the  rejection  of  the  Claren 
don-Johnson  Treaty,  which  Grant  did  so  much  to  accomplish, 
the  final  effort  of  Seward's  diplomacy  was  foiled. 

But,  after  all,  both  were  patriots,  both  were  indispensable 
to  the  salvation  of  the  State.  Grant's  victories  would  have 
been  useless,  if  not  impossible,  unless  Seward's  skill  had 
stayed  the  hostile  and  impatient  hands  of  England  and 
France ;  and  Seward's  diplomacy  required  Vicksburg  and 
the  Wilderness  to  be  of  any  avail.  As  Lincoln  once  said  to 
Sickles,  when  they  were  discussing  the  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
"There  is  glory  enough  to  go  all  around."  Nevertheless,  it 
is  well  to  tell  the  whole  truth  about  great  men  in  great 
emergencies. 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

GRANT   AND    MOTLEY. 

THE  beginning  of  Grant's  intercourse  with  Motley  was 
brought  about  through  me.  Mr.  Motley  made  my 
acquaintance  at  Newport  in  1868.  He  was  visiting  a  man 
whom  I  did  not  know,  but  who  was  good  enough  to  call  on 
me  and  invite  me  to  dinner ;  and  I,  like  every  one  else,  was 
charmed  with  the  manner  and  conversation  of  the  famous 
historian.  General  Grant  was  at  that  time  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidency,  and  Motley  had  recently  returned  from 
Vienna,  after  his  quarrel  with  Johnson  and  Seward.  He 
was  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Grant,  and  took  a  lively 
interest  in  my  history  of  the  General's  campaigns,  the  first 
volume  of  which  had  lately  appeared.  During  the  canvass 
he  made  an  eloquent  speech  for  Grant,  and  sent  a  copy  to 
me  at  Galena,  where  I  was  spending  the  autumn  with  the 
General.  We  corresponded  regularly  after  this,  and  Motley 
sent  frequent  messages  through  me  to  the  President-elect, 
whom  he  did  not  meet  until  December.  After  the  election 
he  passed  some  months  in  Washington,  the  guest  of  Samuel 
Hooper,  of  Boston,  at  whose  house  I  met  him  frequently, 
as  well  as  at  that  of  Charles  Sumner,  with  whom  he  was 
extremely  intimate.  During  this  period  he  read  and  re 
vised  several  manuscript  chapters  of  my  History  of  Grant^,, 

At  the  time  of  the  inauguration  it  was  understood  that 
he  was  a  candidate  for  the  Austrian  Mission,  but  afterward 
he  was  pressed  by  Sumner  for  the  mission  to  England.  John 
Jay,  of  New  York,  was  a  prominent  rival,  but  Sumner' s 

(197) 


igS  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

influence  prevailed,  and  Motley  received  the  appointment  to 
London.  I  had  done  my  best  to  speak  well  of  him  to  the 
President,  and  General  Grant  informed  me  of  his  decision 
immediately  after  it  was  made,  and  allowed  me  to  announce 
it  to  Motley.  This  was  a  great  gratification  to  me,  and  of 
course  Motley  was  delighted.  He  at  once,  however,  begged 
me  to  remember  that  despite  our  intimacy  and  my  known 
relations  with  General  Grant  he  had  never  mentioned  the 
subject  of  his  appointment  to  me,  nor  had  one  of  his  family. 
I  took  care  to  say  this  to  the  President,  who  was  peculiarly 
sensitive  on  such  points.]  He  had  never  urged  his  own 
qualifications  or  claims  for  any  promotion,  and  he  liked 
better  the  men  who  followed  the  same  course  with  himself. 
A  few  days  afterward  I  got  a  note  from  Motley  asking  me 
to  call  on  him.  During  the  interview  he  asked  if  I  would  be 
willing  to  take  the  position  of  Assistant  Secretary  of  Lega 
tion  under  him.  He  said  he  thought  me  entitled  to  a  much 
higher  place  and  would  not  have  dreamed  of  offering  me  this 
if  it  had  not  been  suggested  to  him,  but  that  it  would  be  a 
great  pleasure  to  have  me  accompany  him.  I  thanked  him, 
but  said  the  proposition  was  entirely  unexpected  and  I  could 
make  no  answer  without  consulting  the  President.  I  was  at 
that  time,  as  I  have  before  stated,  on  duty  at  the  Executive 
Mansion,  in  charge  of  a  portion  of  General  Grant's  unofficial 
correspondence,  and  also  engaged  on  my  History  of  his  Cam 
paigns.  I  wertt  direct  to  the  President,  who  said  the  sugges 
tion  had  come  from  himself.  He  had  already  told  me  that  he 
meant  before  long  to  appoint  me  to  one  of  the  smaller 
European  missions,  but  he  preferred  not  to  do  this  at  once ; 
and  he  had  thought  as  I  was  so  warm  a  friend  of  Motley,  it 
might  be  pleasant  for  me  to  accompany  him  and  learn  some 
thing  of  diplomatic  duty  in  advance,  as  well  as  obtain  an 
agreeable  introduction  to  English  society.  At  any  rate  I 
could  pass  the  summer  in  Europe  and  return  whenever  I 
chose  and  resume  my  place  at  the  White  House.  I  was  also 


GRANT  AND   MOTLEY. 

told  that  though  I  was  now  offered  the  position  of  Assistant 
Secretary,  I  should  be  promoted  to  that  of  First  Secretary  as 
soon  as  I  had  familiarized  myself  with  the  duties.  Of  this 
last  arrangement  Mr.  Motley  was  not  informed.  I  accepted 
the  appointment. 

Before  the  new  Minister  sailed  he  submitted  an  elaborate 
paper  to  the  State  Department  which  was  doubtless  in  part 
drawn  up  by  Mr.  Sumner.  This  was  proposed  as  the  draft 
or  basis  of  Motley's  instructions  as  envoy  to  England.  The 
document  was  written  in  a  spirit  and  tone  that  would  have 
been  highly  offensive  to  England ;  it  was  entirely  unaccept 
able  to  Mr.  Fish  and  to  General  Grant,  both  of  whom  had 
conceived  the  idea  of  a  pacific  policy  looking  to  an  adjust 
ment  of  our  differences  with  England  that  might  be  agreeable 
to  both  nations.  Mr.  Gladstone  had  just  come  into  power  at 
the  head  of  a  liberal  government,  including  such  friends  of 
the  Union  as  Bright,  Forster,  and  the  Duke  of  Argyll ;  and 
the  American  Administration  thought  it  might  make  terms 
with  these  without  assuming  an  offensive  attitude.  The 
"memoir"  which  Mr.  Motley  presented  was  therefore 
rejected. 

At  this  Mr.  Sumner  was  very  indignant.  '  As  Chairman 
of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  he  supposed 
himself  entitled  to  dictate,  or  at  least  control,  the  foreign 
policy  of  the  Government,  and  he  would  indeed  be  able  to 
thwart  or  advance  it  in  an  unusual  degree.  He  had  been  a 
life-long  intimate  and  personal  friend  of  the  Secretary  of 
State,  and  Mr.  Fish  was  inclined  to  strain  a  point  to  meet  his 
views,  or  at  least  to  preserve  kindly  relations  with  him.  But 
Sumner  was  intolerant  in  temper,  arbitrary  in  will,  egotistical 
and  conceited  in  sentiment,  and  domineering  in  manner. 
Mr.  Fish,  on  the  other  hand,  was  stubborn,  and  possessed  a 
will  as  determined  as  Sumner's ;  he  knew  his  rights,  and 
though  always  ready  to  accord  those  of  his  compeers  or 
subordinates,  was  equally  resolute  in  maintaining  his  own. 


2OQ  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

Nevertheless,  for  the  sake  of  old  friendship  and  because  of 
the  important  political  and  international  interests  at  issue,  he 
was  far  from  intolerant  at  this  crisis.  General  Grant  was 
more  inflexible.  He  had  been  used  to  finding  subordinates 
obedient  and  others  deferential ;  and  though  Motley  was 
not  as  yet  at  fault,  Sumner's  course  both  surprised  and 
angered  Grant.  In  a  conversation  with  Fish  before  Motley 
sailed,  Sumner  declared  that  if  his  wishes  could  not  be 
carried  out,  he  would  tell  Motley  to  resign.  This  assump 
tion  of  a  right  to  dictate  to  the  subordinates  of  the  State 
Department  almost  provoked  a  rupture  on  the  spot,  and 
was  received  in  a  manner  that  did  not  encourage  Sumner  to 
renew  or  to  carry  out  the  threat.  The  deferred  instructions 
to  Mr.  Motley  were  sent  to  the  Minister  in  New  York  just 
before  he  sailed.  He  first  read  them  on  the  voyage. 

I  was  to  take  the  same  steamer  with  Motley,  and  a  few 
days  before  we  started  I  asked  the  President  if  he  had  any 
particular  or  personal  injunctions  for  me.  I  said  I  should  be 
known  to  come  direct  from  his  side,  and  doubtless  would  be 
supposed  to  reflect  his  views,  and  I  inquired  if  there  was  any 
tone  in  conversation  which  he  would  like  me  to  assume.  He 
replied  at  once :  "  Yes,  I  particularly  wish  you  to  say  that  I 
am  anxious  for  a  harmonious  adjustment  of  our  differences 
with  England.  I  do  not  want  any  difficulty  with  that  country, 
and  will  do  my  best  to  prevent  one.  The  two  nations  ought 
to  be  friends,  and  one  object  of  my  Administration  is  to 
secure  such  a  friendship.  I  particularly  do  not  intend  to  dis 
pute  the  right  that  England  had  to  acknowledge  the  belliger 
ency  of  the  South.  Say  this  in  conversation  constantly. 
Make  opportunities  to  say  that  you  know  this  is  my  position 
and  that  I  authorize  you  to  declare  it."  During  the  voyage 
I  repeated  this  conversation  to  Mr.  Motley,  for  I  had  no  idea 
of  doing  anything  disloyal  or  even  disagreeable  to  him ;  but 
he  at  once  desired  me  to  say  nothing  on  the  subject  in  Eng 
land.  He  declared  that  I  should  embarrass  him  greatly  if  I 


GRANT   AND   MOTLEY.  201 

assumed  to  discuss  political  matters  at  all,  or  to  speak  in 
any  way  for  the  President.  I  was  naturally  amazed  that  he 
should  revoke  the  order  of  the  President,  but  I  attributed 
this  conduct  to  the  extraordinary  sensitiveness  of  Motley. 
He  had  shown  in  one  or  two  instances  a  petty  jealousy 
unworthy  of  him.  I  had  intended  to  give  a  breakfast  party 
before  I  left  Washington  and  to  invite  the  British  Min 
ister,  Mr.  Motley,  Mr.  Fish,  and  Mr.  Sumner  to  meet  the 
President,  who  had  consented  to  come,  but  Motley  made  it 
a  point  that  I  should  not  give  the  party.  He  said  it  would 
be  unbecoming  in  me  as  Secretary  of  Legation  to  invite 
the  President  to  meet  the  British  Minister.  He  did  not 
feel  that  he  could  invite  the  Head  of  the  State,  and  he 
did  not  wish  his  subordinate  to  do  so. 

Mr.  Motley  did  not  show  me  his  instructions  on  his 
arrival,  nor  did  he  discuss  with  me  his  intercourse  with 
the  Foreign  Office  on  any  of  the  points  in  dispute  with 
the  United  States ;  but  as  Secretary  I  had  access  to  the 
archives  of  the  Legation  and  thus  saw  his  instructions 
and  read  the  account  of  Motley's  first  interview  with  Lord 
Clarendon,  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  I  had  not 
known  in  America  of  his  difference  with  the  State  De 
partment,  but  I  said  at  once  to  Mr.  Moran,  the  First  Sec 
retary  of  Legation,  that  the  Minister  would  be  removed. 
He  had  disobeyed  his  orders,  and  I  knew  that  General 
Grant  would  not  endure  disobedience  in  a  subordinate. 
Moran  agreed  with  me  as  to  the  disobedience.  Motley 
indeed  had  said  far  more  than  he  had  been  ordered  to 
say.  He  had  been  charged  to  do  everything  to  cultivate 
friendly  relations,  to  express  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
new  Government  to  maintain  an  amicable  feeling,  and  he 
had  instead  recited  the  wrongs  that  England  had  inflicted 
and  had  done  this  in  a  menacing  and  almost  offensive  tone 
which  only  the  good  temper  of  the  British  Government 
prevented  it  from  resenting  on  the  spot.  Moran  and  I 


202  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

talked  over  the  matter.  I  was  greatly  grieved,  for  I  was 
attached  to  Motley  and  wanted  to  see  him  succeed ;  but  I 
could  not  go  to  my  superior  and  tell  him  that  he  was  dis 
obedient.  He  had  not  invited  my  suggestions,  and  I  did 
not  feel  authorized  to  approach  him  on  the  subject.  I  felt 
all  the  more  delicate  because  he  knew  so  well  my  relations 
with  General  Grant. 

But  I  wrote  at  once  to  the  President  and  told  him  that  I 
thought  he  might  be  able  to  change  Mr.  Motley's  course.  I 
said  the  Minister  was  very  susceptible  to  praise;  that  he 
seemed  to  consider  himself  Mr.  Sumner's  Minister  rather 
than  that  of  the  Government,  but  that  this  came  perhaps 
from  an  excess  of  gratitude,  because  he  thought  he  owed  his 
appointment  to  Sumner;  and  if  he  could  be  made  to  feel 
more  pleasantly  toward  the  Administration  it  might  have  an 
influence  on  his  susceptible  nature.  I  recited  some  things 
he  had  said  and  done  which  I  thought  the  President  would 
approve,  and  I  urged  him  to  write  me  a  letter  which  I  could 
show  Motley  commending  these  acts.  General  Grant  at  once 
complied  with  this  suggestion.* 

But  when  the  dispatch  arrived  in  Washington  reporting 
the  interview  with  Lord  Clarendon,  the  result  that  I  had 
predicted  to  Moran  occurred.  The  President  at  first  insisted 
on  the  immediate  recall  of  the  disobedient  Minister.  Mr. 
Fish  was  equally  amazed  and  even  indignant  at  the  extraor 
dinary  action  of  the  envoy,  but  he  was  less  peremptory. 
He  persuaded  the  President  not  to  take  the  step  of  remov 
ing  his  most  important  diplomatic  subordinate  in  the  first 
months  of  his  Administration ;  and  showed  him  how  the 
necessity  might  be  avoided.  Mr.  Motley  was  informed  that 
he  had  transcended  his  instructions  and  that  the  further 
negotiation  of  the  subject  would  be  conducted  in  the  United 
States  and  not  at  London.  He  was  also  directed  to  notify 
the  British  Government  that  the  views  he  had  presented 

*  See  this  letter,  page  468. 


GRANT  AND   MOTLEY.  203 

were  disapproved  by  his  superiors.  This,  it  was  supposed, 
would  induce  the  Minister  to  resign,  but  he  swallowed  his 
humble  pie  and  made  the  declaration  required  to  Lord 
Clarendon.  He  could  not,  however,  bring  himself  to  utter 
the  words  in  person,  and  therefore  wrote  them,  which  saved 
him  a  part  of  his  mortification,  but  left  the  record  in  the 
archives  of  the  Foreign  Office  of  England.7 

I  was  inexpressibly  pained  at  this  situation,  for  I  was  fond 
of  Motley,  as  every  one  was  who  was  thrown  much  with  him. 
I  knew  how  his  proud  spirit  must  have  been  stung,  and  I 
thought  I  knew  how  I  could  have  saved  him  some  of  his 
suffering  ;  but  he  did  not  offer  me  his  confidence,  and  I  could 
not  intrude.  About  this  time,  only  four  months  after  my 
arrival  in  England,  General  Rawlins  died.  He  had  in  his 
possession  a  number  of  important  papers  relating  to  General 
Grant  which  only  he  or  I  could  arrange,  as  we  were  the  only 
two  who  had  made  the  matters  to  which  they  referred  our 
study.  It  was  very  desirable  that  these  papers  should  not 
fall  into  other  hands,  and  I  telegraphed  at  once  to  the  Presi 
dent  that  unless  he  forbade  I  should  return  to  America. 
This  was  in  accordance  with  his  permission  to  me  when  I 
left.  I  received  no  refusal  and  made  ready  to  start,  writing, 
however,  to  the  President  in  advance,  and  requesting  him  to 
explain  to  the  Secretary  of  State  the  reasons  for  my  return, 
and  relieve  me  from  the  appearance  of  disrespect  in  not 
applying  to  him  for  my  leave. 

When  I  found  I  was  to  return  I  talked  again  with  Moran 
about  our  chief.  I  was  anxious  to  do  the  Minister  a  service, 
and  thought  if  I  could  carry  a  submissive  message  to  Wash 
ington  I  might  save  him  further  humiliation,  and  perhaps 
the  loss  of  his  place.  Finally  I  determined  to  say  something 
as  delicately  as  possible  to  the  ladies  of  his  family.  I  told 
them  that  from  my  knowledge  of  General  Grant  I  was  sure 
he  must  be  displeased,  and  that  I  believed  it  all-important 
for  Mr.  Motley  to  change  his  course ;  but  that  I  did  not 


2O4  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

venture  to  approach  him  on  the  subject,  which  he  had  never 
broached  to  me.  They  at  once  begged  me  to  speak  to  him 
frankly,  assuring  me  that  he  would  not  be  offended.  I  did  so, 
and  he  took  my  interposition  in  the  best  possible  spirit, 
admitting  at  once  that  he  might  have  erred  at  the  start,  but 
declaring  his  intention  now  to  carry  out  the  wishes  of  the 
Government  even  if  they  were  contrary  to  his  own.  He 
urged  me  to  make  this  fully  known  to  the  President  and  to 
Mr.  Fish,  and  to  inform  him  of  the  result;  and  thanked  me 
cordially  for  my  interposition. 

When  I  returned  to  America  I  found  the  Head  of  the 
Government  extremely  displeased,  and  my  messages  did  not 
have  the  full  effect  desired  ;  the  explanations  were  insufficient. 
I  therefore  wrote  to  Mr.  Motley  and  advised  him  to  send  me 
a  letter  which  I  might  show  to  the  President  and  Mr.  Fish, 
repeating  in  the  strongest  words  he  could  use  the  verbal 
messages  he  had  sent  through  me.  This  he  did  promptly, 
and  thanked  me  for  the  suggestion. 

I  read  this  letter  to  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of 
State,  and  they  seemed  to  feel  that  there  was  now  some 
probability  that  their  instructions  would  be  obeyed  ;  but  they 
determined  to  risk  nothing,  and  the  further  discussion  of  the 
points  at  issue  was  not  resumed  in  London.  Even  this  was 
not  sufficient,  high  strung  as  Motley  was,  to  induce  him 
to  resign ;  for  he  was  fond  of  the  accessories  of  etiquette  and 
precedence  attached  to  his  place.  Yet  he  was  in  small 
things  as  well  as  great  utterly  lacking  in  the  diplomatic 
character.  Lord  Houghton  once  said  of  him  that  he  was  a 
historian,  not  a  diplomatist ;  he  was  used  to  meting  out 
praise  and  blame  to  Governments  and  could  not  understand 
that  he  was  to  take  orders  from  them.  This  soon  became 
evident  again. 

A  month  or  two  after  my  return  I  resigned  my  post 
of  Assistant  Secretary  at  London,  and  resumed  my  duties 
at  the  White  House.  When  this  was  decided  the  Presi- 


GRANT   AND    MOTLEY.  2O5 

dent  said  to  me:  "Badeau,  I  wish  you  would  write  to  Mr. 
Motley  and  say  I  would  like  him  to  nominate  as  your  succes 
sor  Mr.  Nicholas  Fish,  the  son  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  N 
Mr.  Fish  does  not  know  of  this,  and  might  feel  delicate  about 
appointing  or  asking  me  to  appoint  his  son.  I  wish  to  sur 
prise  him,  and  Mr.  Motley  will  have  the  chance  to  gratify 
both  me  and  the  Secretary  of  State."  I  wrote  of  course 
promptly  to  the  Minister,  but  he  declined  to  comply  with 
the  President's  wish.  He  had  another  man  whom  he  pre 
ferred  for  the  place,  and  whom  he  had  promised  to  nomi 
nate  if  I  resigned.  He  had  indeed  already  sent  an  informal 
request  to  the  State  Department  which  probably  crossed 
my  letter  on  the  ocean.  But  Motley  at  the  best  could  only 
nominate,  it  was  for  the  President  to  appoint;  and  the 
statement  to  any  friend  that  he  could  not  redeem  his 
pledge  would  surely  have  released  him.  But  he  insisted 
so  far  as  he  could  on  his  nomination,  and  refused  to  oblige 
the  two  persons  on  earth  who  were  most  able  to  oblige  him. 
I  do  not  know  that  Mr.  Fish  ever  knew  of  this  circum 
stance.  General  Grant  enjoined  secrecy  on  me  at  the  time, 
and  I  never  spoke  of  it  to  the  Secretary  or  his  family. 

But  the  President  was  extremely  angry ;  he  looked  upon 
the  refusal  as  another  piece  of  insubordination,  a  proof 
that  Motley  was  determined  to  do  as  he  pleased,  and  not  as 
the  President  desired ;  more  than  this,  he  regarded  it,  after 
all  that  had  occurred,  as  a  personal  discourtesy  and  defiance. 
Mr.  Motley's  friend  was  not  appointed,  so  that  he  lost  what 
he  wanted,  as  well  as  the  regard  of  the  President.  A  day  or 
two  after  the  letter  arrived  Grant  asked  his  Cabinet  if  any 
one  of  them  had  a  man  he  wanted  to  send  to  London  in  my 
stead.  The  place  had  not  been  known  to  be  vacant,  and  at 
first  no  name  was  mentioned ;  but  after  a  while  Mr.  Cress- 
well,  the  Postmaster-General,  suggested  Mr.  E.  R.  Nadal, 
and  that  gentleman,  who  was  utterly  unknown  to  Motley, 
received  the  appointment.  Young  Mr.  Fish,  at  General 


206  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

Grant's  suggestion,  was  sent  as  Secretary  to  Berlin,  where 
the  Minister  was  less  recalcitrant. 

During  the  winter  nothing  further  was  done  about  Mot 
ley  ;  but  the  President  received  from  several  sources  reports 
in  regard  to  the  Minister's  social  treatment  of  Americans 
which  displeased  him.  I  fancy  the  stories  were  exaggerated, 
but  it  was  said  that  Motley  ignored  his  compatriots,  and  that 
his  deference  for  the  aristocracy  was  so  marked  that  he 
disliked  to  bring  democrats  into  contact  with  them. 

In  May  I  returned  to  London,  this  time  as  Consul-General, 
and  on  the  day  I  left  Washington,  I  dined  with  the  Presi 
dent.  He  went  to  the  door  of  the  White  House  to  bid  me 
good-by,  and  we  talked  a  long  while  in  the  lower  halls. 
Then  and  there  he  told  me  that  he  meant  to  remove  Mr. 
Motley.  This  was  on  the  i5th  of  May,  nearly  two  months 
before  the  final  vote  on  the  Saint  Domingo  matter.  He  said 
he  was  persuaded  that  the  Minister  was  un-American  in 
spirit  and  not  a  fitting  representative  of  democracy.  He 
charged  me  not  to  disclose  his  intention  to  any  human 
being,  and  declared  he  had  not  told  it  even  to  Mrs.  Grant ; 
or  to  any  one  whatever,  except  the  Secretary  of  State. 
He  even  said  he  should  like  to  make  me  Minister  to  Eng 
land,  but  I  replied  at  once  that  he  ought  not  to  think  of 
the  appointment.  I  was  not  sufficiently  prominent  before 
the  country,  and  the  nomination  would  be  regarded  as  favor 
itism  and  would  injure  him.  He  promised,  however,  to 
write  me  fully  on  public  affairs,  letters  which  I  might  show, 
and  which  would  indicate  his  confidence  in  me ;  and  he  kept 
his  word.* 

As  soon  as  I  arrived  in  London,  Motley  asked  me  how 
the  President  felt  toward  him,  and  I  had  great  difficulty 
in  replying  without  betraying  the  President's  confidence. 
Motley  was  so  amiable  to  me  personally  that  I  felt  more  than 
sorry  for  him;  he  enjoyed  his  social  opportunities  so  keenly, 

*  See  Chapter  L. 


GRANT  AND   MOTLEY.  2O/ 

and  in  all  social  matters  he  so  adorned  his  position  that  I 
should  have  been  glad  to  see  him  remain.  I  told  him  he 
ought  to  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to  cultivate  American 
society;  to  invite  Americans  to  his  house,  to  make  himself 
liked  by  them.  He  took  my  advice  after  a  fashion ;  held 
Saturday  receptions  for  Americans  and  made  a  Fourth  of 
July  party  for  them.  But  it  did  no  good,  for  he  asked  no 
English  to  meet  them,  and  the  Americans  felt  themselves 
excluded  from  the  society  to  which  their  Minister  was 
admitted  as  their  representative.  I  also  urged  Motley,  if  he 
was  anxious  to  please  the  President,  to  make  much  of  the 
envoys  of  the  Central  and  South  American  Republics.  I 
thought  if  he  would  form  a  democratic  coterie  and  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  it  in  London  society,  it  would  make 
him  more  of  a  power,  enhance  the  consequence  of  the 
republicans,  and  be  an  advantage  to  himself  at  home.  He 
invited  the  republican  ministers  a  little,  but  his  heart  was 
not  with  them.  He  preferred  ambassadors  and  royal  and 
aristocratic  connections  in  every  way.  Still  he  asked  me 
to  write  to  the  President  what  he  was  doing,  and  I  complied. 

But  it  was  of  no  avail.  In  July  he  read  in  the  news 
papers  rumors  of  his  recall,  and  of  the  appointment  of  Mr. 
Frelinghuysen  in  his  place.  He  was  greatly  shocked,  and 
I  was  myself  surprised,  for  I  had  thought  from  the  delay 
that  the  President's  feeling  might  have  been  mitigated. 
Motley  himself  acknowledged  that  he  had  erred  the  year 
before,  but  he  held  that  his  offense  had  been  condoned. 
But  Grant  did  not  often  condone.  The  crisis  finally  came. 

Motley  was  living  in  Lord  Yarborough's  house,  in  Arling 
ton  Street,  one  of  the  most  sumptuous  in  London ;  he  was 
entertaining  sovereigns,  his  halls  were  filled  with  Titians  and 
Murillos  and  Van  Dykes.  I  recollect  a  dinner  just  before  he 
fell  at  which  D' Israeli,  the  Duke  of  Devonshire,  the  Roths 
childs,  and  thirty  or  forty  others  of  the  highest  position  in 
London  were  present,  and  the  grace  and  urbanity  with  which 


208  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

he  received  and  arranged  the  splendid  company  were  remarked 
by  all.  He  held  no  memorandum  in  his  hand,  but  stood  at 
the  centre  of  his  long  table  which  was  gleaming  with  silver 
and  lights,  and  pointed  to  each  aristocratic  guest  where  he 
should  sit  and  whom  he  should  place  beside  him.  His  hand 
some,  intellectual  face  was  lighted  up  with  pleasure  and 
distinction,  and  he  felt  himself  at  home. 

Poor  man  !  The  next  day  his  post  was  required  of  him. 
He  was  requested  to  resign,  and,  unfortunately  for  his  dignity, 
refused.  The  Tenure  of  Office  act  was  still  in  force  under 
which  Stanton  had  held  on  in  spite  of  Johnson,  and  Motley 
availed  himself  of  it  now.  After  Frelinghuysen  declined  the 
place,  it  was  offered  to  Morton  of  Indiana,  who  was  also 
unable  to  accept  it,  but  Motley  remained  against  the  wishes 
of  his  own  Government ;  of  course  discredited  both  in  society 
and  at  court ;  with  no  important  business  whatever  entrusted 
to  him ;  presenting  the  unprecedented  spectacle  of  a  repre 
sentative  of  a  country  which  did  not  wish  him  to  represent 
it,  a  diplomatist  defying  instead  of  supporting  his  Govern 
ment,  a  gentleman  retaining  a  position  in  a  service  that 
sought  to  discard  him.  He  even  complained  in  society  of 
his  treatment  and  thus  injured  his  country  instead  of  benefit 
ing  it.  It  was  supposed  by  the  English  that  he  had  been 
displaced  because  of  his  preferences  for  England,  whereas 
the  fact  was  directly  the  contrary.  The  British  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs  said  to  Mr.  Moran  about  this  time,  and  Moran 
told  it  to  me,  that  he  would  not  have  retained  a  subordinate  a 
day  after  the  first  letter  that  Motley  had  written  in  dis 
obedience  of  his  instructions. 

Finally,  as  the  time  approached  when  Congress  would 
meet,  and  the  Government  could  report  its  action,  the  First 
Secretary,  Mr.  Moran,  was  directed  to  assume  charge  of  the 
Legation  ;  and  as  Motley  still  refused  to  resign,  he  subjected 
himself  to  the  indignity  from  which  the  Administration  had 
sought  to  save  him  —  he  was  expelled. 


GRANT  AND   MOTLEY.  2OQ 

He  never  recovered  from  the  effect  of  all  this  on  his 
health  and  spirits.  He  remained  a  short  while  in  England, 
visiting  his  numerous  friends,  who  strove  in  every  way  to 
soften  the  bitterness  of  the  situation,  though  I  never  met  one 
who  approved  his  course  in  holding  office  after  he  had  been 
requested  to  resign.  Some  of  them  thought  from  what  he 
told  them  that  he  had  been  harshly  treated,  but  they  all 
admitted  the  right  of  a  Government  to  select  its  own  Minis 
ter.  I  saw  him  occasionally,  but  our  intercourse  was  of 
course  painful.  We  reminded  each  other  too  much  of  the 
past.  He  soon  went  to  Holland,  where  the  Queen  offered 
him  a  villa  in  which  he  wrote  his  volume  of  "John  of  Barne- 
veld."  Then  he  returned  to  England  and  went  about  a  little 
in  the  world,  but  his  strength  and  vivacity  were  gone.  To 
have  been  repudiated  and  dismissed  by  his  own  Government 
was  a  blow  from  which  his  proud  spirit  could  not  recover.  In 
1873  he  had  a  neuralgic  or  paralytic  fit,  from  which  he  rallied 
for  a  while.  Then  his  wife  died  of  a  cruel  and  lingering 
malady.  This  crushed  him  more  completely  still,  and  in  the 
spring  of  1877  ne  passed  away,  suddenly  at  the  last.  Two 
days  before  his  death  General  Grant  arrived  in  England,  and 
I  was  told  by  an  intimate  and  mutual  friend  that  when  Motley 
was  informed  of  the  extraordinary  reception  of  the  ex-Presi 
dent  he  replied  :  "  I  am  glad  of  it ;  Grant  is  a  great  man  and 
a  representative  American." 

The  first  Sunday  that  General  Grant  spent  in  London 
he  was  invited  to  a  service  at  Westminster  Abbey.  Dean 
Stanley  preached  the  sermon,  and  spoke  tenderly  of  the  loss 
to  literature  and  to  English  society  of  the  graceful  and  elo 
quent  historian,  who  had  been  his  intimate  friend,  and  then 
turned  in  the  same  discourse  to  offer  welcome  to  that  other 
American  who  had  been  General  and  President  in  the 
country  which  Motley  had  represented  in  England. 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 

GRANT  AND   SUMNER. 

SUMNER  had  hoped  to  be  Secretary  of  State  under 
Grant.  His  anticipations,  indeed,  began  earlier  still. 
It  was  positively  arranged  at  the  time  of  the  impeachment  of 
Andrew  Johnson  that  he  was  to  have  the  State  Department 
if  Wade  had  gone  into  the  Presidency;  and  even  under  Lin 
coln  there  was  an  occasion  when  he  expected  to  supplant 
Seward.  He  thought  himself  especially  fit  for  the  post,  and 
if  acquirement  and  ornate  eloquence  were  the  prime  requi 
sites  for  a  Secretary  of  State  he  might  have  filled  the  posi 
tion  with  a  certain  degree  of  brilliancy. 

But  though,  with  Sumner's  consent,  his  friends  pressed 
his  name  for  the  first  position  in  the  Cabinet,  Grant  never 
for  a  moment  entertained  the  idea  of  appointing  him.  There 
was,  indeed,  little  congruity  between  the  plain  and  almost 
rugged  soldier,  used  to  war  and  actual  strife,  to  directing 
armies  and  planning  campaigns,  and  the  polished  rhetorician, 
the  elaborate  student  of  phrases,  the  man  of  the  closet,  the 
Senate,  and  of  society.  Sumner  always  felt — perhaps  with 
many  others — that  the  career  of  the  soldier  should  have 
closed  with  the  war.  Anna  cedant  togcz  was  always  in  their 
hearts,  if  not  upon  their  lips.  Chase,  and  Seward,  and  Stan- 
ton,  and  some  of  their  successors,  felt  themselves  better 
equipped  in  the  arts  of  statesmanship  than  they  believed  any 
mere  warrior  could  be,  and  they  were  undoubtedly  jealous  of 
the  civic  honors  given  to  those  who,  they  thought,  should 
have  been  content  with  military  rewards.  But  the  people 

(210) 


GRANT  AND   SUMNER.  211 

did  not  agree  with  them.  It  was  a  foregone  conclusion  from 
the  close  of  the  war  that  Grant  should  be  the  next  President. 
In  all  ages  the  successful  commander  is  the  most  generally 
popular  of  the  aspirants  for  public  favor,  and  in  Grant's  case 
the  highest  honors  of  the  State  were  absolutely  pressed 
upon  him,  not  only  unsought,  but  at  first  undesired. 

Sumner  was  slow  in  accepting  the  situation,  but  he  < 
finally  fell  into  line  and  made  a  speech  or  two  in  favor  of 
Grant  during  the  Presidential  canvass  of  1868.  After  this 
he  expected  the  appointment  to  the  State  Department.  The 
world  knows  that  he  was  disappointed  in  his  expectations. 
Still,  at  first  Grant  had  a  high  appreciation  of  Sumner's 
character  and  ability.  They  had  not  been  thrown  together 
intimately,  but  Grant  admired  the  steadfast  position  of  the 
anti-slavery  champion,  as  he  always  admired  steadiness 
whether  in  friend  or  foe.  He  believed  in  Sumner's  scholar 
ship,  which  he  had  heard  of,  but  could  not  verify ;  he  fancied 
that  Sumner  was  a  statesman;  and  he  felt  the  remains  of 
the  indignation  which  burst  out  all  over  the  North  after  the 
dastardly  attack  of  Brooks  had  elevated  the  victim  into  a 
martyr. 

Sumner  had  been  for  years  on  intimate  terms  with  Fish ; 
had  dined  at  Fish's  house  weekly  while  they  were  together  in 
the  Senate ;  and  had  been  a  constant  visitor  at  Fish's  homes 
in  town  and  country  in  New  York.  Fish  had  seen  Sumner 
often  in  Paris  while  the  orator  lay  suffering  from  the  blows 
received  in  the  Senate  chamber.  Thus  when  Fish  entered  the 
Cabinet  he  naturally  turned  to  his  old  associate  and  friend, 
who  had  been  more  lately  familiar  with  high  politics  than 
himself  ;  for  Fish  had  been  out  of  the  public  service  for  twelve 
years,  while  Sumner  was  at  this  time  chairman  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs.  The  official  relations  of  the 
two  brought  them  at  once  into  close  companionship.  Before 
Grant's  Administration  was  three  months  old  Motley  was 


212  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

sent  to  England  to  please  Sumner,  without  whose  interposi 
tion  he  would  at  most  have  been  returned  to  Vienna. 

But  almost  immediately  Sumner's  dictatorial  disposition 
and  imperious  behavior  began  to  make  trouble.  The  Claren 
don-Johnson  Treaty  was  still  before  the  Senate  when  Grant 
became  President,  and  in  April,  1869,  without  consulting  the 
Administration,  Sumner  made  his  famous  speech,  in  which  he 
claimed  that  the  war  had  been  "doubled  in  duration  "  by  the 
English  "intervention,"  and  that  "England  was  responsible 
for  the  additional  expenditure  "  which  America  thus  incurred. 
From  Sumner's  position  in  the  Senate,  and  his  well-known 
personal  relations  with  Fish,  the  country  would  have  a  right 
to  presume  that  these  views  were  shared  by  the  Administra 
tion,  and  this  speech  at  once  compelled  the  President  and  the 
Secretary  of  State  to  consider  and  define  their  own  posi 
tion.  It  was  very  different  from  Sumner's.  They  held  that 
though  England  had  been  most  unfriendly  in  her  prompt 
recognition  of  Southern  belligerency,  she  was  yet  within  her 
rights  as  an  independent  nation  in  making  the  recogni 
tion  ;  and  they  were  far  from  maintaining  that  she  was  re 
sponsible  for  all  the  subsequent  or  consequential  damages. 
When  therefore,  Sumner's  view  was  presented  to  the  Admin 
istration  by  Motley  as  the  basis  for  his  own  instructions,  it 
was  necessarily  rejected.  At  this  Sumner  became  very  indig 
nant,  and  at  times  was  almost  offensive  in  behavior.  He  con 
sidered  the  rejection  a  personal  slight  to  himself,  and  threat 
ened,  as  I  have  already  stated,  to  induce  Motley  to  resign.  Nev 
ertheless  for  a  whi'le  he  retained  a  show  of  amicable  relations 
with  the  Government.  I  remember  that  I  dined  with  him  a 
night  or  two  before  I  left  Washington  to  accompany  Motley  to 
England,  and  he  was  in  high  spirits,  though  I  fancy  he  had 
not  then  seen  Motley's  final  instructions,  which  were  only  con 
cluded  at  the  last  moment,  and  reached  the  Minister  just  as  he 
was  about  to  sail.  Sumner  wrote  me  once  while  I  was  in  Eng 
land  a  diffuse  letter  defending  himself  against  the  criticisms 


GRANT  AND    SUMNER. 

of  his  former  English  friends,  who  were  all  very  indignant  at 
the  position  he  had  assumed.  He  gave  me  leave  to  use  the 
letter,  and  I  sometimes  tried  to  explain  to  one  or  two  what 
seemed  to  them  most  offensive  in  his  views ;  but  with  little 
success. 

I  returned  to  Washington  four  months  later,  and/during 
the  winter  the  question  of  St.  Domingo  came  up.  I  was 
never  taken  into  the  confidence  of  those  who  originated  that 
scheme,  and  I  know  no  more  of  it  than  the  public  knows. 
The  President  once  or  twice  spoke  of  it  to  me,  and  expressed 
a  desire  for  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  and  I  wrote  one  or 
two  articles  in  favor  of  it  for  the  newspapers,  because  it  was 
an  Administration  measure.  /•%.  learned  the  general  arguments 
that  were  offered  from  a  public  point  of  view,  and  I  thought 
there  were  reasons  why  the  acquisition  of  territory  in  St. 
Domingo  was  desirable ;  but  at  this  time  the  President  did 
not  seem  to  me  to  have  set  his  heart  so  much  upon  the 
measure  as  afterward.  I  believe  it  was  the  heat  of  the  con 
test  that  made  him  so  eager  for  success  at  last ;  for  he  had 
the  soldier's  instinct  even  in  civil  affairs ;  when  he  was  once 
engaged  in  battle  he  was  always  anxious  to  win. 

Sumner,  General  Grant  told  me,  at  first  acquiesced  in  the 
scheme;  but  he  afterward  opposed  it  bitterly.  Those  who 
surrounded  Grant  thought  that  the  opposition  was  more  on 
personal  than  public  grounds.  Sumner  was  displeased 
because  he  could  dictate  neither  the  policy  nor  the  appoint- 
ments  of  the  Administration.  But  Grant  and  Fish  were  both 
men  unused  to  dictation;  they  both  resented  it;  and  the 
antagonism  between  the  characters  of  Grant  and  Sumner  soon 
became  apparent.  Sumner's  enormous  conceit  was  evident 
in  words  and  tones  and  acts  to  every  one  with  whom  he  came 
in  contact.  He  thought  his  judgment  and  knowledge  so  far 
superior  to  those  of  a  plain  soldier  like  Grant  that  he  could 
not  conceal  the  idea ;  and  he  was  besides  utterly  unpractical 
as  a  statesman,  so  that  not  only  the  simplicity  and  modesty 


214 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


of  Grant  were  shocked  by  the  pompous  self-assertion  and 
conspicuous  vanity  of  the  orator,  but  the  executive  ability 
and  plain  common  sense  of  the  President  were  as  different 
as  could  be  from  the  high-sounding  theories  and  impossible 
suggestions  of  the  inflated  doctrinaire. 

Nevertheless  Sumner  was  practical  enough  in  the  pursuit 
of  power,  and  in  providing  for  his  friends.  He  was  always 
a  place-hunter  for  others,  and  knew  as  well  as  any  man  how 
to  build  up  and  maintain  a  personal  party  by  finding  positions 
and  employments  for  his  adherents.  I  cannot  say  that  he 
could  have  been  induced  to  support  the  St.  Domingo  scheme 
by  offers  of  patronage ;  but  I  do  know  that  men  in  Grant's 
Cabinet  thought  and  said  so  at  the  time.  Sumner  was 
especially  anxious  that  a  certain  friend  of  his  named  Ashley 
should  have  a  high  appointment ;  he  was  always  adverting  to 
this  when  important  measures  were  discussed.  "  Why  don't 
you  do  something  for  Ashley  ? "  was  his  constant  cry.  Grant 
had  some  reason,  I  never  knew  what,  for  refusing  this  re 
quest  ;  perhaps  it  was  in  part  an  obstinate  unwillingness  to 
be  forced  or  persuaded  into  anything;  he  had  held  out  so 
long,  he  would  hold  out  to  the  end.  For  he  was  often,  I 
thought,  maladroit  in  the  distribution  and  withholding  of 
patronage.  Regarding  it  as  he  did,  and  as  everybody  did  at 
that  time,  as  a  legitimate  means  of  party  support,  and  believ 
ing  that  it  was  clearly  within  his  province  to  distribute  office 
as  he  chose  —  he  might  have  won  many  important  people 
whom  he  drove  away ;  he  was  not  pliable  enough  for  a 
politician.  He  thought  he  would  not  truckle  to  the  press, 
and  therefore  he  defied  and  fought  the  great  journals  and 
journalists  of  the  country.  But  by  a  judicious  use  of  legiti 
mate  political  advantages,  and  by  personal  advances  that 
coming  from  him  would  have  conferred  distinction,  he  might 
have  retained  as  friends  many  who  became  his  bitterest 
enemies.  I  thought  at  first  that  even  Sumner's  friendship 
need  not  have  been  lost. 


GRANT  AND   SUMNER.  215 

In  the  winter  or  spring  of  1870,  one  of  Grant's  Cabinet 
said  to  him :  "  General,  you  can  get  St.  Domingo  and  Sum- 
ner's  support  if  you  will  give  him  something  for  Ashley  "  ; 
but  Grant  refused  bluntly  and  almost  sternly.  The  Cabinet 
officer  may  have  been  right  or  wrong ;  but  I  believe  now  that 
no  concessions  could  long  have  retained  Sumner  as  a  friend. 
He  wanted  too  much ;  to  control  absolutely ;  and  the  more 
that  was  yielded  the  more  he  claimed.  Lincoln  had  the  same 
trouble  with  him  as  Grant,  but  was  more  adroit.  He  avoided 
open  ruptures  by  seeming  to  concede,  by  playing  upon  Sum- 
ner's  vanity,  by  making  him  believe  that  he  suggested 
measures  which  the  Administration  had  already  deter 
mined  on. 

Fish  finally  became  assured  that  the  St.  Domingo  treaty  ; 
could  not  pass  the  Senate ;  a  private  count  was  taken,  and  it 
was  ascertained  that  the  requisite  two-thirds  could  not  be 
obtained  in  its  favor,  though  more  than  a  majority  would  vote 
for  it.  When  this  was  certain  Fish  became  anxious  to  settle 
the  question  definitely,  and  begged  Sumner,  who  as  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  could  control  the 
situation,  to  bring  up  the  treaty  and  reject  it,  so  as  to  have 
done  with  the  matter ;  but  Sumner  was  determined  to  make 
the  Government  withdraw  the  treaty,  a  peculiar  humiliation 
to  which  Grant  refused  to  submit. 

Late  in  the  spring  of  1870,  Fish  went  to  Sumner's  house. 
It  was  night,  and  the  Secretary  was  returning  from  a  dinner ; 
he  was  ushered  into  Sumner's  library  and  found  him  in  tears.  I 
The  domestic  relations  of  the  Senator,  the  world  knows, 
were  very  unhappy,  and  he  was  depressed  and  probably  con 
templating  them.  He  was  not  rich,  and  confessed  that  the 
state  of  his  affairs  also  troubled  him.  Fish  remembered  their 
old  time  friendship  and  sought  to  console  him.  He  said: 
"Reject  this  treaty,  Sumner,  and  let  the  Senate  adjourn; 
then  go  abroad  for  the  summer;  get  away  from  your  cares 
and  think  of  something  else."  Sumner  was  at  this  time 

\ 


2i6  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

preparing  an  edition  of  his  speeches  or  some  similar  work, 
and  Fish  urged  him  to  apply  himself  to  this  as  a  distrac 
tion.  But  Sumner  said  he  could  not  afford  to  go  abroad, 
and  Fish  in  the  effusion  of  the  moment,  and  knowing  that 
Motley  was  to  be  recalled,  exclaimed :  "  How  would  you  like 
to  be  Minister  to  England?"  The  moment  he  heard  his  own 
words,  he  recognized  his  mistake.  He  perceived  that  the 
offer  might  be  misconstrued,  and  regretted  what  he  had  said. 
But  Sumner  simply  replied :  "  No,  I  cannot  disturb  Motley," 
and  Fish  eagerly  acquiesced;  "No,  I  see,"  he  said,  "you  are 
right,  you  could  not  supplant  Motley."  Not  another  word 
passed  between  them  on  the  subject,  yet  this  has  been 
called  an  attempt  to  bribe  Mr.  Sumner  into  the  support  of 
the  St.  Domingo  treaty  by  the  offer  of  the  English  mission. 
In  this  very  interview  Fish  had  already  urged  Sumner  to 
bring  up  the  treaty  and  reject  it;  for  the  Administration  had 
fully  made  up  its  mind  that  the  measure  was  lost. 

Twice  before  this  Grant  had  told  Fish  that  he  meant  to 
remove  Motley ;  once  when  Motley's  report  of  his  first  inter 
view  with  Lord  Clarendon  arrived ;  next  when  it  was  discov 
ered  that  Motley  had  submitted  his  account  of  the  interview 
to  the  Foreign  Office  in  London,  and  thus  made  it  a  part 
of  the  British  archives ;  but  on  each  occasion  Fish  had  inter 
posed  to  save  the  envoy.  I  have  already  stated  in  a  previous 
chapter  that  in  May  when  I  was  leaving  Washington,  the 
President  told  me  he  had  certainly  determined  to  remove 
Mr.  Motley. 

On  the  3Oth  of  June,  the  St.  Domingo  treaty  was  rejected, 
and  on  the  1st  of  July  Motley  was  requested  to  resign.  The 
determination  was  executed  then  which  had  long  before  been 
arrived  at;  but  I  have  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  decision 
of  the  Senate  accelerated  the  action  of  the  President.  The 
axe  had  been  hanging,  but  now  Grant  let  it  fall.  It  was  on 
the  night  of  July  ist  that  General  Grant  desired  Mr.  Fish  to 
request  the  resignation  of  Motley;  but  the  President  sup- 


GRANT  AND   SUMNER. 

posed  that  the  Secretary  would  telegraph,  and  a  week  or  two 
later  when  he  discovered  that  Fish  had  merely  written,  he 
requested  him  to  telegraph ;  and  the  Secretary  of  State  of 
course  complied. 

For  some  months  all  personal  relations  between  Sumner 
and  Grant  had  ceased.  Sumner  had  used  language  highly 
disrespectful  and  injurious  to  the  President;  not  only  attack 
ing  his  acts  but  impeaching  his  motives,  and  making  himself 
personally  as  well  as  politically  offensive,  and  Grant  was  not 
the  man  to  endure  this  without  resenting  it.  He  did  not 
measure  his  own  language  in  commenting  on  that  of  the 
Senator.  Nevertheless,  Mr.  Fish  had  continued  his  inter 
course  with  Sumner,  though  it  was  of  course  constrained ; 
for  Sumner  criticised  the  Secretary  with  a  contemptuous  sort 
of  condescension,  saying  that  Fish  meant  well,  but  was  used 
by  others.  Fish  was  aware  of  the  language,  but  it  was  so 
important  to  preserve  a  sort  of  concord  in  their  official  rela 
tions  that  he  overlooked  what  otherwise  he  might  have  con 
sidered  unpardonable.  He  was  in  the  Senate  Chamber 
shortly  after  the  nomination  of  Motley's  successor  was  sent 
in,  and  went  up  as  usual  to  Sumner's  desk ;  Sumner  almost 
provoked  a  rupture  then,  but  finally  thought  better  of  it ; 
and  things  went  on  for  awhile  as  before  in  spite  of  the  Motley 
imbroglio. 

When  the  Senate  re-assembled  in  December  the  new  com 
mittees  were  formed  ;  but  though  the  treaty  of  St.  Domingo 
had  been  rejected  in  July,  principally  through  Sumner's 
efforts,  no  attempt  was  made  by  the  Administration  to  pro 
cure  the  deposition  of  Sumner  from  his  place  as  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs.  If  the  Government  had 
wished  to  avenge  itself  in  that  way  for  Sumner's  opposition 
to  the  treaty,  now  was  the  time,  for  his  imperious  behavior 
had  made  him  many  enemies  as  well  as  rivals  in  the  Senate, 
but  not  a  step  was  taken,  not  a  word  uttered  by  the  President 
or  one  of  his  Cabinet  in  that  direction.  Motley  was  finally 


'2 1 8  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

and  peremptorily  removed  in  December,  and  in  January  the 
Senate  called  for  the  entire  correspondence  on  the  subject. 
In  this  correspondence  Motley  had,  with  very  bad  taste, 
referred  to  the  rumor  that  he  had  been  removed  because  of 
Sumner's  opposition  to  the  St.  Domingo  scheme,  and  Fish 
replied  with  some  severe  strictures,  which,  however,  in  no 
.way  reflected  on  Sumner.  The  Senator,  nevertheless,  at  once 
resented  them  for  his  friend ;  he  refused  at  a  dinner  at 
General  Schenck's  house  to  speak  to  Mr.  Fish,  and  after 
ward  announced  in  the  Senate  that  he  had  "  cut  the  Secretary 
of  State." 

At  that  very  time  negotiations  for  the  Treaty  of  Wash 
ington  had  begun.  Sir  John  Rose  had  been  sent  out  from 
England  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  Joint  High  Commission 
that  followed.  Mr.  Fish,  a  night  or  two  before,  in  spite  of 
all  that  had  occurred,  had  visited  Sumner  and  consulted  him 
in  regard  to  the  Treaty,  which  of  course  must  go  to  the 
Senate  for  confirmation.  Sumner  had,  however,  stipulated 
for  some  provisions  that  would  have  put  a  stop  to  all  nego 
tiations  whatever  with  England.  He  sent  Fish  a  written 
memorandum  in  which  he  declared  that  "  the  withdrawal  of 
the  British  flag  from  this  hemisphere  —  including  the  prov 
inces  and  islands'' — must  be  a  "condition  preliminary"  to 
any  settlement.  This  preposterous  proposition  was  of  course 
never  entertained  for  a  moment  by  the  Administration,  for  no 
statesman  on  either  side  of  the  Atlantic  could  conceive  of 
its  acceptance  by  England.  Before  Mr.  Fish  could  reply  to 
the  note,  however,  the  dinner  occurred  at  which  Sumner 
declined  the  acquaintance  of  the  Secretary.  Sir  John  Rose 
was  present  at  the  dinner,  which,  as  I  have  said,  was  given 
by  General  Schenck,  then  recently  appointed  Minister  to 
England ;  so  that  in  the  midst  of  the  negotiation  on  so 
grave  a  question,  on  which  he  was  himself  officially  to  act, 
Sumner  refused  to  associate  with  the  principal  representative 
and  spokesman  of  his  own  Government. 


GRANT  AND   SUMNER.  2IQ 

The  conferences  with  Rose,  however,  continued,  and  he 
at  last  returned  to  England,  the  bearer  of  information  which 
resulted  in  the  dispatch  of  three  Commissioners  from  the 
British  Government  who  negotiated  with  our  own  representa 
tives  the  Treaty  of  Washington.  The  British  Commission 
ers  arrived  in  this  country  in  the  last  days  of  February;  the 
new  Senate  assembled  on  the  4th  of  March,  and  then  the 
Administration,  with  whom  it  was  evident  that  Mr.  Sumner 
could  not  or  would  not  work,  exerted  itself  to  procure  the 
selection  of  another  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs.  Sumner  wrould  speak  neither  to  the  President  nor 
to  the  Secretary  of  •  State,  and  it  was  impossible  to  carry  on 
public  business  without  such  communication  between  these 
high  officials.  Neither  the  President  nor  the  Secretary  would 
resign,  and  Sumner  was  less  powerful  than  they.  He  was 
deposed. 

Not  only  his  manner  but  his  doctrines  contributed  to  his 
downfall.  It  was  impossible  to  negotiate  or  even  prepare  a 
Treaty  with  the  stipulations  which  he  had  declared  indispens 
able.  It  was  absurd  to  suggest  or  suppose  that  England 
would  think  of  withdrawing  her  flag  from  this  continent; 
the  bare  mention  of  such  a  proposition  would  have  been  an 
insult ;  and  the  idea  was  as  Quixotic  and  unstatesmanlike  as 
ever  entered  the  brain  of  a  sane  politician ;  it  alone  demon 
strated  the  unfitness  of  its  author  for  the  conduct  of  foreign 
affairs. 

Sumner  felt  the  blow  that  was  dealt  him  almost  as  keenly 
as  the  strokes  of  Brooks ;  both  were  delivered  in  the  Senate 
Chamber.  Following  on  the  heels  of  his  domestic  troubles 
this  later  misfortune  affected,  not  only  his  feeling,  but  his 
judgment  and  his  political  consistency.  When  the  next  elec 
tions  came  on  he  joined  hands  with  those  who  had  been,  not 
only  his  enemies,  but  those  of  his  country,  in  order  if  possible 
to  overthrow  Grant.  This  completed  his  political  destruc 
tion.  He  was  censured  by  a  vote  of  the  Massachusetts 


22O  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Legislature,  and  though  the  censure  was  revoked  he  never 
regained  his  influence.  His  health  and  spirits  soon  gave  way. 
He  was  deposed  in  the  Senate  in  1872.  The  same  year 
Grant  was  re-elected  by  a  triumphant  majority.  Sumner 
lingered  a  year  or  two  in  physical  and  mental  suffering  and 
in  1874  he  died.  The  physicians  called  the  disease  angina 
pectoris ;  it  was  rightly  named,  the  anguish  of  a  disappointed 
heart. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

GRANT   AND    GLADSTONE. 

GRANT  and  Gladstone  achieved  each  his  highest  eleva 
tion  at  about  the  same  time.  The  British  Premier 
went  into  office  in  December,  1868,  the  American  President 
in  March,  1869.  The  elections  which  gave  them  place 
occurred  within  a  few  weeks  of  each  other.  There  was  even 
a  further  parallel.  Gladstone  had  grown  into  the  position  of 
a  Liberal  by  successive  conversions,  while  Grant,  from  a  man 
without  pronounced  political  preferences,  had  gradually 
become  a  decided  Republican.  The  new  Government  in 
England  looked  to  the  new  people  in  America  as  likely  to 
become  allies.  Sumner  was  known  personally  to  the  promi 
nent  members  of  the  Liberal  party,  and  Motley  from  his 
literary  reputation  was  welcome  to  the  cultivated  classes. 
There  was,  it  is  true,  a  shade  of  distrust  because  of  Summer's 
speech  delivered  only  a  month  before  Motley's  appointment ; 
still  the  reception  of  the  new  Minister  was  more  than 
friendly ;  there  seemed  a  feeling  that  now  was  the  time  to 
begin  a  new  era  and  cultivate  a  sincerer  amity.  I  remem 
ber  in  my  own  conversations  with  Forster,  Lord  Halifax, 
and  other  prominent  Liberals,  a  very  decided  effort  on  their 
part  to  prove  that  the  action  of  the  British  Government 
during  the  war  had  not  been  so  hostile  as  Americans  sup 
posed.  They  especially  claimed  that  the  recognition  of 
belligerency  had  not  the  significance  attached  to  it  on  this 
side  of  the  ocean.  Doubtless  their  eagerness  was  partly 
because  they  knew  the  stress  Motley  had  laid  upon  the 

(221) 


222  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

recognition  in  his  communications  with  Lord  Clarendon  — 
a  stress  in  which,  as  I  have  already  shown,  he  exceeded  his 
instructions. 

The  speedy  interruption  of  negotiations  after  Motley's 
insubordination  became  known  was  doubtless  remarked  by 
the  British  Cabinet,  and  in  the  autumn,  when  I  returned  to 
Washington,  I  received  a  letter  from  Lord  Halifax,  so  full  of 
significance  that  I  laid  it  before  the  President  and  Mr.  Fish. 
It  was  followed  by  others  all  breathing  the  kindest  spirit  on 
the  part  of  the  English  authorities.  My  answers  were  sub 
mitted  to  the  President,  and  when  I  returned  to  England 
the  next  year  I  told  Lord  Halifax  that  I  had  shown  his  let 
ters  to  General  Grant.  He  admitted  having  written  them 
with  the  hope  that  they  would  be  seen  by  the  President 
and  his  Government.  About  this  time  also  I  wrote  an 
article  on  "  Our  Relations  with  England,"  which  appeared 
simultaneously  in  Harpers'  Magazine  in  New  York  and 
McMillan  s  in  London.  This  paper,  bearing  the  signature  of 
an  officer  at  the  Executive  Mansion  who  had  so  recently 
served  in  the  American  Legation  at  London,  was  recognized 
as  sanctioned  by  the  Administration.  It  was  of  course  read 
in  advance  by  both  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  State, 
and  was  intended  to  indicate  the  good  feeling  of  Grant's 
Government  and  its  desire  for  amicable  relations  with 
England. 

It  had  now  become  very  desirable  that  this  feeling  should 
be  generally  known,  both  because  of  the  rejection  of  the 
Clarendon-Johnson  treaty  in  April,  and  the  effect  of  Mr. 
Sumner's  speech  demanding  consequential  damages  ;  as  well 
as  because  of  what  only  those  in  interior  circles  knew,  the 
purport  of  Motley's  first  communication  to  the  British 
Foreign  Office.  It  was  also  important  to  neutralize  the  out 
givings  in  society,  for  word  had  been  brought  from  several 
sources  to  the  State  Department  that  the  tone  of  the  Minis 
ter's  conversations  was  at  variance  with  his  instructions. 


GRANT  AND   GLADSTONE.  22$ 

In  the  first  months  of  Grant's  Administration  Sir  John 
Rose,  then  the  Canadian  Premier,  was  in  Washington  acting 
as  commissioner  under  a  previous  treaty  to  settle  certain  dis 
puted  points  between  the  United  States  and  Canada ;  and  in 
this  international  character  he  often  met  the  Secretary  of 
State.  Fish  from  the  first  had  conceived  the  idea  of  an 
arrangement  between  the  two  countries  almost  identical  with 
that  which  in  the  end  was  arrived  at.  On  this  account,  per 
haps,  he  was  all  the  more  dissatisfied  with  Motley's  course, 
though  he  bore  with  him  until  it  became  indispensable  to 
appoint  a  successor. 

In  conversation  with  Rose,  who  was  a  shrewd,  long 
headed  man,  the  idea  was  thrown  out  that  an  accommodation 
between  the  two  countries  was  practicable.  Fish  said  that 
England  had  on  two  occasions  shown  great  tact,  and  even 
wisdom,  in  sending  special  envoys  to  negotiate  with  the 
United  States ;  that  the  Americans  had  been  pleased  with 
the  compliment  and  especially  gratified  by  the  selection  of 
Lord  Ashburton  and  Lord  Elgin  as  plenipotentiaries.  Not, 
he  said,  that  Americans  thought  more  of  lords  than  of  other 
men,  but  they  knew  that  the  English  did,  and  that  therefore 
it  was  a  compliment  for  the  English  Government  to  send  a 
peer  to  Washington.  Rose  took  the  idea  at  once  ;  and  then 
Fish  developed  the  points  on  which  he  thought  the  two 
Administrations  might  agree.  He  said  he  was  sure  that  an 
expression  of  regret  on  the  part  of  England  for  the  escape  of 
the  Alabama  would  be  indispensable.  He  was  the  last  man, 
he  declared,  who  would  consent  to  the  humiliation  of  his  own 
country,  and  the  last  to  ask  of  another  statesman  what  he 
would  himself  refuse  under  similar  circumstances  ;  but  this  he 
thought  England  might  fairly  concede,  and  the  weight  of  the 
concession  in  the  subsequent  discussions  would  be  enormous. 
He  also  suggested  arbitration,  and  indicated  the  line  on 
which  he  thought  negotiations  might  proceed.  Rose  left 
for  England  shortly  afterward  and  soon  returned  armed  with 


224  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

authority  to  discuss  more  definitely  the  informal  propositions 
he  had  conveyed.  He  was  in  America  in  the  autumn  and 
early  winter  of  1870  for  this  purpose. 

At  first  negotiations  went  on  without  the  apparent  inter 
vention  of  Thornton,  the  accredited  British  Minister.  Rose, 
it  is  true,  communicated  to  the  Minister  all  that  occurred  ;  but 
the  preliminaries  were  purposely  contrived  so  that  the  Govern 
ments  should  not  be  compromised  if  the  matter  fell  through. 
Nothing  would  necessarily  appear  on  the  records  of  the  Lega 
tion.  But  when  all  was  arranged,  and  Rose's  course  had  been 
approved  by  telegraph  from  London,  Thornton  went  to  the 
State  Department  officially.  The  four  letters  stipulating  for  a 
Joint  High  Commission,  which  were  afterward  published  with 
the  treaty,  were  drawn  up  and  signed  by  him  and  Fish.  They 
were  dated  so  as  to  give  the  appearance  of  the  compact  having 
been  made  in  the  usual  way,  between  the  envoy  and  the  State 
Department,  but  the  arrangements  made  were  in  reality  those 
of  Fish  and  Rose. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Fish  consulted  Sumner,  and  the 
Senator  laid  down  the  impossible  but  indispensable  stipula 
tion  that  England  should  withdraw  her  flag  from  this  conti 
nent  as  a  preliminary  to  any  further  negotiation.  Needless 
to  say  no  such  proviso  appeared  in  the  compact  or  was  ever 
proposed  to  any  British  representative. 

Rose  returned  to  England,  and  immediately  afterward 
Lord  de  Grey,  Sir  Stafford  Northcote,  and  Professor  Mounta- 
gue  Bernard,  of  Oxford  University,  together  with  Sir  John 
MacDonald,  at  that  time  Canadian  Premier,  and  Sir  Edward 
Thornton  were  appointed  commissioners  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain  to  settle  all  outstanding  difficulties  with  the  United 
States.  Fish  had  suggested  that  Rose  should  be  one  of  the 
commissioners,  but  Rose  thought  he  could  do  better  service 
in  London.  It  was  also  at  one  time  proposed  that  John 
Bright  should  join  the  British  representation,  but  to  this  Fish 
objected,  because  he  said  Bright  was  so  committed  to  the 


GRANT  AND   GLADSTONE.  225 

American  view  that  his  action  would  have  less  weight  in 
England.  Lord  de  Grey,  afterwards  Lord  Ripon,  was  a 
member  of  Gladstone's  cabinet,  and  Northcote,  afterward 
Lord  Iddesleigh,  belonged  to  the  opposition.  The  American 
commissioners  were  the  Secretary  of  State,  General  Schenck, 
the  newly  appointed  Minister  to  England,  Judge  Nelson 
of  the  Supreme  Court  (a  Democrat),  ex-Attorney-General 
Hoar,  and  the  actual  law  officer  of  the  Government,  Attorney- 
General  Williams.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  the  Adminis 
tration  requested  its  friends  in  the  Senate  to  select  another 
chairman  for  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  as  Sumner's 
impracticable  doctrines,  as  well  as  his  refusal  to  speak  to 
either  the  President  or  the  Secretary  of  State  made  the 
treaty  an  impossibility  if  he  remained  in  the  place.  Sumner 
was  removed,  and  the  negotiations  proceeded  successfully.  In 
less  than  two  months  the  British  commissioners  returned 
to  London,  carrying  the  treaty  with  them. 

I  had  been  sent  to  Spain  by  the  State  Department  during 
this  winter,  and  it  was  while  I  was  absent  from  London  that 
the  British  Commissioners  started  for  America.  After  Mot 
ley's  removal  there  was  no  American  Minister  in  London 
until  Schenck  should  arrive,  but  the  Secretary  of  Legation, 
Mr.  Moran,  was  acting  Charge"  d' Affaires.  My  own  position 
was  that  of  Consul-General,  entirely  without  diplomatic  func 
tions,  and  without  any  right  to  know  the  secrets  of  the  Lega 
tion.  Moran,  therefore,  though  my  personal  friend,  very  prop 
erly  did  not  communicate  to  me  what  was  going  on ;  but  as 
soon  as  I  returned  from  Spain  Lord  Halifax  called  on  me  and 
told  me  of  the  negotiations.  He  asked  me  to  his  country 
house  and  afterward  made  a  dinner  in  town  that  I  might 
have  an  opportunity  of  meeting  Mr.  Gladstone.  The  Prime 
Minister  then  communicated  to  me  his  views  on  several  of 
the  points  at  issue.  He  particularly  desired  to  indicate  his 
anxiety  for  the  success  of  the  negotiations  and  his  intention 
to  do  all  in  his  power  to  further  this  end.  He  talked  at 
15 


226  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

length  and  confidentially,  and  with  the  expectation  that  I 
would  make  known  his  opinions  to  the  President.  Of  course 
I  wrote  them  out  that  night  and  forwarded  them  to  Washing 
ton.  Forster  and  Halifax  also  communicated  to  me  very 
fully  their  views,  all  of  which  I  duly  transmitted  either  to  the 
President  or  the  Secretary  of  State,  or  sometimes  to  the 
Assistant  Secretary,  Bancroft  Davis,  with  whom,  as  well 
as  with  his  two  superiors,  I  was  in  close  and  constant 
correspondence.  If  nothing  more,  the  messages  I  sent 
served  to  show  how  anxious  Gladstone  and  his  colleagues 
were  to  arrive  at  a  happy  understanding  with  America. 

The  treaty  was  promptly  ratified  by  the  Senate.  Its  stip 
ulations  provided  that  the  principal  points  at  issue  should  be 
submitted  to  a  Tribunal  of  Arbitration  composed  of  five 
members  of  different  nationalities,  to  sit  at  Geneva.  In  De 
cember,  1871,  the  Tribunal  met,  and  the  parties  to  the  dispute 
put  in  their  statements.  Bancroft  Davis  was  the  agent  of 
the  United  States.  William  M.  Evarts,  Caleb  Gushing,  and 
Morrison  R.  Waite  were  counsel  on  the  American  side. 
In  the  American  "  case "  the  question  of  consequential 
damages  was  proposed.  The  claims  were  not  elaborately 
maintained,  but  the  inquiry  was  made  whether  they  could  not 
be  considered.  At  first  their  presentation  met  no  disapproval 
in  England.  The  claims  themselves  were  scouted,  and  Sum- 
ner's  original  advocacy  of  them  in  the  Senate  had  almost  cost 
him  the  acquaintance  of  his  warmest  English  friends ;  but  it 
was  supposed  that  they  would  be  thrown  out  as  a  matter  of 
course,  and  for  nearly  two  months  after  the  presentation  of 
the  "case"  the  English  people  and  Government  offered  no 
objection  to  the  consideration  of  the  claims.  But  after 
a  while  the  Opposition  party  discovered  that  a  weapon  might 
be  made  of  them  against  the  Government,  and  the  Tories  set 
themselves  diligently  to  work  to  injure  the  Administration  by 
representing  that  it  had  yielded  to  outrageous  Yankee  inso 
lence  and  "bluff."  The  press  took  up  the  cry  and  the  whole 


GRANT  AND   GLADSTONE. 


English  nation  soon  fell  into  one  of  the  most  absurd  and 
hysterical  fits  of  passion  that  sober  John  Bull  ever  suffered 
from.  The  Liberals  became  frightened  at  the  hubbub,  and 
when  Parliament  met  the  Government  felt  that  its  fate  was 
trembling.  The  press  proclaimed  that  arbitration  must  not 
go  on  unless  the  claims  were  withdrawn,  and  such  a  storm 
was  raised  that  the  Government  almost  yielded.  It  was  "  On 
to  Richmond"  over  again. 

But  there  were  two  parties  to  the  question.  The  Ameri 
can  Government  held  that  the  English  had  agreed  to  submit 
all  the  points  at  issue  to  the  arbitrators.  There  was  a  solemn 
treaty  which  had  been  ratified  and  confirmed  by  the  contend 
ing  parties.  If  the  English  should  now  withdraw  from  the 
arbitration,  America  would  hold  that  they  had  violated  the 
treaty,  and  war  might  be  the  consequence.  The  greatest 
anxiety  prevailed  among  those  who  knew  how  imminent  the 
danger  was,  I  was  still  in  London  and  on  intimate  terms 
with  the  Minister,  General  Schenck,  and  I  suppose  as  much 
in  his  confidence  as  it  was  proper  I  should  be.  How  hard  he 
worked  to  avert  a  war,  how  fertile  he  was  in  invention,  how 
faithful  to  his  country's  interest,  how  dignified  yet  courteous 
in  his  attitude  toward  England,  how  anxious  to  discover  some 
means  of  avoiding  a  rupture,  nobody  living  knows  better 
than  I.  No  finer  diplomatic  services  were  ever  rendered  the 
United  States  ;  not  even  those  of  Adams  during  the  Rebellion 
were  more  arduous  or  indispensable.  A  single  false  step,  a 
maladroit  expression,  an  ill-tempered  or  insufficient  act,  might 
have  precipitated  war. 

For  the  feeling  in  England  ran  very  high.  At  times  it 
was  positively  offensive  to  Americans,  especially  official  ones. 
More  than  once  at  clubs  and  dinners  I  had  to  resent  remarks 
that  no  good  American  could  listen  to  in  silence,  and  yet  I, 
too,  in  my  sphere  was  bound  to  be  courteous  and  reserved. 
But  we  had  our  friends.  The  members  of  the  Government 
were  as  loyal  as  they  dared  to  be  ;  they  were  driven  to  bay 


228  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

by  their  enemies,  charged  with  deserting  their  own  country, 
but  they  did  not  give  up ;  they  desired  as  earnestly  as  the 
Americans  to  avoid  a  war,  and  were  undoubtedly  anxious  to 
fulfill  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty.  Mr.  D' Israeli,  to  his 
credit  be  it  said,  did  not  one  thing,  uttered  not  one  word  to 
distress  or  embarrass  the  Government  or  to  precipitate  a  rup 
ture.  He  passed  no  harsh  strictures  on  America  just  as  he 
had  refrained  during  the  Rebellion  itself  from  injurious  or 
offensive  utterances ;  in  this  more  self-contained  and  politic 
than  his  great  rival. 

In  the  Government,  if  one  may  say  so,  Lady  Waldegrave, 
whose  husband,  then  Mr.  Chichester  Fortescue,  had  a  seat  in 
the  Cabinet,  carried  herself  manfully.  She  would  not  aban 
don  hope  when  everybody  else  said  hope  was  gone.  She 
went  about  in  society  purposely  to  excite  an  influence  favora 
ble  to  peace,  and  her  cleverness  was  great  as  well  as  her 
social  influence.  I  remember  more  than  once  her  language 
at  her  Sunday  afternoons  in  Carlton  Gardens,  where  the 
ablest  and  most  distinguished  men  in  London  used  to  congre 
gate  ;  how  she  insisted  that  a  way  out  of  the  difficulty  could 
and  must  be  found;  that  England  and  America  must  not 
differ  seriously. 

I  doubt  whether  Americans  except  in  Government  circles 
knew  how  near  we  were  to  a  tremendous  conflict.  The 
Government,  of  course,  was  greatly  concerned,  Grant  and 
Fish  especially  so  ;  for  their  glory  would  be  lessened  by  the 
failure  of  arbitration.  They  were  incessant  in  their  efforts 
and  anxieties.  The  labor,  however,  fell  particularly  on  the 
State  Department,  and  the  Secretary  of  State  at  this  time 
performed  a  patriotic  service  even  greater  than  when  he  pro 
posed  and  negotiated  the  treaty.  He  did  not  yield  one  iota 
of  his  country's  dignity,  and  yet  he  skillfully  piloted  the 
ship  of  State  among  dangers  such  as  it  had  not  more  than 
once  incurred  since  America  had  been  a  nation.  For  surely 
there  could  be  no  greater  evil  to  either  country  than  for  Eng- 


GRANT  AND   GLADSTONE. 

land  and  America  to  go  to  war.  The  contest  would  have 
been  bitterer  and  longer  after,  than  during,  the  Rebellion. 
Perhaps  with  the  South  on  our  hands  we  could  not  have  coped 
with  England  ;  but  with  the  South  as  our  partners  the  conflict 
would  have  been  one  of  the  most  stupendous  that  the  world 
has  seen.  This  danger  was  avoided  with  dignity  and  credit 
by  the  skill  and  sagacity  of  the  State  Department  and  its 
servants,  and  the  steady  support  and  judgment  of  the 
President. 

Arbitration  went  on.  Some  ingenious  brain  suggested 
that  the  arbitrators  should  decide  without  consulting  England 
that  the  consequential  claims  were  out  of  court,  so  that  neither 
nation  need  recede  from  its  contention ;  this  proposition  was 
adopted,  and  the  firebrand  lighted  by  Sumner  was  quenched 
before  it  kindled  one  of  the  mightiest  conflagrations  of 
modern  times.  Then  all  proceeded  peacefully.  The  arbitra 
tors  awarded  damages  to  America  for  what  direct  injuries  the 
Alabama  and  her  consorts  had  inflicted  ;  England  had  already 
expressed  her  regret ;  a  new  proviso  was  inserted  in  the  code 
of  international  law  between  England  and  America,  and  the 
two  nations  were  friends. 

Years  afterward  when  Grant  visited  England  Gladstone 
was  out  of  power  and  it  fell  to  the  Tories  to  entertain  the  ex- 
President.  They  did  it  with  good  taste  and  ungrudging  cor 
diality  ;  but  it  was  hard  that  the  man  who  had  made  it  possi 
ble  for  Grant  to  receive  these  honors  in  England  should  have 
no  share  in  extending  them.  Everywhere  the  English  people 
greeted  Grant  as  the  statesman  who  had  initiated  arbitration, 
as  the  warrior  who  preferred  peace  with  England  to  war. 
Addresses  teemed  with  plaudits  on  this  account,  and  orators 
vied  with  each  other  in  their  enthusiastic  comments;  but 
Gladstone,  who  as  much  as  Grant  was  entitled  to  the  credit 
of  arbitration,  was  in  disfavor  then ;  his  enemies  invited  him 
to  none  of  the  banquets  to  the  American  soldier,  and  I  do 
not  remember  that  the  ex-President  and  the  ex-Premier  ever ' 


230  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

met  except  at  the  reception  given  to  Grant  at  the  house  of 
the  American  Minister.  There  the  crowd  was  so  great  that 
no  especial  conversation  was  possible,  so  that  Grant  never  got 
a  chance  to  see  much  of  his  great  English  compeer. 

Among  Gladstone's  highest  claims  to  honor  hereafter 
will  be  the  fact  that  he  avoided  war  with  America  by  con 
senting  to  atone  for  a  national  wrong,  while  the  glory  of 
settling  peacefully  a  tremendous  difference  with  to  us  at  least 
the  most  important  of  modern  nations  will  be  Grant's  great 
est  proof  of  statesmanship.  For  given  all  the  honor  they 
deserve  to  Fish  and  Schenck  and  Evarts  and  Bancroft  Davis 
and  Gushing  and  Waite — and  no  other  Americans  have  earned 
equal  credit  in  our  day  for  any  single  act  of  civil  life  —  still 
Grant  was  the  head  ;  it  was  for  him  always  to  decide.  If  he 
had  been  backward  or  uncertain,  if  he  had  failed  in  judgment 
or  nerve  or  sagacity  or  decision  —  the  achievement  would 
have  been  impossible.  If  there  were  no  other  measure  of  his 
Administration  worthy  of  praise,  this  one  makes  it  well  for 
America  that  Grant  was  President. 


GRANT    MEETING    GLADSTONE. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

GRANT    AND    FISH. 

FISH  was  the  one  member  of  the  Cabinet  who  served 
during  the  entire  eight  years  that  Grant  was  President. 
He  entered  the  Administration  on  the  nth  of  March,  1869, 
and  remained  until  March,  1877,  even  delaying  a  few  days 
under  Hayes.  He  had  not  been  Grant's  original  choice  for 
Secretary  of  State,  but  before  Washburne's  brief  term  was 
over,  when  Wilson  declined  to  take  the  post,  and  it  was  dis 
covered  that  Stewart,  of  New  York,  was  ineligible  to  the 
Treasury,  the  President  appealed  to  Fish  to  help  him  out  of 
his  dilemma. 

From  the  day  of  his  election,  Grant  wrote,  he  had  deter 
mined  to  offer  Fish  the  appointment  of  Minister  to  England, 
but  in  the  re-arrangement  of  his  Cabinet,  which  was  unavoid 
able,  he  invited  the  ex-Governor  and  Senator  to  accept  the 
position  of  Secretary  of  State.  Fish  promptly  declined  the 
proposition.  He  had  been  requested  to  telegraph  his  answer 
and  did  so  of  course,  but  he  also  wrote,  posting  the  letter  with 
his  own  hands,  because  of  its  importance.  On  his  return  to 
his  house  he  was  met  by  a  telegram  announcing  his  nomina 
tion  and  confirmation  as  Secretary  of  State ;  Grant  had  not 
waited  for  the  refusal.  The  dispatch  requested  Fish  not  to 
reply,  but  to  await  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Babcock,  who  was 
bearer  of  a  personal  message  from  the  President. 

Babcock  arrived  the  same  day  with  instructions  to  urge 
the  acceptance  of  the  post.  Still  Fish  hesitated,  or  rather 
refused,  until  finally  Babcock  communicated  a  confidential 

(230 


232  GRANT   IN  PEACE. 

message  from  the  President  which  he  had  been  ordered  to 
reserve  for  a  final  effort.  Upon  the  receipt  of  this  Fish  con 
sented  to  become  a  member  of  the  Government. 

Grant  at  this  crisis  was  more  than  glad  to  have  Fish 
enter  his  Cabinet ;  and  no  man  had  more  permanent  influ 
ence  with  him  in  all  his  public  policy  than  the  Secretary  of 
State,  but  it  is  nevertheless  true  that  when  the  offer  was 
made  Grant  had  by  no  means  so  high  an  appreciation  of 
Fish's  ability  as  he  afterward  acquired.  He  was  not  then 
familiar  with  the  personal  political  history  of  his  time ;  and 
knew  little  of  the  career  of  civilians  who  had  not  held  the 
highest  national  positions.  Fish  had  been  twelve  years  out 
of  the  public  service,  a  longer  period  than  Grant  himself  had 
been  of  importance.  He  selected  Fish  rather  on  account  of 
his  character  and  private  position  than  because  he  knew  him 
for  a  man  of  first-rate  capacity.  He  confessed  to  me  more 
than  once  that  he  had  been  surprised  at  the  quality  and  calibre 
of  Fish's  ability;  not  only  at  his  judgment  and  energy,  but  at 
his  downwright  power  to  deal  with  men  and  affairs.  But 
when  Grant's  public  career  was  over  he  looked  upon  Fish  as 
the  ablest  of  the  men  who  had  entered  his  Cabinet  and  as 
worthy  to  stand  in  the  line  with  any  of  his  predecessors  in 
the  State  Department. 

There  were  certain  traits  which  the  two  possessed  in  com 
mon —  a  natural  plainness,  almost  a  ruggedness  of  character, 
in  Fish's  case  doubtless  inherited  from  his  Dutch  ancestors 
and  not  entirely  softened  even  by  courtly  associations  or  innate 
breeding;  a  stubbornness  of  disposition  that  was  aggravated 
by  opposition,  and  an  unforgiving  temperament  when  affronts 
became  personal,  for  each  resented  insults  not  only  quicker, 
but  longer,  than  injuries.  But  besides  and  more  than  all, 
there  was  in  each  an  unwillingness,  if  not  an  inability,  to 
express  in  manner  or  words  the  warm  regard  that  lay 
beneath  an  undemonstrative  exterior;  this  gave  them,  I 
doubt  not,  an  undefined  fellowship  of  feeling,  and  yet  threw 


GRANT  AND   FISH.  233 

a  certain  constraint  about  their  intimacy.  They  knew  and 
liked  each  other  better,  I  believe,  than  either  ever  said  to 
the  other.  But  such  natures  understand  and  appreciate  per 
haps  as  well  as  if  they  expressed  more. 

Two  grave  questions,  the  English  and  the  Cuban,  were  at 
once  presented  to  the  State  Department.  The  story  of  the 
English  imbroglio,  the  quarrel  with  Motley  and  Sumner,  in 
which  Fish  fully  sympathized  with  Grant,  the  Treaty  of 
Washington,  and  the  Arbitration  at  Geneva — all  this  I  have 
attempted  to  record.  The  subject  profoundly  interested  the 
Secretary  of  State,  and  all  the  adjustment  was  left  to  him. 
Grant  approved  of  every  step  that  was  taken,  though  some 
times  he  required  to  be  convinced ;  but  he  was  in  accord 
with  Fish  at  every  critical  moment.  In  the  personal  phases 
of  the  controversy  the  feelings  of  both  became  enlisted,  and 
they  were  brought  into  closer  relations  because  they  received 
and  repelled  the  same  assaults.  Grant  had  the  soldier's 
feeling  of  camaraderie  very  strong  for  those  who  shared  his 
dangers,  and  Fish  was  always  sturdily  loyal.  Even  when 
Grant  determined  on  a  course  that  Fish  would  not  perhaps 
have  advised,  the  Secretary  stanchly  supported  his  chief; 
not,  of  course,  against  his  developed  convictions,  but  more 
than  once  without  any  personal  interest  of  his  own. 

The  Cuban  danger,  however,  Fish  fought  from  the  begin 
ning.  Rawlins  was  very  anxious  to  take  sides  with  the 
Cubans  in  their  struggle  for  independence,  and  others  in  the 
Cabinet  followed  his  lead.  He  looked  to  the  eventual  annex 
ation  of  Cuba  by  the  United  States  and  did  everything  in  his 
power  to  precipitate  steps  that  could  not  be  reversed.  He 
was  even  willing  to  risk  the  possibility  of  war  with  Spain, 
but  Fish  thought  we  had  too  recently  emerged  from  a  contest 
at  home  to  engage  in  another  abroad.  He  was  not  averse  to 
acquiring  Cuba  under  other  circumstances,  as  I  shall  show, 
but  he  did  not  want  the  island  at.  the  expense  of  war,  espe 
cially  at  this  time.  He  therefore  frowned  upon  all  attempts 


234 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


to  aid  the  insurgents.  Grant  at  first  leaned  very  strongly  to 
the  views  of  Rawlins,  and  there  were  many  of  the  President's 
friends  and  advisers  who  concurred  with  the  Secretary  of 
War.  At  one  time  the  issue  was  almost  decided  in  favor  of 
Rawlins,  but  the  development  of  the  English  question  gave 
Fish  a  powerful  argument.  He  urged  that  with  trouble  on  our 
hands  with  Spain,  we  could  not  possibly  deal  frankly  and 
fearlessly  with  England  ;  that  the  claims  against  England 
were  the  result  of  our  own  war  and  should  be  settled  definitely 
before  we  turned  to  the  acquisition  of  further  territory  at  the 
price  that  Cuba  would  at  that  time  inevitably  cost.  This 
view  was  one  that  would  be  apt  to  affect  Grant,  and  Fish 
thought  that  it  convinced  him,  as  it  certainly  did  one  or  two 
of  the  Cabinet ;  and  just  when  the  cogency  of  the  argument 
was  felt  by  the  President,  Rawlins  died.  His  mantle  as  the 
friend  of  Cuba  fell  on  no  Elisha.  The  insurgents  never 
found  another  friend  so  powerful  or  earnest ;  the  insurrection 
languished  without  the  aid  of  America,  and  Spain  remained 
firm  in  her  seat  on  the  unhappy  island. 

The  St.  Domingo  scheme  shared  the  fate  of  the  Cuban 
enterprise,  although  the  former  was  accepted  as  an  Adminis 
tration  measure.  There  was  a  great  outcry  at  the  time  that 
improper  motives  instigated  the  urgency  of  the  President  and 
his  friends  for  the  acquisition  of  St.  Domingo.  I  fancy  no 
one  now  believes  that  Grant  was  corrupt  in  his  earnestness, 
and  I  have  never  known  any  proof  that  others  were;  but 
Cuban  bonds  were  certainly  distributed  with  a  lavish  hand 
among  those  who  it  was  thought  could  aid  the  purpose  of  the 
Patriots.  Men  high  in  position  and  public  estimation  accepted 
these  bonds  and  afterward  advocated  the  recognition  of  Cuban 
independence. 

Even  a  foreign  Minister  was  at  one  time  the  custodian 
and  dispenser  of  four  million  dollars'  worth  of  them,  and  the 
fact  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Government.  The  Minis 
ter  was  summoned  and  informed  that  the  Administration  was 


GRANT  AND   FISH.  235 

aware  of  his  complicity,  and  that  if  the  oonas  remained  in 
his  keeping  four  and  twenty  hours  his  excellency  would  re 
ceive  his  passports.  His  excellency  made  haste  within  the 
appointed  time  to  place  the  papers  where  they  could  never 
again  be  of  use  to  the  insurrectionary  party ;  and  during  the 
remainder  of  his  mission  he  was  careful  not  to  dabble  in  the 
affairs  of  stranger  nations,  nor  to  foment  as  a  foreign  Minis 
ter  troubles  between  other  governments  and  that  to  which  he 
was  accredited. 

After  the  English  question  was  disposed  of  Fish  deter 
mined  to  leave  the  Cabinet.  Grant's  first  term  was  approach 
ing  a  close ;  the  President  had  been  re-elected,  and  the  Secre 
tary  felt  that  he  could  with  honor  withdraw  from  the  cares 
of  state,  having  achieved  a  great  diplomatic  success  and 
relieved  his  chief  from  the  anxieties  that  pressed  so  heavily 
when  the  subordinate  accepted  office.  Grant  was  unwilling  to 
part  with  his  Secretary  of  State,  but  Fish  persisted  in  his 
intention,  and  one  day  when  they  were  alone  together  he 
handed  the  President  his  resignation  in  a  closed  letter.  This 
was  just  before  a  Cabinet  meeting,  and  Grant  took  the  letter 
but  said  nothing.  When  the  other  members  of  the  Cabinet 
entered,  he  asked  each  in  turn  for  his  budget,  but  omitted 
Fish,  who  according  to  etiquette  should  have  been  first 
addressed.  Then  the  President  said :  "  I  have  a  letter  from 
the  Secretary  of  State.  I  suppose  I  know  its  contents,  and 
I  am  very  sorry  to  receive  it."  But  he  had  a  matter,  he  con 
tinued,  upon  which  he  desired  to  consult  the  other  members 
of  the  Cabinet. 

Fish  accepted  this  as  his  own  dismissal,  and  took  his 
leave,  not  expecting  to  enter  the  Cabinet  chamber  again 
as  Secretary  of  State.  But  the  next  day  he  received  a 
letter  signed  by  every  member  of  the  Senate  except  three, 
urging  him  to  remain  in  his  position.  This  was  the  business 
which  the  President  desired  to  discuss  with  his  ministers ; 
and  the  dismissal,  as  Fish  thought  it  at  the  time,  was  a 


236  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

waggish  design  on  the  part  of  Grant  to  surprise  his  friend. 
He  was  always  fond  of  surprising  those  whom  he  liked 
by  his  favors  or  his  acts  of  friendship,  and  the  vein  of  humor 
that  ran  through  his  character  was  very  perceptible  in 
incidents  like  these.  Fish  remained  in  the  Cabinet. 

In  the  year  1870  Mr.  Paul  Forbes,  a  man  prominent 
in  the  business  and  social  circles  of  his  time,  made  known  to 
the  Government  his  intimacy  with  General  Prim,  then 
Premier  of  Spain.  He  also  communicated  certain  intima 
tions  that  the  Spanish  potentate  might  not  be  averse  to 
negotiate  for  the  disposal  of  Cuba  to  the  United  States, 
if  the  terms  could  be  made  advantageous,  and  the  Castilian 
pride  should  not  be  inopportunely  aroused.  There  were 
some  pourparlers  on  the  subject,  and  it  was  finally  determined 
to  send  Forbes  to  Madrid  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  commit  the 
Government,  but  to  sound  the  Premier  further  as  to  his  views0 
General  Sickles,  the  Minister  to  Spain,  was  informed  of  the 
plan,  and  was  directed  to  assist  in  its  execution,  but  to  be 
careful  that  the  relations  of  the  two  countries  should  not 
be  compromised.  The  Spanish  temper  was  known  to  be 
hot  and  suspicious  as  well  as  arrogant,  and  Prim  must 
manage  his  part  of  the  affair  with  consummate  delicacy. 

Forbes  started  for  Europe,  but  was  unable  to  restrain  his 
elation  at  being  intrusted  with  so  important  a  business. 
When  he  arrived  at  Paris  he  had  the  indiscretion  to  reveal 
his  errand,  and  before  he  reached  Madrid  the  story  of  the 
proposed  sale  of  Cuba  was  noised  abroad.  This  at  first  almost 
balked  the  enterprise.  Prim  was  frightened  for  his  hold 
on  power ;  he  had  not  yet  prepared  the  minds  of  his  country 
men  for  the  abandonment  of  the  Faithful  Isle.  Still  Sickles 
took  up  the  negotiations  and  with  great  skill  mended  the 
broken  threads;  there  seemed  a  fair  prospect  of  success. 
The  offer  was  absolutely  made  by  Spain  that  the  Cubans 
should  be  allowed  to  purchase  Cuba,  the  United  States  to 
guarantee  the  purchase  bonds,  and  the  matter  was  under 


GRANT  AND   FISH. 

consideration  by  the  United  States  when  Prim  was  assassin 
ated.  I  was  repeatedly  assured  in  Cuba  that  he  had  been 
shot  because  he  contemplated  the  sale.  Be  that  as  it  may, 
with  his  death  the  scheme  fell  through,  and  it  has  not  since 
been  revived.  Cuba  remains  to-day  the  most  miserably 
oppressed  bit  of  soil  on  earth  under  what  is  called  a  civilized 
government. 

No  further  matter  of  equal  importance  in  our  foreign 
relations  arose  during  Grant's  Administration.  Amid  the 
disasters  and  calumnies  that  clustered  around  the  last  years 
of  his  second  term,  Fish  remained  stanch  to  his  chief.  He 
was  opposed  to  Grant's  standing  for  a  third  term  immediately 
after  a  second,  perhaps  as  much  because  he  thought  the  Presi 
dent  would  be  defeated  if  he  appealed  to  the  country  then,  as 
on  account  of  any  disapprobation  of  the  principle.  He  cer 
tainly  in  1880  supported  the  renomination  of  Grant ;  but  at  the 
close  of  Grant's  second  Administration  Fish  recommended  his 
retirement.  During  all  the  anxieties  and  doubts  in  regard  to 
the  election  of  a  successor  Fish  was  in  the  full  confidence 
of  his  chief;  and  he  was  by  Grant's  side  when  he  left  the 
White  House.  From  the  Executive  Mansion  the  ex-Presi 
dent  and  Mrs.  Grant  were  driven  to  Fish's  house,  and  re 
mained  for  several  weeks  his  guests,  as  eight  years  before  he 
and  Mrs.  Fish  had  been  guests  of  General  Grant,  little  dream 
ing  then  of  the  relations  they  were  destined  to  assume. 

While  Grant  was  engaged  upon  his  memoirs  he  wrote 
some  passages  of  a  political  character  which  seemed  to  me  of 
so  much  consequence  that  I  urged  him  to  discuss  them  with 
his  most  important  political  friends,  and  he  determined  to 
read  them  to  Fish,  but  for  some  reason  this  intention  was 
not  carried  out.  Months  afterward,  when  Grant  thought 
he  was  dying,  and  his  family  were  gathered  around  him  to 
receive  his  last  words,  he  stammered :  "  I  suppose  I  have 
not  more  than  half  an  hour  to  live,  and  I  wish  to  say  that 
I  want  the  political  passages  in  my  book  submitted  to 


238  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Governor  Fish  to  see  if  there  is  too  much  acrimony.  He 
may  correct  them  or  strike  them  out  altogether  as  he 
chooses."  General  Grant,  however,  revived  after  this  and 
lived  several  months  longer,  during  which  he  was  able  to 
resume  his  work,  but  in  what  he  believed  were  his  dying 
moments  he  gave  this  great  proof  of  confidence  and  respect 
to  his  friend  and  counselor,  his  Secretary  of  State. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

LIFE    AT    THE    WHITE   HOUSE. 

AFTER  Grant  became  President  he  did  not  for  some 
weeks  occupy  the  Executive  Mansion  as  a  residence, 
but  of  course  the  official  business  was  transacted  there.  His 
first  official  reception  was  one  for  the  Diplomatic  Corps.  It 
was  not  very  formal.  I  had  called  on  the  various  chiefs  of 
legation  at  his  request  and  notified  them  that  the  President 
and  Mrs.  Grant  would  receive  the  members  of  the  corps  and 
their  families  on  a  certain  afternoon.  It  was  desirable  that 
the  new  President  should  make  their  acquaintance,  and  this 
was  the  democratic  substitute  for  what  in  Europe  would  have 
been  a  "court."  I  went  in  the  President's  open  carriage, 
which  was  a  conspicuous,  light-colored  vehicle,  and  when  I 
visited  the  Haytien  representative  my  arrival  created  a  com 
motion.  I  suspect  that  preceding  administrations  had  hardly 
accorded  the  same  recognition  to  the  fellows  of  the  f reed- 
men,  and  the  dusky  democrat  had  perhaps  not  long  been 
used  to  considering  himself  an  ambassador.  At  any  rate, 
when  I  entered  and  made  known  my  errand,  the  diplomatist 
rose  and  dusted  my  chair.  Soulouque  himself  began  life  as 
a  servant. 

Washburne,  the  Secretary  of  State  for  a  week,  had 
already  given  up  his  place  to  Fish,  who  had  not  lived  in 
Washington  for  many  years  and  was  therefore  unacquainted 
with  the  foreign  representatives.  As  I  knew  them  all,  I  was 
selected  to  introduce  them  to  Mr.  Fish,  who  then  made  the 
presentations  to  the  President.  They  came,  many  of  them, 

(239) 


240 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


in  morning  dress,  and  some  I  thought  were  rather  too  home 
spun  in  their  attire.  In  fact,  more  than  one  member  of  the 
British  Legation  affected  an  indifference  to  etiquette  in  regard 
to  the  President  and  his  family  that  was  more  democratic  than 
even  democrats  approved.  I  remember  Lady  Thornton  say 
ing  to  me  at  a  party  at  Mrs.  Fish's,  when  Mrs.  Grant  was 
present:  "How  different  all  this  would  be  in  England! 
There  nobody  would  dream  of  being  seated  while  the  Queen 
was  standing."  Yet  "my  lady"  remained  in  her  chair  when 
the  wife  of  the  President  entered  the  room,  and  a  good  many 
Americans  rose.  I  doubt,  however,  if  at  that  time  Lady 
Thornton  had  ever  been  at  court  in  London.  I  was  assured 
in  England  that  this  wife  of  a  diplomatist  once  declared  she 
had  met  only  two  ladies  in  all  America;  whereupon  a  gen 
uine  aristocrat  exclaimed:  "But  Lady  Thornton  is  hardly  a 
judge  —  she  has  known  so  few  at  home."  Her  ladyship,  you 
see,  was  born  in  the  middle  class. 

General  Grant,  however,  as  President,  desired  to  be  rec 
ognized  as  Head  of  the  State ;  he  was  always  served  first  at 
his  own  table,  and  of  course  preceded  everybody.  He  him 
self  determined  the  precedence  at  his  dinners,  for  he  assumed 
as  much  as  any  foreign  sovereign  or  any  host  at  home  the 
right  to  place  his  guests  as  he  chose.  He  insisted  always 
on  making  a  distinction  for  personal  reasons  if  he  pleased ; 
though  he  regarded  public  station  and  public  services,  he  yet 
held  that  if  he  preferred  to  pay  any  one  a  compliment  he  was 
at  liberty  to  do  so.  At  a  bridal  dinner  I  have  known  him 
place  the  newly-married  man  on  the  right  of  Mrs.  Grant, 
although  the  Secretary  of  State  was  present,  while  he  him 
self  took  in  the  bride  from  among  a  company  that  included 
the  wives  of  Senators  and  Cabinet  ministers.  So,  too,  he 
sometimes  regulated  the  precedence  of  foreign  ministers 
without  regard  to  the  Almanach  de  Gotha  or  the  Congress 
of  Vienna,  but  according  to  a  certain  code  of  his  own.  This, 
it  is  true,  was  before  he  had  been  abroad.  Had  there  been  a 


LIFE  AT  THE  WHITE  HOUSE.  241 

third  term  after  his  European  experiences  I  am  inclined  to 
think  he  would  have  deferred  more  to  the  diplomatic  idea. 
But  he  had  a  feeling  that  as  President  it  was  for  him  to 
determine,  and  he  acted  even  in  etiquettes  without  fear  or 
anxiety.  He  thought  that  he  made  the  etiquette,  and  I  don't 
see  why  a  President  has  not  this  right  as  well  as  any  poten 
tate  of  another  sort. 

Up  to  his  time  Presidents  had  never  visited  or  dined  out 
or  gone  to  any  private  parties,  but  Grant  declared  at  once 
that  he  did  not  intend  to  be  caged  because  he  was  Chief 
Magistrate.  He  accepted  the  invitations  of  his  Cabinet  and 
of  a  few  others,  either  especial  friends  or  persons  whom  he 
wished  to  honor.  Yet  he  refused  to  return  the  visit  of  the 
son  of  the  Queen  of  England  when  Prince  Arthur,  as  he 
was  then  called,  the  Duke  of  Connaught  now,  was  in  Wash 
ington.  I  was  in  America  at  the  time  and  was  anxious  that 
Grant  should  make  the  visit.  I  proved  to  him  that  sover 
eigns  abroad  paid  such  compliments  to  members  of  royal 
houses;  but  he  did  not  think  the  democratic  Head  of  the 
State  should  recognize  a  royal  boy  of  only  nineteen  in  this 
way^  The  British  Minister  especially  desired  that  the  cere 
mony  should  be  performed,  but  Grant  persisted  in  his  re 
fusal.  He  went,  however,  to  a  ball  given  in  the  Prince's 
honor,  and  he  invited  the  youth  to  a  dinner,  on  each  occasion 
giving  him  Mrs.  Grant  for  a  partner,  but  he  maintained  that 
democratic  dignity  would  not  allow  him  to  make  a  formal 
call.  He  seemed  to  think  this  would  be  a  recognition  of  the 
royal  principle  which  it  was  imperative  on  him  to  deny. 

I  remember  that  afterward  in  England  this  same  young 
man  failed  to  call  on  General  Grant.  'Tis  true  he  was  not  in 
London,  but  he  was  not  a  day's  journey  away,  and  having 
been  so  warmly  received  in  America,  the  absence  of  the 
civility  seemed  significant.  Lady  Augusta  Stanley,  a  warm 
personal  friend  of  the  Queen,  corresponded  with  me  while 
the  Prince  was  in  America,  and,  knowing  that  I  was  on  duty 
16 


242  GRANT  IN  PEACE. 

at  the  White  House,  she  asked  me  to  do  what  I  could  to 
make  the  visit  successful.  After  the  Prince  had  left  I  wrote 
to  her  stating  that  he  had  made  a  good  impression,  and  Lady 
Augusta  replied  expressing  Her  Majesty's  gratification,  so 
that  I  fancy  the  lack  of  the  President's  visit  gave  no  umbrage. 
Still,  it  may  be  that  Jesse  Grant's  experience  at  Windsor  was 
the  corollary  of  the  Prince's  visit  unreturned. 

I  remained  at  the  White  House  during  the  first  three 
months  of  Grant's  Administration,  after  which  I  spent  four 
months  in  England,  and  then  I  was  on  duty  again  at  the  Execu 
tive  Mansion  from  October  until  May.  After  that  I  was 
there  as  a  visitor  on  only  a  few  occasions  in  1875  ;  so  that  my 
recollections  of  the  life  at  the  White  House  are  mostly  those 
of  the  first  and  second  years  of  Grant's  Presidency.  I  saw 
the  first  Cabinet  in  power  and  their  families  in  position. 
Some  of  these,  people  of  undoubted  ability  and  character,  yet 
long  unfamiliar  with  the  life  of  the  great  world,  never  ac 
quired  that  ease  of  manner  which  is  so  exquisite,  whether 
the  gift  of  nature  or  the  result  of  art ;  but  others  were  per 
sons  early  used  to  elegant  associations  and  fitted  to  adorn  as 
well  as  worthily  occupy  the  positions  they  enjoyed.  But  Mrs. 
Grant  was  like  the  General,  a  good  deal  of  an  autocrat  in 
a  certain  way.  If  she  liked  the  suggestions  made  by  such 
women  as  Mrs.  Fish  o,r  Mrs.  Robeson  she  accepted  them,  but 
she  felt  that  she  herself  was  responsible  for  the  result,  and  en 
titled  to  decide  the  means ;  and  they  of  course  deferred  to  her 
decisions.  Whatever  the  etiquette  or  the  custom,  it  either 
had  the  sanction  of  the  President  or  of  Mrs.  Grant,  or  it  was 
not  introduced  at  all.  I  fancy  indeed  that  most  of  the  usages 
were  those  that  had  long  prevailed,  or  else  were  the  sugges 
tion  of  one  of  the  heads  of  the  establishment  themselves. 

Those  usages  must  have  been  generally  acceptable,  for 
the  greater  part  of  the  people  who  had  lived  longest  in  Wash 
ington,  and  had  been  familiar  with  society  there  under  many 
administrations,  found  themselves  very  much  at  home  at  the 


LIFE  AT  THE   WHITE   HOUSE.  243 

White  House  during  General  Grant's  official  terms.  A  few 
with  bitter  memories  stayed  away  and  criticised;  but  that 
charming  element  —  the  old  Washington  families,  made  up 
for  the  most  part  of  the  survivors  and  relatives  of  military 
and  naval  and  other  official  people  of  the  past  —  all  gathered 
around  Mrs.  Grant,  and  liked  the  geniality  and  simplicity  of 
the  General.  Some  of  the  political  opponents,  and  I  believe 
not  a  few  strangers  who  came  for  a  while  to  Washington  and 
found  no  immediate  access  to  the  intimate  circle  and  life  at 
the  White  House,  carped  a  little,  or  censured  what  they  heard 
of  but  did  not  see;  but  the  "good  company"  of  Washington, 
—  by  far  the  best  company  in  America, — made  the  White 
House  its  center  while  Grant  was  President  and  Mrs.  Grant  its 
mistress.  The  old  army  people  found  themselves  with  a  com 
rade  ;  the  soldiers  of  the  war  and  their  families  were  always 
welcome,  and  when  the  children  of  the  President  grew  up 
there  were  young  people  and  their  visitors  to  make  the  house 
gay.  There  was  a  brilliant  wedding  for  "Nellie  Grant,"  and 
the  eldest  child  of  Colonel  Grant  was  born  in  the  Executive 
Mansion. 

For  the  home  life  went  on  under  all  the  pressure  of  pub 
lic  business  and  all  the  demands  of  public  ceremony.  I 
passed  a  few  days  at  Long  Branch  in  1875,  and  saw  much  of 
my  old  chief  in  his  family  life.  I  found  it  nearly  the  same  as 
before  he  was  President.  The  step,  indeed,  was  n'ot  so  great 
for  him  as  for  others ;  from  the  position  of  General-in-Chief, 
at  that  time  the  most  important  but  one  in  the  country,  he 
merely  passed  to  the  President's  chair.  I  think,  too,  that  as 
he  became  used  to  his  station  some  of  the  formality  which  at 
first  I  thought  I  observed  wore  away.  I  recollect  dining  with 
him  more  than  once  in  Washington  in  1875.  His  table  was 
always  laid  so  that  half  a  dozen  unexpected  guests  might  be 
entertained,  and  one  Sunday  we  lunched  informally  in  the 
library,  no  one  but  himself  and  me.  "He  had  just  finished 
writing  the  letter  in  which  he  declined  a  nomination  for  a 


244 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


third  term.  The  paper  had  not  been  read  as  yet  to  any  of 
his  Cabinet,  and  Mrs.  Grant  did  not  know  of  his  decision. 
He  asked  my  opinion  of  the  letter,  and  I  told  him  that 
I  thought  it  was  a  good  one  if  he  had  determined  to  with 
draw  from  the  contest,  but  I  had  supposed  he  would  not  so 
determine.  The  letter  was  sent  to  the  press  the  same  day 
without  Mrs.  Grant's  knowledge,  for  the  General  was  sure  it 
would  be  disagreeable  to  her,  and  he  wished  his  decision  to  be 
irrevocable  before  she  learned  it.  Years  afterward,  when  I 
told  her  I  had  heard  that  letter  before  it  was  sent,  she  re 
proached  me,  more  than  half  in  earnest,  for  not  striving 
harder  to  prevent  its  issue. 

It  was  a  simple  domestic  life  that  went  on  in  the  upper 
part  of  that  historic  house  during  those  eight  years.  The 
business  half  of  the  mansion  is  connected  closely  with  the 
family  rooms.  The  Cabinet  chamber  is  next  the  library, 
which  in  Grant's  day  was  not  used  for  official  purposes,  but 
more  as  a  family  parlor.  Many  informal  discussions  of 
important  affairs  have  occurred  in  that  library,  and  many 
scenes  that  would  interest  the  world,  if  the  survivors  would 
tell  what  they  know.  The  few  bed-chambers  were  always 
occupied;  now  and  then  a  guest  could  be  invited  to  sleep, 
but  the  demands  of  the  family  prevented  as  much  hospitality 
of  this  sort  as  either  the  General  or  Mrs.  Grant  would  have 
desired. 

Below,  the  State  apartments  were  often  used;  the  East 
Room  of  course  on  grand  occasions,  and  the  Red  parlor  was 
open  of  an  evening  to  many  personal  visitors.  All  the  State 
dinners  were  given  that  custom  requires,  and  sometimes  the 
State  dining-room  was  opened  for  a  family  party  at  Christmas 
or  an  entertainment  to  personal  friends,  while  the  ordinary 
dining-room  was  hardly  ever  without  a  guest  of  importance. 
For  Grant  liked  to  discuss  informally  with  a  Senator  or 
Cabinet  Minister  or  even  with  a  political  opponent  the  affairs 
in  which  he  was  peculiarly  interested.  Cigars  always  fol- 


LIFE   AT   THE   WHITE   HOUSE.  245 

lowed  dinner,  and  sometimes  billiards  or  cards  with  a  few 
intimates.  Grant  spent  more  than  his  income  during  his 
first  Administration  and  saved  very  little  in  the  last  four 
years,  when  the  salary  was  doubled. 

Mrs.  Grant  introduced  at  her  receptions  the  custom  that 
still  prevails  on  these  occasions  of  inviting  women  of  distinc 
tion  to  assist  the  mistress  of  the  White  House  —  Senators' 
wives  and  the  wives  and  daughters  of  Cabinet  officers  or 
personal  friends.  Before  her  time  the  President's  wife  re 
ceived  without  this  graceful  surrounding.  Indeed,  the  White 
House  had  hardly  been  so  popular  in  a  long  while  as  in  the 
days  when  I  knew  it  under  the  Grant  regime.  During  the 
war  Mrs.  Lincoln  saw  few  besides  the  political  adherents  of 
the  Administration,  and  for  various  reasons  "  society,"  as  it 
is  called,  was  greatly  interrupted.  Under  Mr.  Johnson  also 
the  acerbities  and  acrimonies  of  politics  prevented  many  from 
visiting  the  White  House,  and  there  was  at  that  time  no 
absolute  mistress  to  preside ;  Mrs.  Johnson  was  never  visible, 
and  her  daughters  were  not  women  with  a  taste  for  the  duties 
of  their  position.  When  Mrs.  Grant  came  to  her  place  the 
dissensions  of  the  war  period  were  abating ;  people  of  great 
military  and  naval  and  civil  eminence  with  their  families 
crowded  around  the  new  Administration,  which  became  the 
nucleus  of  the  most  distinguished  and  delightful  society  that 
has  been  seen  at  the  capital  in  at  least  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

The  attractions  of  such  a  society  have  since  induced 
many  people  of  wealth  to  make  Washington  their  home, 
some  of  whom  have  only  wealth  to  offer  as  a  claim  to  admis 
sion  there.  In  the  days  I  tell  of  nobody  cared  who  was  rich 
or  who  was  poor.  Power  was  so  much  more  important  than 
money;  great  fame,  great  deeds,  so  much  more  distinguished 
than  fine  houses  or  fine  clothes,  that  society  was  "  good  "  in 
the  best  sense  of  the  word.  What  did  a  mere  millionaire 
amount  to  in  a  company  that  included  Sherman  or  Farragut 
or  Seward  or  Sumner,  a  Chief  Justice,  a  General  of  the  Army, 


246  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

a  Secretary  of  State  or  of  the  Treasury  ?  S6me  of  the  great 
est  people  had  the  humblest  houses;  even  diplomatists  lived 
over  cooks'  shops  and  gave  dinners  to  the  Cabinet  on  china 
that  they  saw  every  night  in  the  week  at  each  other's  tables. 
Women  with  names  that  will  never  die  wore  the  plainest 
gowns,  and  breeding  and  wit  and  elegance  went  about  on 
foot  to  parties  that  were  finer  in  all  the  elements  of  real 
society  than  can  be  seen  to-day  in  Washington  or  New  York. 
The  life  at  the  White  House  under  Grant  had  something  to 
do  with  this. 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

GRANT  AND    HAYES. 

RANT  and  Hayes  first  met  in  1865,  at  the  time  of  the 
Grand  Review  in  Washington,  when  Hayes  was  a 
Congressman-elect.  During  the  next  few  years  they  were 
always  on  friendly  terms,  and  after  the  nomination  of  Hayes 
for  the  Presidency  Grant  gave  him  a  cordial  support.  Until 
the  nominations  were  made,  however,  all  Grant's  influence 
had  been  thrown  in  favor  of  Conkling,  and  against  Bristow 
and  Elaine.  He  had  declined  to  allow  his  name  to  go  before 
the  convention,  but  he  naturally  took  a  keen  interest  in  the 
selection  of  the  candidate  who  might  succeed  him.  Conkling 
had  been  his  especial  advocate  and  defender  in  the  Senate 
during  the  period  when  many  fell  away,  while  for  Bristow  he 
entertained  an  especial  bitterness.  He  looked  upon  Bristow 
as  a  Cabinet  Minister  who  had  become  not  only  the  rival  of 
his  chief,  but  the  instigator  of  all  the  fierce  and  personal 
attacks  directed  against  himself  during  the  concluding  years 
of  his  Administration.  I  was  out  of  the  country  and  had  no 
personal  knowledge  of  the  matter.  I  am  far  from  declaring 
that  Grant's  feeling  was  justified  by  facts;  I  simply  record 
the  sentiment,  which  was  one  of  the  most  intense  he  ever 
knew.  But  for  Blaine  at  this  time  Grant  had  no  animosity ; 
he  opposed  him  because  he  was  the  competitor  of  Conkling. 
When,  however,  Hayes  became  the  candidate  by  a  com 
promise,  Grant  was  loyal  to  his  party  and  to  the  decision  of 
its  representatives.  No  one  suspected  him,  and  few  accused 
him,  of  using  his  office  illegitimately  in  behalf  of  Hayes ;  but 

(247) 


248  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

he  made  his  preference  known,  and  urged  his  friends  to  sup 
port  the  new  Republican  standard-bearer.  His  action  was 
fully  appreciated ;  Hayes,  in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  had 
pledged  himself  not  to  become  a  candidate  for  a  second  term, 
but  afterwards  feared  that  this  might  be  regarded  as  a  criti 
cism  of  Grant's  course  in  accepting  a  renomination  in  1872. 
He  therefore  wrote  to  Grant,  and  explained  that  he  intended 
no  reflection  on  the  conduct  of  his  predecessor,  but  that,  by 
making  a  second  term  for  himself  impossible,  he  hoped  to 
secure  the  support  of  other  and  expectant  candidates,  who 
would  perceive  that  they  also  had  their  opportunities. 

When  the  first  announcement  of  Tilden's  election  was 
made,  a  day  or  two  after  the  vote,  Grant,  like  a  good  citizen, 
was  prepared  to  acquiesce  in  the  defeat  of  his  party,  but  the 
uncertainty  as  to  the  result  which  immediately  arose  made 
him,  of  course,  anxious.  He  invited  important  persons  of 
both  parties  to  visit  the  disputed  States,  and  to  investigate 
and  report  the  situation ;  but  their  statements  were  so  con 
flicting  that  he  determined  it  would  be  improper  for  him  to 
form  a  conclusion,  much  more  to  offer  a  judgment.  The 
position  he  held  during  the  crisis,  which  at  times  almost 
threatened  civil  war,  was  extremely  delicate,  and  he  resolved 
in  no  way  to  attempt  to  affect  the  result  after  the  election 
had  occurred  and  while  the  decision  was  yet  contested. 

The  election  occurred  on  the  7th  of  November,  and  on 
the  1 8th  he  wrote  to  me  at  London:  "I  expect  to  be  in  Eng 
land  early  in  July,  when  I  shall  hope  to  see  you,  if  my  suc 
cessor  has  not  decapitated  you  before  that.  The  question  of 
successor  is  not  yet  fully  determined,  nor  can  it  be  until  we 
get  the  official  canvass  of  the  States  of  Louisiana,  South 
Carolina,  and  Florida."  As  the  contest  waxed  furious  he 
was  approached  on  one  side  and  threatened  on  the  other,  but 
could  not  be  induced  to  swerve  from  the  line  he  had  marked 
out  for  himself.  He  held  that  he  was  in  no  way  the  judge  of 
the  elections,  but  he  was  determined  to  preserve  the  peace 


GRANT  AND    HAYES.  249 

of  the  country,  and  watched  every  step  and  every  indication 
of  feeling,  North  and  South,  with  the  closest  solicitude. 

Finally,  Congress  concluded  to  appoint  the  Electoral 
Commission  and  to  abide  by  its  decision,  and  then  Grant  felt 
that  he  had  a  definite  duty  to  perform.  He  approved  the 
appointment  of  the  commission  as  the  only  means  to  avoid 
fierce  strife,  and  in  spite  of  the  probability  that  its  decision 
would  be  in  favor  of  the  Democratic  candidate;  but  when, 
by  a  change  in  the  composition  of  the  Commission,  the  choice 
of  a  Republican  became  almost  inevitable,  he  was  equally 
inflexible  in  the  determination  that  the  decisisn  should  be 
enforced.  In  the  dilemma  into  which  the  country  was  thrust 
Congress  was  the  only  authority  that  could  determine  any 
thing,  and  the  President,  Grant  held,  was  the  executive  of 
the  Congressional  will.  Accordingly,  he  made  every  prepa 
ration  to  carry  out  that  will,  whichever  way  it  turned.  Had 
Tilden  been  declared  President  by  the  Commission,  Grant 
would  assuredly  have  taken  every  step  to  inaugurate  him 
which  he  afterward  took  to  inaugurate  Hayes.* 

As  to  the  exact  legality  of  the  Commission  I  doubt  if  Grant 
ever  expressed  an  opinion.  He  did  not  profess  to  be  a  law 
yer,  and  was  certainly  unversed  in  technicalities  and  abstruse 
reasonings ;  but  he  felt  now  as  he  had  felt  about  the  consti 
tutionality  of  several  executive  acts  during  the  war — that 


*  I  never  met  Mr.  Tilden  until  he  went  abroad  after  the  inauguration  of 
Hayes.  I  was  then  Consul-General  at  London,  and  called  on  him  as  on  a  man 
under  whom  I  might  perhaps  have  served,  or  who,  more  probably,  would  have 
used  his  power  to  remove  me.  He  received  me  cordially,  and  was  evidently 
pleased  at  the  mark  of  respect  from  a  political  opponent.  He  said  that  he  rec 
ognized  all  of  the  American  representatives  abroad  who  had  served  under 
Grant.  They  had  been  appointed  by  a  President ;  but  he  visited  none  of  the 
nominees  of  Playes. 

He  spoke  with  respect  of  General  Grant  and  of  his  services,  although  he 
must  have  known  that,  after  the  result  of  the  Electoral  Commission  was 
declared,  Grant  was  determined  to  place  Hayes  in  the  Presidential  chair.  But 
he  was  probably  equally  certain  that  if  the  decision  had  been  different  Grant 
would  just  as  certainly  have  done  all  in  his  power  to  install  him. 


250 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


they  were  essential  to  the  salvation  of  the  country,  and  that 
the  Constitution  was  devised  to  secure  that  end,  not  to  sub 
vert  it.  He  believed  that  there  was  no  other  practicable  way 
of  settling  the  question  at  issue  in  which  both  parties  would 
acquiesce ;  no  other  arbitrament  but  arms,  and  this  he  was  de 
termined  to  avert.  Therefore,  when  Congress  laid  down  the 
law  he  executed  it. 

I  remember  talking  with  Motley  on  the  subject  at  the  time 
in  London.  Like  most  of  the  disappointed  or  disaffected 
Republicans,  Motley  held  that  Tilden  had  been  elected,  but 
he  said  bitterly  that  made  no  difference,  for  Grant  was  in 
power,  and  he  would  certainly  put  Hayes  into  place.  It  was 
an  unfair  accusation,  but  not  unnatural,  I  suppose,  in  one  who 
thought  he  had  himself  suffered  unjustly  at  Grant's  hands; 
still,  it  showed  a  belief  that  Grant  would  execute  his  deter 
mination.  The  country  at  home  had  the  same  belief  in  his 
inflexibility,  and  felt  that  he  would  carry  out  whatever  policy 
he  might  adopt.  Thus  after  it  was  known  that  he  had  accepted 
the  decision  of  the  Commission  both  sides  breathed  freer: 
they  knew  that  whatever  happened  there  would  be  no  war. 
All  Americans  abroad,  Democrats  as  well  as  Republicans,  ex 
pressed  this  confidence ;  I  often  heard  political  opponents  de 
clare  they  were  glad  that  Grant  was  in  power,  for  at  least 
he  would  preserve  peace ;  and  perhaps  there  were  some  who 
were  not  sorry  to  be  restrained.  It  was  no  reproach  to  their 
courage  to  submit  to  what  Grant  was  sure  to  enforce.  His 
presence  in  the  Presidential  chair  at  this  time  doubtless  did 
much,  not  only  to  allay  the  anxiety-of  the  country,  but  to  pro 
duce  and  preserve  that  peace  which  he  and  all  patriots  desired. 

He  had,  indeed,  a  few  foolish  friends,  personal  or  political, 
who  talked  about  his  holding  over,  retaining  the  Presidency 
himself  and  ordering  a  new  election,  assuming  a  sort  of  dicta 
torship  ;  but  Grant  never  for  a  moment  contemplated  any  un 
constitutional  step,  and  when  the  Commission  decided  that 
Hayes  had  been  elected,  he  made  ready  at  once  to  secure  his 


GRANT  AND   HAYES.  251 

inauguration.  He  conferred  with  his  Cabinet  and  with  Sher 
man,  then  General-in-Chief  of  the  army.  But  there  were  no 
serious  indications  of  resistance  to  the  verdict  of  the  court 
created  by  the  representatives  of  the  people,  and  no  need 
arose  for  extensive  military  preparations.  There  was  not 
more  than  the  complement  of  a  single  regiment  in  Washing 
ton  on  the  4th  of  March.  There  were  troops  enough  within 
reach  to  be  summoned  if  required,  but  no  show  of  preparation 
was  made  to  invite  or  provoke  disturbance. 

The  4th  of  March  that  year  fell  on  a  Sunday,  and  Mr. 
Hayes  arrived  at  Washington  only  the  Friday  before.  Grant 
telegraphed  in  advance  and  invited  him  to  dinner  on  Satur 
day.  The  President-elect  was  requested  to  name  any  persons 
whom  he  would  like  to  be  asked  to  meet  him ;  he  availed  him 
self  of  the  courtesy  and  mentioned  about  a  dozen.  General 
and  Mrs.  Grant  selected  the  other  guests,  and  the  company 
numbered  altogether  about  thirty. 

It  was  a  critical  moment  in  the  history  of  the  country,  and 
the  party  that  met  on  that  3d  of  March  was  not  without  a 
certain  excitement  of  feeling,  though  none  appeared  on  the 
surface.  The  election  of  Hayes  was  still  denied  by  immense 
numbers  of  citizens.  The  Democratic  leaders,  with  marked 
and  elevated  patriotism,  had  accepted  the  decision  and  recom 
mended  acquiescence  to  their  followers,  but  there  was  a  sul- 
lenness  abroad  that  made  many  feel  uneasy.  It  was  not  so 
long  since  the  country  had  emerged  from  civil  war.  Mr. 
Tilden  had  been  publicly  recommended  to  take  the  oath  of 
office  at  New  York,  and  thus  raise  the  question  of  the  legality 
of  Hayes's  inauguration  at  the  Capital.  This  possibility  was 
known,  and  to  meet  the  contingency  the  Chief  Justice  of  the 
United  States  was  invited  to  the  dinner  at  the  White  House. 
During  the  day  Mr.  Fish  approached  Mr.  Hayes,  by  the  desire 
of  Grant,  and  reminded  him  that  the  public  inauguration  could 
not  with  propriety  take  place  on  a  Sunday.  But  it  was  ex 
tremely  important  that  no  opportunity  to  dispute  the  legality 


252  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

of  any  of  the  proceedings  should  be  allowed ;  the  Secretary  of 
State,  therefore,  inquired  whether  Mr.  Hayes  would  take  the 
oath  of  office  then  (on  Saturday),  or  on  Sunday,  the  4th  of 
March.  Mr.  Hayes  replied  that  he  could  not  possibly  be  sworn 
in  on  a  Sunday.  Accordingly,  in  the  evening,  before  dinner, 
the  President-elect  and  the  Chief  Justice,  and  one  or  two 
others,  went  into  the  Red  room,  apart  from  the  rest  of  the 
company,  and  on  the  3d  of  March  Hayes  took  the  oath  of 
office  before  the  Chief  Justice  and  was  inaugurated  President. 
On  the  5th  of  March  he  renewed  the  oath  formally  at  the 
Capitol.  Grant  accompanied  him  thither  and  returned  with 
him  to  the  White  House,  where  a  large  party  lunched  together, 
after  which  Grant  made  way  for  Hayes. 

Grant  had  done  all  that  was  proper  in  his  position  to 
assist  in  the  election  of  Hayes,  and  very  much  indeed  to 
facilitate  his  installation,  and  Hayes  appreciated  this  course. 
A  few  days  after  the  4th  of  March,  the  new  President  invited 
Grant  to  say  if  there  were  any  personal  friends  in  office 
whom  he  would  like  to  have  retained.  Grant  named  about 
half  a  dozen,  among  them  his  brother-in-law,  Mr.  Cramer,  the 
Minister  to  Denmark.  My  own  name  as  Consul-General  at 
London  was  also  mentioned.  These  requests  Mr.  Hayes 
religiously  observed,  though  in  my  case,  at  least,  great  press 
ure  was  brought  to  induce  him  to  break  his  pledge.  My 
place  was  wanted  by  two  Cabinet  Ministers  for  their  own 
friends,  and  was  actually  offered  to  Chester  A.  Arthur,  then 
collector  at  New  York,  by  Sherman,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  Arthur  declined  it,  and  I  never  heard  that  Sher 
man's  offer  was  authorized  by  Hayes.  Mr.  Sherman,  how 
ever,  was  under  no  obligation  to  me,  nor  indeed  to  Gen 
eral  Grant,  beyond  that  which  every  citizen  of  the  country 
shared. 

The  new  Administration  showed  Grant  all  proper  civilities 
during  his  stay  abroad.  Naval  vessels  were  placed  at  his 
disposal  in  European  and  Asiatic  waters,  and  diplomatic  and 


GRANT  AND    HAYES.  253 

consular  officers  were  instructed  by  the  State  Department  to 
pay  him  every  honor  in  the  countries  to  which  they  were 
were  accredited.  But  the  policy  of  Hayes's  Government 
Grant  always  thought  reflected  on  his  own.  An  avowed  and 
personal  enemy  of  the  ex-President  was  made  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  while  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  were  men  for  whom  he  had  no  personal 
preferences.  He  also  disliked  many  of  Hayes's  inferior 
appointments,  and  never  professed  any  admiration  for  his 
Administration.  He  was  especially  mortified  at  the  appoint 
ment  of  Schurz  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior;  but  he  was  out 
of  power,  and  the  influence  of  an  incoming  Secretary  was 
greater  than  all  the  authority  of  the  ex-President. 

I  suppose  this  feeling  on  Grant's  part  was  not  unnatural ; 
after  having  been  so  long  the  Head  of  the  State  he  could 
hardly  share  the  partialities  or  prejudices  of  an  Administra 
tion  which  had  its  own  aims  and  ambitions  to  foster,  its  own 
friends  to  appoint,  its  own  loves  and  hates  to  gratify.  It 
was  Hayes's  Administration,  not  Grant's;  and  Grant,  who 
had  more  than  a  spice  of  human  nature  in  his  composition, 
liked  it  less  than  if  it  had  consulted  his  wishes  or  views 
instead  of  its  own.  He  felt,  beside,  whether  justly  or  not  I 
do  not  venture  to  decide,  that  his  assistance  having  been 
indispensable  to  the  installation  of  Hayes,  he  should  have 
been  more  considered  afterward.  He  thought  that  the 
reversal  of  much  of  his  own  policy  was  not  only  unwise  but 
offensive,  and  he  endured  his  share  of  the  mortification  that 
comes  to  every  man  who  has  filled  high  public  place  and 
descends  to  a  position  in  which  he  has  no  longer  honors  or 
emoluments  to  dispense,  and  loses  the  obsequious  homage 
which  follows  only  power. 

But  he  offered  no  more  than  an  occasional  criticism  of 
Mr.  Hayes  or  his  Government,  and  never  opposition,  except 
to  Schurz,  his  dislike  for  whom  was  doubtless  returned  in 
kind.  Schurz  was  indeed  one  of  the  men  for  whom  Grant 


254 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


conceived  a  violent  hate,  yet  even  Schurz  called  at  Grant's 
house  to  inquire  for  him  while  the  great  soldier  lay  dying. 

Mr.  Hayes  also  went  to  the  house  of  his  predecessor  on 
a  visit  of  sympathy  at  the  same  sad  time,  and  he  attended 
Grant's  funeral 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

LEAVING  THE   WHITE    HOUSE* 

THE  close  of  Grant's  Presidential  career  elicited  a  remark 
able  comment  from  the  great  French  statesman  Thiers, 
who  was  at  that  time,  though  no  longer  President,  perhaps 
the  most  important  personage  in  France ;  almost  controlling 
parties  in  his  own  country  and  watching  with  an  acute  and 
intelligent  interest  the  great  political  crisis  on  this  side  the 
seas.  General  Sickles  was  then  residing  in  Paris  and  in 
the  habit  of  meeting  the  ex-President  frequently.  To  him 
Thiers  declared  that  no  country  in  Europe  could  have  passed 
through  the  situation  which  agitated  America  without  a  seri 
ous  disturbance  of  the  state.  He  thought  it  possible  that 
France  or  Germany  or  England  might  have  weathered  storms 
equal  to  those  of  our  War  of  the  Rebellion,  and  even  have 
passed  through  the  difficulties  of  the  Reconstruction  period, 
but  he  knew  of  no  other  country  that  could  have  withstood 
the  dangers  of  a  disputed  election,  when  the  parties  were  so 
nearly  matched,  and  so  soon  after  a  civil  war.  Thiers  did 
not  hesitate  to  attribute  much  of  the  good  fortune  of  the 
United  States  in  this  emergency  to  the  wisdom  and  courage 
and  moderation  of  Grant. 

I  have  indeed  heard  it  doubted  whether  General  Grant's 
course  at  this  crisis  had  much  to  do  with  the  result ;  but  let 
any  one  suppose  that  the  Head  of  the  State  had  acted  with 
indiscretion  or  indecision,  had  shown  undue  partiality,  had 
instigated  on  one  hand  or  aroused  on  the  other  the  passions 
of  either  party,  each  only  waiting  to  be  started  into  a  blaze ; 

(255) 


256 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


let  it  be  supposed  that  Buchanan  or  Johnson  had  held  the 
reins,  or  any  one  of  half  a  dozen  prominent  men  on  either 
side  —  Sumner,  or  Wade,  or  Stanton,  or  Toombs  —  how  easily 
the  horrors  of  civil  war  might  have  been  brought  home  — 
this  time  to  the  North.  The  quarrel  then  would  have  been, 
not  between  two  different  sections  of  the  Republic,  but 
between  enemies  in  every  city  and  street  and  household. 

It  is  quite  as  much  by  what  he  left  undone  in  civil 
affairs,  as  by  what  he  did,  that  Grant  is  to  be  judged.  His 
singular  power  of  restraint,  backed  by  his  acknowledged 
energy  and  force,  was  of  enormous  advantage  to  the  country 
at  times  like  those  in  which  he  performed  the  duties  of  the 
Executive.  And  although  his  Presidental  career  is  often 
harshly  criticised  by  some  who  admire  his  military  ability, 
though  he  was  supported,  and  sometimes  seemed  to  be 
surrounded,  by  many  whose  association  conferred  neither 
honor  on  himself  nor  benefit  on  the  country :  though  there 
were  acts  in  his  Administration  which  he  publicly  admitted 
were  blunders,  history  will  be  far  from  recording  his  political 
career  as  a  failure. 

He  took  up  the  cares  of  state  not  only  immediately  after  a 
convulsion  that  was  one  of  the  greatest  in  history,  but  after 
the  situation  had  been  complicated  to  the  very  verge  of  rev 
olution  by  the  struggle  between  two  coordinate  branches  of 
the  Government ;  after  the  disruption  of  a  party,  the  impeach 
ment  and  trial  of  a  President,  the  revival  of  much  of  the 
bitterness  of  the  war.  No  task  could  be  more  difficult  or 
delicate  than  his,  at  such  a  juncture,  and  it  can  at  least 
be  said  that  after  eight  years  of  power  he  handed  over  to  his 
successor  the  Government  of  a  country  so  far  pacified  and 
reconciled  that  even  the  awful  shape  of  a  disputed  election 
had  been  appeased.  The  States  were  all  restored  to  the 
Union,  and  Reconstruction,  whatever  its  merits  or  demerits, 
was  accomplished.  That  measure  was  not  initiated  by  Grant, 
nor  were  all  its  provisions  or  results  those  which  he  would 


LEAVING  THE  WHITE   HOUSE.  257 

have  recommended  or  desired,  but  Congress  laid  down  the 
law  and  General  Grant  as  President  executed  it.  During  the 
twelve  years  of  his  civil  career,  for  in  reality  this  began  with 
Johnson's  accession  to  power,  he  performed  a  task  fully  equal 
in  importance  to  the  country  to  whatever  he  achieved  in  war. 
A  man  with  less  sense  and  patriotism,  or  more  ambition, 
might  in  his  position,  and  with  his  immense  popularity,  have 
undone  much  that  he  had  accomplished  in  the  war.  But 
Grant's  self-abnegation  was  fully  equal  to  Washington's  at 
the  close  of  the  Revolution. 

It  is  true  no  crown  was  ever  offered  him,  and  the  country 
would  certainly  have  hurled  him  into  insignificance  or  worse 
had  he  attempted  to  seize  one ;  but  there  were  a  thousand  op 
portunities  to  increase  his  prerogative  and  confirm  his  power 
which  he  steadily  refused.  All  who  knew  him  closely  at  the 
times  when  temptation  might  have  been  strong  with  other 
men,  will  assuredly  testify  that  the  thought  of  self-aggrandize 
ment  was  always  furthest  from  his  mind.  He  had,  indeed,  an 
apparent  lack  of  ambition,  and  even  of  aspiration,  that  amount 
ed  almost  to  indifference;  a  singular  moderation  running 
through  his  whole  character,  which  some  considered  stolidity ; 
but  which  tempered  what  without  it  would  have  been  harsher 
qualities,  and  produced  all  the  results  of  wisdom,  patience, 
judgment,  and  even  far-sighted  patriotism.  He  saw,  even 
plainer  than  his  political  friends,  the  possibilities  that  told  in 
his  own  favor  and  he  put  them  away. 

Shortly  after  the  close  of  the  war  I  was  present  when 
Charles  Sumner  proposed  to  him  that  a  painting  should  be 
placed  at  the  Capitol  to  represent  the  surrender  of  Lee ;  but 
Grant  declared  that  he  was  unwilling  that  any  commemora 
tion  of  the  defeat  and  disaster  of  one  section  of  the  country 
should  be  perpetuated  at  the  Capitol.  Again,  a  few  days  be 
fore  his  first  inauguration,  Mr.  Elaine,  then  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  formally  suggested  that  Congress 
should  allow  Grant  a  leave  of  absence  from  the  army  for  four 
17 


258  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

years,  so  that  at  the  expiration  of  his  Presidential  term  he 
could  resume  his  place  as  General-in-Chief,  with  the  rank 
and  position  created  especially  for  him.  But  Grant  said  he 
could  not  sleep  at  night  if  he  kept  Sherman  and  Sheridan  and 
all  the  other  officers  lower  down  out  of  the  promotion  which 
his  retention  of  office  would  prohibit  to  each  of  them.  He 
declared  that  they  had  won  their  promotion  as  rightfully  as 
he  had  his  own,  and  he  gave  up  his  rank  and  appointed  Sher 
man  the  day  after  he  was  inaugurated. 

People  have  forgotten  his  popularity  after  the  close  of  the 
war,  but  at  that  time  almost  anything  that  could  have  been 
proposed  to  honor  him  would  have  been  approved,  and  it  was 
his  very  unselfishness,  his  purity  in  public  matters  that  after 
ward  made  his  private  misfortunes  possible. 

But  during  the  last  years  of  his  Presidency  the  reaction 
that  comes  so  inevitably  to  the  most  fortunate  of  men  almost 
overwhelmed  him.  Political  friends  became  enemies,  private 
and  personal  ones  used  their  connection  with  him  to  advance 
themselves  and  their  interests  illegitimately;  and  the  public 
believed  far  worse  things  of  him  and  of  them  than  there  was 
cause  for.  I  was  away  from  the  country  during  all  this 
period,  but  I  know  how  keenly  he  felt  the  loss  of  his  popu 
larity,  of  the  change  in  the  public  feeling  toward  himself. 
After  it  was  decided  that  he  was  not  to  become  a  candidate 
for  a  third  term,  he  was  extremely  anxious  to  lay  down  his 
responsibilities  and  his  duties,  wearied  of  public  life  and  pub 
lic  cares.  But  then  came  the  great  trouble  of  the  closing 
months  of  his  Administration,  the  disputed  election,  carrying 
danger,  anxiety,  and  the  possibility  of  strife  into  the  very  last 
hours  of  his  Presidency.  Finally  this  was  averted,  and  he 
was  able  to  transfer  his  great  office  to  a  successor  without 
difficulty  or  disturbance. 

He  and  Mrs.  Grant  retired  with  dignity  from  the  place 
they  had  filled,  and  performed  their  last  social  duties  at  the 
Executive  Mansion  gracefully.  I  have  already  told  that  they 


LEAVING  THE  WHITE   HOUSE.  259 

gave  a  dinner  to  the  President-elect  on  the  3d  of  March ;  and 
while  Grant  attended  to  the  grave  political  complications  of 
the  hour,  and  arranged  for  the  private  inauguration  of  his 
successor  in  advance  of  the  public  one,  Mrs.  Grant  dispensed 
her  parting  hospitalities  under  these  delicate  and  unwonted 
circumstances.  She  did  not  accompany  her  husband  to  the 
Capitol  to  see  another  man  installed  in  the  place  which  he 
had  held ;  and  it  may  not  be  improper  to  say  just  here,  that 
as  perhaps  any  wife  in  her  situation  would  have  been,  Mrs. 
Grant  was  unwilling  to  have  her  husband  retire;  she  had 
desired  him  to  become  a  candidate  for  another  term,  and  the 
dignity  with  which  she  relinquished  her  own  honors  and  place 
receives  to  my  mind  an  added  illustration  when  this  senti 
ment  is  known. 

She  prepared  a  suitable  entertainment  for  the  new  occu 
pants  of  the  Executive  Mansion,  on  their  return  from  the 
Capitol  to  take  her  place  from  her.  She  invited  the  members 
of  General  Grant's  Cabinet  and  their  families,  her  own 
especial  associates  during  the  years  of  her  pre-eminence,  as 
well  as  others  whom  she  thought  it  would  be  agreeable  to  the 
new  President  to  meet.  She  directed  the  establishment  to 
be  put  in  complete  order  so  that  its  future  mistress  might  find 
all  that  was  necessary  even  to  supply  her  table  for  at  least  a 
day ;  and  having  superintended  the  removal  of  the  personal 
effects  of  her  own  family,  the  lady  who  had  presided  so  long 
at  the  White  House  was  ready  to  receive  her  successor  and 
the  new  President  when  they  arrived  from  the  inauguration. 

Then  Mrs.  Grant  took  the  arm  of  President  Hayes,  and 
considering  herself  still  the  hostess,  as  she  actually  was,  she 
sat  at  the  head  of  the  table.  Ex-President  Grant  of  course 
took  in  Mrs.  Hayes,  and  after  the  luncheon,  which  was  an 
entertainment  befitting  the  occasion,  General  and  Mrs.  Grant 
bade  good-bye  to  the  house  where  they  had  spent  so  many 
proud  and  happy  hours.  Several  of  the  ladies  of  the  Cabinet 
told  me  of  this  scene,  and  confessed  that  they  themselves 


260  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

shed  a  few  natural  tears ;  but  Mrs.  Grant  kept  up  her  spirit, 
and  General  Grant  of  course  showed  no  more  emotion  than 
if  he  had  been  in  the  Wilderness. 

They  drove  in  their  own  carriage  to  the  house  of  Mr. 
Fish,  where  they  remained  nearly  a  month,  the  recipients  of 
courtesies  and  invitations  from  the  most  distinguished  mem 
bers  of  that  society  of  which  they  had  so  long  been  at  the 
head.  People  could  not  do  enough  to  honor  them.  States 
men  of  all  parties  combined  to  show  General  Grant  respect, 
and  this  was  only  the  presage  of  the  outbreak  of  admiration 
that  swept  over  the  land.  •  Wherever  the  ex-President  went 
he  was  the  object  of  personal  attention  and  popular  demon 
strations;  and  when  his  countrymen  learned  that  he  was 
going  abroad,  that  the  man  who  had  so  long  been  pre-emi 
nent  both  in  civil  and  military  affairs  was  to  leave  them  for 
a  while,  their  enthusiasm  became  unbounded.  Thousands 
can  remember  the  scenes  in  Philadelphia  at  his  departure; 
the  dinners  and  banquets  that  succeeded  each  other  for  days ; 
the  illustrious  party  that  accompanied  him  down  the  Dela 
ware  ;  the  crowds  of  vessels  of  every  character  that  escorted 
his  own  steamer  for  miles  —  an  ovation  such  as  no  American 
had  ever  before  received.  Now  that  he  was  out  of  politics 
the  country  seemed  determined  to  show  to  itself  and  to  the 
world  that  it  could  appreciate  the  man  who  had  done  so  much, 
not  only  to  save  it,  but  afterward  to  secure  that  result  which 
more  than  any  other  one  man  he  had  assisted  to  achieve. 

If  deeds  are  taken  into  account  General  Grant  will  be 
recognized  hereafter  as  a  statesman  as  well  as  a  warrior. 
History  may  be  searched  in  vain  for  an  instance  of  pacifica 
tion  on  so  grand  a  scale  and  after  so  tremendous  a  convulsion 
—  accomplished  so  completely  and  in  so  short  a  while  as 
under  Grant;  and  two  other  great  achievements  of  his 
Administration  can  never  be  blotted  out.  The  country  was 
saved  from  the  dishonor  and  misfortune  which  it  is  now 
universally  admitted  would  have  followed  financial  inflation  — 


LEAVING   THE  WHITE   HOUSE.  26l 

saved  by  Grant's  courage  in  vetoing  the  measure  against  the 
advice  of  a  majority  of  the  most  prominent  of  his  political 
friends;  and  the  United  States  came  out  of  the  long  and  at 
times  dangerous  diplomatic  struggle  with  England  with  dignity 
and  yet  with  peace  assured,  having  won  indemnity  and  apology 
from  the  foremost  of  modern  nations.  Results  like  these  of  a 
political  Administration  will  be  remembered  when  the  petty 
squabbles  that  once  seemed  so  important  have  sunk  into  their 
natural  oblivion. 

On  the  day  that  I  met  General  Grant  in  England,  not 
three  months  after  his  retirement  from  the  Presidency,  he 
told  me  of  the  revulsion  in  public  feeling  at  home  in  regard 
to  himself.  He  spoke  with  a  warmth  and  an  evident  satis 
faction  most  unusual  in  him,  from  which  I  learned  how  acutely 
he  must  have  felt  the  storm  of  unpopularity  through  which 
he  had  passed.  "Why,  Badeau,"  he  said,  "it  was  just  as 
it  was  immediately  after  the  war."  He  expressed  besides 
a  feeling  of  great  relief  at  the  freedom  from  public  cares  for 
the  first  time  in  sixteen  years.  He  was  glad,  he  declared,  to 
be  rid  of  the  responsibilities  and  anxieties  of  office,  to  escape 
from  the  importunities  and  criticisms  that  are  the  shadow  of 
prerogative.  He  soon  forgot  any  provocations  he  thought  he 
had  received  from  a  few  in  the  recollection  of  the  love  and 
regard  with  which  the  people  had  welcomed  him  again  to 
their  more  immediate  fellowship.  He  had  always  hated  the 
trammels  of  high  position,  and  now  enjoyed  the  freedom  from 
restraint  which  a  private  life  secures ;  and  he  looked  forward 
with  the  eagerness  of  a  boy  to  the  pleasures  of  foreign  travel 
and  fresh  experience. 

GENERAL  GRANT  TO  GENERAL  BADEAU. 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  Nov.  19,  1871.  ) 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  As  I  have  before  assured  you  your  letters 
are  received  and  read  with  great  pleasure,  though  I  may  not  find' 


262  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

time  to  answer  many  of  them.  The  information  asked  for  by  you 
from  the  War  Department  Porter  undertook  to  get,  and  has 
obtained  so  far  as  the  clerks  in  the  Department  could  work  it  out. 
But  it  does  not  satisfy  Porter,  and  he  now  intends  to  go  to  the 
Department  himself  and  work  it  up.  This  accounts  for  the  delay. 

I  have  not  yet  written  a  line  in  my  message.  Will  commence 
to-morrow,  and  hope  to  make  it  short.  Everything  in  the  country 
looks  politically  well  at  present.  The  most  serious  apprehension 
is  from  the  awards  that  may  be  made  by  the  Commissioners  at 
Geneva  and  in  Washington.  Should  they  be  largely  in  favor  of 
the  English  it  would  at  least  cause  much  disappointment.  In 
speaking  of  political  matters,  I  do  not  of  course  allude  to  my  own 
chances.  It  will  be  a  happy  day  for  me  when  I  am  out  of  political 
life.  But  I  do  feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  Republican  party  keep 
ing  control  of  office  until  the  results  of  the  war  are  acquiesced  in 
by  all  political  parties.  When  that  is  accomplished  we  can  afford 
to  quarrel  about  minor  matters. 

My  family  are  all  well  and  send  you  their  kindest  regards. 
Fred  sailed  for  Europe  on  Friday  last.  He  will  be  in  England 
about  May  next  and  will  stay  there,  I  hope,  long  enough  to  do  up 
the  island  pretty  well.  Yours  truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 


CHAPTER   XXX. 

GRANT    IN    ENGLAND. 

WHEN  General  Grant  determined  to  visit  England  after 
the  close  of  his  Presidency,  I  asked  him  to  make  my 
house  his  home  as  long  as  he  remained  in  London.  But  he 
thought  his  party  would  be  too  large,  and,  as  he  expected  to 
pass  the  summer  in  London,  the  visit  might  be  too  long.  He 
promised,  however,  to  stay  with  me  if  I  would  allow  him  to 
share  the  expense.  He  said  we  had  messed  together  in  the 
field,  and  there  was  no  reason  why  we  should  not  do  it  again. 
I  was  only  too  glad  to  have  him  with  me  on  any  terms,  and 
told  him  he  should  decide.  Circumstances  afterward  changed 
this  arrangement.  He  passed  only  three  weeks  under  my 
roof,  and  for  this  period  he  consented  to  become  my  guest, 
for  he  knew  the  great  pleasure  it  would  give  me ;  but  he  left 
America  intending  to  go  direct  'to  my  house,  and  to  mess 
with  me. 

Before  he  arrived  at  Queenstown,  Mr.  Pierrepont,  the 
American  Minister,  who  had  also  been  Grant's  Attorney- 
General,  determined  to  ask  the  ex-President  to  stay  with  him. 
This  would  be  so  advantageous  from  a  public  point  of  view 
that  I  could  offer  no  opposition.  I  met  General  Grant  at 
Liverpool,  and  he  agreed  with  me  that  it  was  more  appro 
priate  for  him  first  to  visit  the  Minister.  Accordingly,  he 
divided  his  time  between  us. 

Mr.  Pierrepont  had  taken  every  step  in  advance  to  secure 
for  his  former  chief  a  fitting  reception.  He  often  said  to  me, 
that  if  he  had  any  influence  General  Grant  should  not  be 

(263) 


264  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

treated  as  the  ex-Presidents  were  who  had  previously  visited 
England.  Mr.  Fillmore  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  received 
little  or  no  attention,  because  of  the  position  they  had  held. 
They  were  both  invited  by  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
but  each  was  sent  in  to  dinner  without  a  lady  and  at  the  tail 
of  the  procession.  They  were  Mr.  Fillmore  and  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  and  nothing  more.  Mr.  Pierrepont  said,  that  in  a 
country  where  such  matters  are  regarded  as  important,  he 
was  not  willing  that  General  Grant  should  surfer  what  might 
seem  like  an  indignity. 

But  at  first  the  English  were  not  inclined  to  make  any  dis 
tinction  in  favor  of  General  Grant.  They  said  :  "  Americans 
give  their  ex-Presidents  no  rank,  why  should  we  ? "  When 
Pierrepont  pointed  out  that  ex-Kings  received  peculiar  honors, 
he  was  told  that  they  were  born  in  the  purple ;  the  ex-King 
of  Hanover  was  the  Queen's  own  cousin.  They  forgot  that 
the  ex-Emperor  of  the  French,  the  veriest  of  pretenders  and 
interlopers,  was  treated  as  an  equal  by  Queen  Victoria  after 
his  downfall ;  yet  he  had  not  even  served  out  his  term,  but 
was  deposed  by  the  people  who,  he  claimed,  had  elected  him. 
It  was  besides  incorrect  to  say  that  no  provision  is  made  in 
America  for  honoring  ex-Presidents.  The  regulations  of  the 
Navy  prescribe  that  the  same  salute  shall  be  given  to  an 
ex-President  as  to  a  President,  and  although  no  rules  for  pre 
cedence  exist  in  the  United  States,  except  at  Washington, 
there  could  be  no  occasion,  public  or  private,  when  General 
Grant  would  not  receive  the  first  place,  after  the  actual 
President. 

Mr.  Pierrepont  discussed  these  points  with  Lord  Derby, 
the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  who  finally  agreed  in  behalf 
of  the  British  Government  that  General  Grant  should  be 
received  as  an  ex-sovereign ;  he  was  to  make  the  first  visit  to 
the  members  of  the  royal  family,  but  every  other  Englishman 
was  to  yield  him  precedence.  There  was,  however,  still  a 
question  of  etiquette  with  the  foreign  representatives.  The 


GRANT  IN   ENGLAND.  26$ 

Government  could  give  General  Grant  precedence  over 
envoys,  but  the  Ambassadors  represented  the  persons  of 
their  sovereigns,  and  would  not  yield.  "There  would  be  a 
war,"  said  the  Foreign  Minister.  But  even  this  difficulty  was 
finally  disposed  of  by  diplomatic  skill.  Lord  Derby  was  to 
give  a  dinner  at  the  Foreign  Office  on  the  night  after  General 
Grant  arrived  in  London.  It  was  the  Queen's  birthday,  when 
there  is  always  a  dinner  to  the  foreign  representatives.  Now 
if  General  Grant  went  to  this  dinner  the  great  question  of 
precedence  would  at  once  arise ;  so  Lord  Derby  determined 
not  to  invite  General  Grant  on  this  occasion,  but  to  ask  him 
afterward  and  then  leave  out  the  Ambassadors.  Mr.  Pierre- 
pont  was  obliged  to  go  to  the  dinner,  for  he  was  an  envoy, 
and  to  stay  away  would  be  a  slight  to  the  Queen ;  but  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  asked  General  Grant  for  the  same  night, 
and  had  no  Ambassadors. 

All  this  was  arranged  before  General  Grant  arrived  in 
London,  and  without  his  knowledge.  Had  he  been  consulted 
he  would  probably  have  said  that  he  wished  no  question 
raised,  but  I  am  not  sure  that  he  was  sorry  afterward  that  the 
point  was  made.  The  precedent  set  in  England  was  followed 
all  over  the  world,  and  the  success  of  his  wonderful  tour  was 
certainly  aided  by  the  character  of  the  reception  he  met  from 
the  important  personages  of  England.  The  distinctive  recog 
nition  of  his  consequence  as  ex-President  was  due  to  the 
efforts  of  Mr.  Pierrepont.  Without  those  efforts  General 
Grant  would  doubtless  have  met  with  the  same  enthusiastic 
welcome  from  the  English  people,  and  from  other  peoples 
afterward,  but  he  might  not  have  received  the  distinguished 
treatment  from  sovereigns  that  made  his  journey  around  the 
world  unprecedented  in  history.  Some  republicans  have 
thought  there  was  too  much  consequence  given  to  etiquette 
at  the  time,  but  the  incidents  that  happened  to  Fillmore  and 
Van  Buren  show  what  might  have  occurred  to  Grant ;  and 
some  of  the  good  feeling  which  at  present  exists  between 


266  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

England  and  the  United  States  might  not  have  been  aroused, 
had  the  representative  American  been  slighted  or  officially 
ignored.  The  difficulty  Mr.  Pierrepont  had  in  arranging  the 
matter  shows  that  such  an  event  was  not  impossible. 

But  the  English  Government  was  as  good  as  its  word. 
Grant  had  precedence  of  all  Englishmen  at  every  house  in 
England  but  one,  and  that  house  was  not  the  Queen's.  Lord 
Beaconsfield,  the  Prime  Minister,  set  the  example.  He  invited 
Grant  to  dinner  before  the  General  had  called  on  him,  and 
attended  the  party  made  by  the  American  Minister  in  Grant's 
honor.  This  party  was  also  attended  by  the  foreign  Ambassa 
dors,  who  conceded  so  much  as  this,  but  insisted  that  their 
presence  should  be  considered  a  visit,  which  was  to  be 
punctiliously  returned,  and  I  went  about  with  the  poor  Gen 
eral  half  the  next  day  leaving  cards. 

When  Mr.  Pierrepont  gave  a  dinner  to  the  Prince  of 
Wales  for  General  Grant,  the  same  question  came  up  again ; 
for  as  Pierrepont  was  a  Minister  he  could  not  invite  the 
Prince  of  Wales  without  asking  the  Ambassadors,  while  they, 
if  they  wanted  to,  could  not  stay  away.  The  matter  was 
duly  considered  by  the  Lord  Chamberlain  and  the  envoy  and 
the  Ambassadors,  and  I  am  not  sure  that  the  Prince  himself 
was  not  consulted,  for  he  is  a  great  authority  on  etiquette. 
Finally  it  was  agreed  that  for  this  occasion  General  Grant 
might  precede  the  Ambassadors  ;  and  as  there  were  only  two 
ladies  present  the  Prince  took  in  Mrs.  Pierrepont  and 
Mr.  Pierrepont  took  Mrs.  Grant.  The  Ambassadors  fol 
lowed,  and  there  was  no  war. 

Mr.  Pierrepont  constantly  gave  up  his  place  to  General 
Grant,  for  this  was  necessary  according  to  court  rules.  No 
American  can  properly  precede  the  American  Minister  at  the 
court  to  which  he  is  accredited.  Mr.  Lowell  did  the  same 
thing  in  Spain,  and  General  Read  in  Greece,  and  others 
whenever  the  occasion  arose ;  for  Pierrepont's  difficulties 
were  presented  to  other  Ministers. 


GRANT  IN  ENGLAND.  26/ 

The  first  dinner  General  Grant  attended  in  London  was  at 
Apsley  House,  the  residence  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington.  The 
son  of  the  great  English  soldier  said  that  it  was  proper  for  him 
to  welcome  the  first  of  American  soldiers.  He  descended  to 
the  door  to  receive  General  Grant,  according  to  the  etiquette 
maintained  with  royal  personages,  and  escorted  him  in  the 
same  way  on  his  departure ;  but  I  can  remember  no  other 
occasion  when  this  ceremony  was  performed  by  Englishmen. 

At  Lord  Derby's  dinner  General  Grant  had  precedence  of 
the  Prime  Minister ;  at  Lord  Houghton's  he  went  in  before 
several  dukes ;  and  so  on.  The  point  was  settled  and  no  one 
questioned  it  afterward ;  although  in  advance  I  more  than 
once  heard  English  men  and  women  scout  the  idea  that  an 
ex-President  could  precede  a  duke.  Every  one,  of  course, 
was  polite.  The  General  was  incessantly  invited  by  the 
highest  nobility,  and  during  the  three  weeks  that  he  stayed 
at  my  house  three  thousand  cards  were  left  for  him.  It 
came  to  such  a  pass  that  people  could  hardly  afford  not  to 
call,  lest  it  should  be  supposed  they  were  not  of  sufficient 
consequence.  I  had  a  party  myself  for  the  General,  and 
English  people  of  rank  who  didn't  know  me  went  down  on 
their  knees  to  my  friends,  imploring  invitations.  This  sounds 
preposterous ;  nevertheless  it  is  true. 

All  this  was  very  pleasant  to  those  who  were  fond  of  the 
General,  and  agreeable  to  any  Americans  who  regarded  him 
as  an  especial  representative ;  he  did  not  himself  pretend  to 
be  indifferent ;  but  the  aristocratic  courtesies  were  insignifi 
cant  compared  with  his  reception  by  the  common  people  of 
England.  The  high  society  has  its  sensation  every  season  ; 
there  is  always  a  Czar,  or  a  Shah,  or  some  other  potentate 
who  is  the  lion  of  the  hour ;  and  that  year  it  was  General 
Grant.  For  their  own  sakes  the  important  people  paid  him 
compliments ;  the  Government  for  political  reasons,  the 
fashionable  sort  because  they  like  to  know  and  to  say  that 
they  know  all  the  great  ones  of  the  earth ;  they  are  not  like 


268  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

American  exclusives,  civil  only  to  their  own  kind.  A  great 
democrat  was  to  them  even  more  of  a  curiosity  than  a  king ; 
and  their  breeding  compelled  them  to  show  such  a  stranger 
the  courtesy  it  had  been  decided  to  accord. 

But  the  common  people  were  not  included  in  the  diplo 
matic  arrangements,  and  they  took  the  matter  into  their  own 
hands,  without  consulting  the  Lord  Chamberlain.  To  them 
the  coming  of  an  ex-President  was  an  event.  It  was  the 
realization  of  what  they  had  heard  of  but  never  seen  —  that  a 
plain  man,  without  rank,  or  birth,  or  fortune,  with  only  native 
ability  and  character  to  back  him,  could  become  one  of  the 
potentates  of  the  earth.  He  was  the  incarnation  of  Repub 
licanism.  He  was  Democracy  itself  in  the  house  of  Aristoc 
racy. 

Besides  this,  many  of  the  working  people  had  sympathized 
with  the  Union  in  its  struggle  for  existence.  They  knew  that 
the  high  society  was  almost  universally  on  the  side  of  the 
South,  not  because  it  loved  the  South  any  better  than  it 
did  the  North,  nor  in  fact  as  well,  but  it  wanted  the  Republic 
destroyed  because  the  Republic  was  a  reproach  to  aristocracy ; 
for  the  same  reason  the  workingmen  wanted  the  Republic 
saved.  They  knew  that  Grant  had  led  the  Union  armies,  and 
they  greeted  him  as  the  champion  of  the  cause  in  which 
they  too  were  interested.  All  this  is  not  the  partial  fancy  of 
a  friend,  nor  the  rhapsody  of  a  republican ;  it  was  said  again 
and  again  in  my  hearing,  in  public  speech  and  private  conver 
sation,  and  repeated  in  scores  of  the  provincial  newspapers. 

General  Grant  was  met  when  he  touched  English  soil 
by  the  Mayor  of  Liverpool.  Now  a  Mayor  in  England  is  not 
an  aristocrat ;  he  is  usually  a  tradesman,  probably  a  success 
ful  one,  but  still  not  of  the  upper  class.  The  prosperous  part 
of  the  population  of  Liverpool  is  not  aristocratic ;  it  is  con 
nected  with  trade.  But  the  ovation  General  Grant  at  once 
received  in  that  city  was  prodigious.  He  was  taken  to  the 
Custom  House,  and  ten  thousand  respectable  citizens  crowded 


GRANT   IN   ENGLAND.  269 

into  the  hall  to  give  him  the  first  promise  of  what  was  to 
follow  all  over  the  land.  The  next  day  the  scene  was 
repeated ;  and  so  it  went  on.  At  Manchester  he  was  the 
guest  of  the  city  and  lodged  in  the  Town  Hall,  which  had 
never  been  occupied  by  State  guests  before.  Banquets  and 
processions  were  made  for  him,  orations  delivered ;  he  was 
taken  to  the  places  of  public  interest  —  always  by  people  of 
the  great  middle  class.  Not  a  lord  appeared  until  he  reached 
London.  When  he  entered  a  theatre  the  orchestra  played 
"Hail  Columbia,"  and  the  actors  stopped  the  performance 
while  the  audience  rose  as  they  would  for  a  sovereign. 

He  had  the  same  sort  of  reception  in  every  one  of  the 
great  towns  of  England.  In  each  place  he  was  the  guest  of 
the  civic  authorities,  who,  in  every  one  of  the  large  cities,  are 
men  of  the  middle  class.  In  this  way  he  saw  more  of  that 
great  class  which  constitutes  so  much  of  the  strength,  and 
owns  so  much  of  the  wealth,  and  makes  so  much  of  the  great 
ness  of  England ;  for  lawyers,  merchants,  manufacturers,  edi 
tors,  artists,  literary  men, —  all  that  we  are  in  the  habit  of 
regarding  as  constituting  the  best  elements  of  society — in 
England  belong  to  the  middle  class.  The  cities  are  filled 
with  a  mercantile  or  manufacturing  population,  and  the  aris 
tocracy  never  live  in  any  city  except  London.  If  a  person 
resides  in  a  city  in  England,  you  may  almost  know  that  he  is 
not  an  aristocrat. 

But  it  was  not  only  the  leaders  of  the  middle  class,  the 
wealthy  merchants  and  great  manufacturers,  the  liberal  writ 
ers  and  thinkers,  who  delighted  to  do  General  Grant  honor,  it 
was  those  who,  in  that  country,  are  lower  still  in  the  social 
scale, — the  working  class.  At  places  like  Sheffield,  and 
Sunderland,  and  Birmingham,  and  Manchester,  and  Newcas 
tle,  the  popular  demonstration  equaled  any  in  America  imme 
diately  after  the  war.  Towns  were  illuminated  because  of  his 
presence,  triumphal  arches  were  erected  in  his  honor,  holidays 
were  proclaimed  when  he  arrived,  hundreds  of  thousands 


270  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

turned  out  to  meet  him,  the  banks  of  the  Tyne  were  covered 
with  working  people  for  twenty  miles.  The  horses  were 
taken  from  his  carriage  more  than  once,  and  the  crowds  gath 
ered  around  to  shake  his  hand,  just  as  if  he  had  led  their 
armies  or  fought  for  their  cause.  They  felt,  indeed,  that  the 
cause  was  the  same,  that  he  was  a  leader  in  the  same  battle 
in  which  they  have  still  their  fight  to  make.  Then,  too,  here 
was  a  ruler  of  a  great  people,  and  they  could  shake  his  hand ! 
Here  was  a  President  who  was  not  inaccessible.  It  was 
Democracy  in  the  flesh.  No  wonder  the  poor  who  had  lived 
under  lords  and  sovereigns  for  centuries  felt  that,  whereas 
they  had  been  blind,  now  they  saw. 

While  General  Grant  stayed  at  my  house,  I  remember  two 
visits  that  were  paid  him,  peculiar  in  character.  One  was 
from  the  Comte  de  Paris,  who  wrote  to  me  in  advance  to 
ask  when  it  would  be  agreeable  to  General  Grant  to  receive 
him.  The  services  of  the  Orleans  Prince  in  our  armies  were, 
of  course,  known  to  General  Grant,  but  the  two  had  never 
met  in  America.  Grant's  star  had  not  risen  very  high  when 
the  Comte  de  Paris  was  on  McClellan's  staff,  and  when  Gen 
eral  Grant  was  brought  East  to  command  the  armies,  the 
descendant  of  St.  Louis  had  returned  to  Europe.  Of  course, 
the  visit  was  a  compliment,  and  General  Grant  was  gratified. 
He  conversed  pleasantly  with  the  Prince  and  performed  the 
proper  etiquettes. 

But  afterward,  on  the  same  day,  he  received  a  deputation 
of  English  workingmen,  and,  though  he  had  all  respect  for 
the  gallant  gentleman  who  had  offered  his  sword  in  our  behalf, 
and  perhaps  a  shade  of  personal  pity  for  a  discrowned  Prince, 
his  livelier  interest  was  excited  by  the  British  mechanics  and 
artisans  who  came  to  offer  their  less  elegant  greeting.  There 
were  forty  of  them,  each  representing  a  different  trade,  and 
they  presented  a  formal  address,  assuring  him  of  their  deep 
regard  for  the  welfare  and  progress  of  America,  where  British 
workmen  had  always  found  a  welcome.  Grant's  reply  showed 


GRANT  IN   ENGLAND.  2/I 

that  his  republican  sentiments  had  not  been  disturbed  by  the 
aristocratic  grandeur  and  ceremony  that  had  surrounded  him 
in  London. 

"Since  my  arrival  on  British  soil,"  he  said,  "I  have  re 
ceived  great  attentions,  which  were  intended,  I  am  sure,  for 
my  country.  I  have  had  orations,  hand-shakings,  and  pre 
sentations  from  different  classes,  from  the  Government,  from 
the  controlling  authorities  of  cities,  and  have  been  received  in 
the  cities  by  the  populace,  but  there  has  been  no  reception 
which  I  am  prouder  of  than  that  of  to-day." 

General  Grant  left  England  with  a  profounder  impression 
of  the  people  than  of  the  statesmen  or  the  aristocracy.  And 
well  might  that  be ;  for  many  have  been  received  as  cordially 
as  he  by  the  upper  classes ;  but  I  doubt  if  any  foreigner  ever 
awoke  such  enthusiasm  throughout  the  land  among  the  com 
mon  English  people  as  Grant. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

GRANT  AND  THE   PRINCE   OF  WALES. 

GENERAL  GRANT  arrived  in  London  at  the  time  of 
the  Epsom  races,  and  the  Prince  of  Wales  at  once 
offered  him  a  car  in  his  train  for  the  "  Oaks,"  the  second  of 
the  great  events  of  the  week;  the  "Derby"  had  already 
been  run.  The  invitation  was  accepted,  and  the  General 
and  the  Minister  and  one  or  two  others  went  down  in  the 
Prince's  train.  A  special  box  had  been  provided,  and  after 
the  General's  arrival  it  was  proposed  that  he  should  be  pre 
sented  to  the  Prince  of  Wales.  But  the  Prince  said  that 
General  Grant  was  too  distinguished  a  man  to  be  received  in 
this  informal  manner;  he  would  prefer  that  the  first  visit 
should  be  paid  at  Marlborough  House.  Nevertheless,  the 
Prince  came  with  several  of  his  suite  into  General  Grant's 
box  and  made  his  acquaintance  there.  Thus  the  first  visit 
was  in  reality  paid  by  the  Prince  of  Wales. 

This  was  on  Friday,  and  on  Saturday  General  Grant  made 
his  formal  visit  at  Marlborough  House,  according  to  appoint 
ment,  and  then  wrote  his  name,  as  the  etiquette  is,  in  the 
books  of  the  other  members  of  the  Royal  Family.  These 
visits  were  not  returned ;  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  alone  left 
his  card. 

A  few  days  afterward  General  Grant  attended  a  levee 
held  by  the  Prince  of  Wales,  at  which  he  was  treated  with 
no  more  ceremony  than  many  others.  He  was  presented 
by  the  American  Minister,  and  afterward  stood  in  the  diplo 
matic  circle  facing  the  Prince  during  the  levee.  This  indi- 

(272) 


GRANT   AND   THE   PRINCE   OF   WALES.  273 

cated  that  he  was  not  recognized  as  of  rank  approaching 
that  of  the  Royal  Family.  He  was  a  distinguished  person 
age,  but  far  below  those  magnificent  beings,  the  Guelphs 
and  Mecklenburg-Strelitzes  and  Tecks  and  other  connections 
and  cousins  of  the  Queen,  who  were  all  placed  in  the  same 
line  with  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  General  Grant  had  to 
make  his  bow  to  each  of  them  in  turn.  He  did  not  suffer 
acutely  from  the  distinction  thus  marked  out.  between  him 
self  and  royal  clay;  nevertheless  this  ceremony  made  it 
certain  that  the  court  ignored  the  arrangement  that  had 
been  made  by  the  Government.  The  Royal  Family  did  not 
regard  General  Grant  as  an  ex-sovereign,  and  refused  to  treat 
him  as  such ;  he  was  nothing  but  an  ex-President. 

It  was  amusing  to  observe  the  determination  of  the 
descendants  of  George  I.  and  II.  and  III.  to  draw  the  line 
between  themselves  and  democratic  dignity.  They  did  it  as 
courteously  and  unoffensively  as  possible,  but  the  line  was 
there  and  never  to  be  passed.  Poor  shows  and  shams! 
Their  etiquette  is  all  that  is  left  them  in  these  days;  if 
they  yield  that  where  would  they  be  in  the  presence  of 
the  really  great  of  the  earth,  of  men  of  achievement  and 
reputation  and  power,  who  have  conquered  armies  and 
governed  states? 

This  whole  matter  of  the  levee  was  doubtless  considered 
in  advance.  The  courtiers  insisted  that  General  Grant 
should  go  to  court,  where  the  distinction  they  desired  to 
make  would  become  apparent.  His  popularity  by  this  time 
was  conspicuous,  and  to  have  an  ex-President  going  about 
and  receiving  the  attention  due  to  a  sovereign  or  a  semi- 
sovereign  was  undesirable,  perhaps  dangerous.  It  showed 
the  world  that  there  was  nothing  in  royalty  after  all.  If  one 
Head  of  a  State  is  as  good  as  another,  what  becomes  of 
birth  and  rank  and  kings  and  crowns  and  all  the  antiquated 
frippery  ?  Beef-eaters  and  gentlemen-at-arms  would  be  out 
of  business.  So  the  Lord  Chamberlain  and  the  Prime  Min- 
18 


2/4  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

ister  assured  the  American  envoy  that  it  would  be  discourt 
eous  in  General  Grant  not  to  attend  the  levee.  There  was 
no  other  way  in  which  he  could  pay  his  respects  to  the 
Queen,  who  was  at  Balmoral,  and  Her  Majesty  had  already, 
they  said,  invited  General  Grant  to  a  ball  without  waiting  for 
him  to  be  presented.  They  did  not  remind  the  Minister  that 
this  courtesy  is  often  shown  to  persons  of  distinction  far 
below  the  royal  grade. 

The  courtiers  were  cunning  and  said  nothing  in  advance 
about  the  place  General  Grant  was  to  take  at  the  levee,  and 
the  Republican  envoy,  unversed  in  such  devices,  doubtless 
supposed  that  his  great  countryman  would  be  invited  to  a 
place  at  the  Royal  side.  So  General  Grant  put  on  his  uni 
form  and  stood  like  any  lord  or  lordling  in  His  Highness's 
presence  till  the  levee  was  over.  The  Prince  graciously 
gave  his  hand  to  the  ex-President,  as  he  did  to  dukes  and 
ambassadors,  and  then  the  General  fell  back  into  the  posi 
tion  assigned  him.  All  of  which  is  of  no  earthly  con 
sequence  except  to  illustrate  royal  snobbishness  and  the 
insolence  of  courts.  But  if  George  Washington,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  and  General  Grant  could  all  return  to  earth  and 
attend  a  levee  at  the  same  time  with  the  King  of  some 
cannibal  island  and  his  barbarous  cousins,  the  royal  savages 
would  be  ranged  in  a  line  with  the  Queen  and  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  and  the  democrats  would  be  expected  to  pass  before 
them. 

The  next  occasion  when  royalty  and  democracy  met  was 
at  the  house  of  the  Marquis  of  Hertford,  the  Lord  High 
Chamberlain  and  the  successor  of  Thackeray's  Marquis  of 
Steyne.  His  lordship  was  giving  a  dinner  to  the  Princess 
Louise  and  the  Marquis  of  Lome,  and  had  asked  a  few 
friends  to  come  in  afterward  and  meet  Her  Royal  Highness 
and  her  noble  husband.  General  Grant  was  not  invited 
to  the  dinner  but  was  asked  to  the  reception  afterward. 
We  arrived  before  dinner  was  over,  and  were  not  received. 


GRANT  AND   THE   PRINCE   OF   WALES. 


275 


A  royal  guest  could  not  be  left  by  the  Lord  Chamberlain 
because  an  ex-President  was  in  the  drawing-room ;  so  Gen 
eral  Grant  waited  till  dinner  was  over,  when  Lord  and  Lady 
Hertford  came  out  in  attendance  on  Her  Royal  Highness. 
Then  they  welcomed  their  democratic  guests  and  General 
Grant  was  presented  to  the  Princess  Louise.  The  Princess 
was  gracious,  and  when  Mrs.  Grant  expressed  her  regret  at 
not  having  seen  the  Queen,  she  replied :  "  But  you  will  be 
sure  to  see  her.  Her  Majesty  will  come  to  Windsor  before 
you  leave." 

The  next  of  these  ceremonies  that  I  remember  was  a 
court  ball.  General  Grant,  like  every  one  else,  was  expected 
to  be  present  when  royalty  arrived.  No  place  was  assigned 
him,  but  he  was  allowed  to  find  room  with  the  diplomatic 
corps.  He  stood  with  Mr.  Pierrepont  below  the  Ambassadors, 
who  were  on  the  steps  of  a  dais  nearer  the  Royal  Family. 
When  the  Prince  entered  he  offered  his  hand  to  General 
Grant  as  he  passed,  which  was  a  great  distinction,  conferred 
only  on  two  or  three.  Later  the  General  was  invited  to  take 
part  in  one  of  the  royal  quadrilles,  but  declined  the  honor, 
which  was  not  extended  to  Mrs.  Grant.  No  other  notice 
was  taken  of  him  by  host  or  hostess,  and  after  an  hour  or 
two  the  General  became  tired  and  left  before  supper.  What 
arrangement  would  have  been  made  had  he  remained  was 
not  indicated,  but  probably  none  until  royalty  had  been 
served. 

A  week  or  two  afterward  General  and  Mrs.  Grant  had 
the  honor  of  being  invited  to  dine  with  the  Prince  and 
Princess  of  Wales,  "to  meet  their  Imperial  Majesties,  the 
Emperor  and  Empress  of  Brazil."  I  accompanied  them  on 
this  occasion.  The  Minister  and  Mrs.  Pierrepont  were  also 
present. 

When  General  and  Mrs.  Grant  arrived  they  passed  first 
into  a  large  ante-chamber  in  which  the  Prince  of  Wales 
happened  to  be  playing  with  his  two  boys.  The  other  guests 


2/6  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

had  not  arrived,  and  the  Prince  may  not  have  expected  to  be 
in  this  hall  when  General  Grant  came  in ;  or  he  may  possibly 
have  planned  the  accidental  reception.  He  came  forward  at 
once,  like  any  other  gentleman  in  his  own  house,  and  gave 
his  hand  to  General  Grant,  who  presented  Mrs.  Grant,  and 
mentioned  my  name,  which  the  Prince  had  known  before. 
Then  the  Prince  called  up  his  sons,  lads  then  of  ten  or 
twelve,  and  said  he  wished  them  to  know  General  Grant. 
He  was  extremely  genial  and  affable.  After  this  he  disap 
peared  through  a  side  door,  and  an  equerry  ushered  the  party 
into  a  long  waiting-room,  where  we  remained  nearly  half  an 
hour. 

The  dinner  party  was  large;  I  should  think  there  were 
thirty  people  present,  including  several  dukes  and  duchesses, 
and  other  of  the  nobility;  the  Brazilian  Minister  and  his 
wife  had  been  asked  out  of  compliment  to  the  Emperor,  for 
whom  the  dinner  was  given.  After  a  while  a  gentleman-in- 
waiting  appeared  and  said  the  Princess  desired  the  ladies  to 
range  themselves  on  one  side  of  the  room  and  the  gentlemen 
on  the  other;  so  General  and  Mrs.  Grant  took  their  places 
four  or  five  from  the  head  of  the  line.  After  apparently  ten 
minutes'  further  waiting  in  this  position,  all  standing,  for  no 
one  had  been  seated  or  had  been  asked  to  sit  since  we  entered, 
the  great  doors  at  the  top  of  the  line  on  the  right  were 
thrown  open  and  the  Empress  of  Brazil  came  in  on  the  arm 
of  the  Prince  of  Wales.  Next  came  the  Princess  with  the 
Emperor.  They  passed  directly  between  the  two  lines  to  the 
dining-room,  which  was  opposite  the  apartment  from  which 
they  had  entered ;  the  Empress  of  Brazil  however,  had  known 
Mrs.  Grant  in  America,  when  the  ladies  had  each  been  the 
wife  of  a  great  ruler,  and  she  stopped  short  when  she  came 
to  Mrs.  Grant  and  greeted  her,  but  the  other  royal  and 
imperial  personages,  including  the  hostess,  passed  in  without 
recognizing  anybody.  Then  a  number  of  dukes  and  lesser 
nobles  were  told  off  to  their  partners  and  followed  the 


GRANT   AND    THE   PRINCE   OF   WALES. 

Empress  and  the  Prince.  After  every  noble  person  present 
was  thus  assigned  General  Grant  was  requested  to  go  in  with 
Mrs.  Pierrepont,  and  Mrs.  Grant  with  the  Brazilian  Minister, 
whom  the  Emperor  of  Brazil  looked  upon  as  his  servant. 

The  British  Government  had  agreed  with  Mr.  Pierrepont 
that  the  ex-President  of  the  United  States  should  have 
precedence  of  dukes,  but  the  Prince  of  Wales  deliberately 
put  him  as  near  as  possible  to  the  foot  of  the  table.  There 
was  no  English  person  of  noble  rank  who  followed  General 
Grant.  He  sat  within  three  or  four  of  the  Comptroller  of  the 
Household,  who  was  at  the  extreme  foot;  the  Prince  and 
Princess  were  at  the  middle  with  the  Emperor  and  Empress. 
The  Duke  of  Cambridge,  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Man 
chester,  the  Earl  and  Countess  of  Derby,  the  Earl  of  Dudley, 
were  all  placed  higher  than  General  Grant.  When  the  ladies 
left  the  table  every  one  rose,  of  course,  and  the  Empress  and 
Princess  passed  out,  while  Mrs.  Grant  was  left  to  find  her 
way  like  any  other  person  of  insignificance.  Then  the  Prince 
of  Wales  changed  his  own  seat,  according  to  the  English 
custom,  and  took  that  by  the  side  of  the  Emperor,  which  the 
Princess  had  vacated.  In  a  moment  or  two  he  sent  an 
equerry  or  a  footman,  I  forget  which,  to  ask  General  Grant  to 
sit  by  the  other  side  of  him  in  his  new  place,  and  General 
Grant  left  his  seat  and  walked  around  the  table  and  accepted 
this  high  honor,  just  as  any  other  private  gentleman  might 
have  done.  The  Prince  then  was  very  gracious  in  his  talk 
and  manner. 

After  a  while  the  gentlemen  rejoined  the  ladies  in  the 
order  in  which  they  had  come  in,  the  dukes  and  earls  taking 
care  to  assert  their  rights  of  precedence.  In  one  of  the 
drawing-rooms  there  was  music;  here  the  Princess  and  the 
Empress  sat  apart  and  listened  or  talked,  and  the  Emperor 
remained  near  them.  Neither  General  nor  Mrs  Grant  was 
invited  to  join  this  select  company.  The  Prince  came  out  of 
it  once  or  twice  and  talked  with  some  of  his  guests,  among 


2^8  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

others  with  General  Grant;  but  he  said  no  word  to  Mrs. 
Grant,  and  neither  the  General  nor  Mrs.  Grant  was  presented 
to  the  princely  hostess.  The  Prince  presented  General 
Grant  to  the  Earl  of  Dudley,  one  of  the  worst-bred  men  in 
any  company  in  any  country ;  and  his  lordship  was  worthy  of 
his  reputation  on  this  occasion,  for  he  almost  turned  on  his 
heel.  He  put  his  hands  behind  him  and  simply  acknowledged 
his  Prince's  introduction  with  a  slight  bow,  almost  a  nod,  said 
not  one  word,  and  left  the  group.  It  was  by  far  the  most 
marked  impertinence  General  Grant  had  received  in  sixteen 
years. 

When  the  Empress  had  heard  enough  of  the  music,  she 
and  the  Princess  arose  and  bowed  to  the  company.  Every 
body  else  made  profound  salaams,  and  the  whole  imperial  and 
royal  party  disappeared  and  did  not  return.  Mrs.  Grant  now 
desired  also  to  leave,  but  the  ladies-in-waiting  assured  her 
that  the  Princess  would  return.  They  appeared  to  appreciate 
the  behavior  of  their  mistress,  and  thought  it  could  not  possi 
bly  be  carried  further.  Mrs.  Grant,  therefore,  delayed  four 
or  five  minutes  longer.  Then  finding  that  her  hosts  had  no 
idea  of  continuing  their  hospitality,  she  took  General  Grant's 
arm  and  retired.  I  followed  them.  After  we  had  reached 
the  ante-room  and  were  moving  toward  the  cloaking-rooms, 
one  of  the  courtiers  came  up  and  said  that  the  Princess  desired 
to  bid  Mrs.  Grant  good-night.  Accordingly  we  delayed  in 
the  ante-room  till  the  Prince  and  Princess  came  out.  The 
royal  hosts  smiled  graciously,  bowed  and  courtesied  grace 
fully,  and  wished  their  democratic  guests  good-night,  and  that 
was  the  end  of  General  Grant's  dinner  with  the  Prince  of 
Wales. 

General  Grant,  of  course,  perceived  the  intention  of  all 
this  etiquette,  but  was  determined  not  to  resent  or  admit  the 
slight.  He  was  receiving  great  hospitality  and  kindness  from 
the  English  nation ;  he  had  been  cordially  treated  by  the 
Government  and  the  high  aristocracy,  who  could  not  control 


GRANT  AND   THE   PRINCE   OF   WALES. 

the  court,  and  he  desired  us  all  to  say  nothing  on  the  subject 
of  the  conduct  of  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Wales,  His 
course  reminded  me  of  Froissart's  story  of  the  great  Norman 
nobles  whose  breeding  was  so  famous  that  a  certain  prince 
determined  to  test  it.  He  asked  a  large  party  to  a  banquet, 
and  took  care  that  the  tables  should  be  filled  before  the 
Normans  arrived.  They,  however,  made  no  remark,  but 
folded  their  cloaks  and  sat  on  these  on  the  floor,  where,  they 
were  served.  After  the  repast  they  paid  their  parting  com 
pliments  and  went  away,  leaving  their  cloaks  behind  them. 
Their  host,  however,  sent  the  garments  to  them  on  the  road, 
but  the  Normans  replied  that  they  were  not  in  the  habit  of 
carrying  about  with  them  the  seats  that  they  used  at  enter 
tainments.  It  seemed  to  me  that  General  Grant's  silence  was 
as  fine  as  the  answer  of  the  Normans  He  rather  pitied  the 
Heir  Apparent,  whose  notions  of  hospitality  were  so  pro 
vincial.  Indeed,  he  looked  on  the  whole  proceeding  as 
he  would  on  the  antics  of  some  half-civilized  Asiatic,  who 
announces  that  the  Khan  of  Tartary  has  dined,  and  now 
the  kings  of  the  earth  are  at  liberty  to  satisfy  themselves. 

The  Prince  probably  did  not  desire  to  be  rude.  At  this 
very  dinner  he  requested  the  General  to  keep  a  night  for  a 
public  banquet  at  which  he  wished  him  to  be  present,  and  so 
far  as  mere  manner  was  concerned,  he  had  been  perfectly 
affable  and  genial.  It  was  the  point  of  etiquette  he  was 
determined  to  maintain.  General  Grant  was  not  royal,  and 
the  Prince  was  determined  not  to  treat  him  as  if  he  were. 

In  accordance  with  the  wish  of  the  General  none  of  his 
party  mentioned  the  circumstances  I  have  described.  Prob 
ably  some  of  the  English  present  were  not  so  reticent,  for 
the  story  got  about,  and  there  were  comments  on  it  in  the 
American  newspapers.  Upon  this  the  Prince  wrote  to  the 
Minister  and  expressed  his  concern.  He  said  he  could  not 
have  given  precedence  to  General  Grant  over  the  Emperor, 
and  tried  to  explain.  But  there  was  no  necessity  to  invite 


28O  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

General  Grant  at  the  same  time  with  the  Emperor.  There 
was  in  fact  no  necessity  to  invite  him  at  all  if  he  could  not 
receive  in  the  house  of  the  Heir  to  the  Throne  the  same  dis 
tinction  that  was  offered  him  in  every  other  house  in  England, 
and  which  the  Prince  of  Wales  must  have  known  that  the 
English  Government  had  promised  to  accord.  One  can 
understand  that  a  prince  might  feel  that  he  must  maintain 
the  principle  which  underlies  his  princehood ;  but  the  Prince 
of  Wales  put  General  Grant  below  everybody  at  his  table  of 
even  the  rank  of  an  earl ;  and  there  is  no  rule  recognized  in 
any  etiquette,  royal  or  democratic,  which  forbids  a  hostess  to 
speak  to  her  guests. 

In  less  than  a  month  after  this  dinner  General  Grant  was 
invited  by  the  King  of  the  Belgians,  who  took  Mrs.  Grant  to 
table,  while  the  General  was  requested  to  give  his  arm  to  the 
Queen.  The  etiquette  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  was  all  his 
own.  It  was  not  even  that  of  his  own  sovereign. 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

GRANT    AT    WINDSOR. 

THE  Queen  was  at  Balmoral  when  General  Grant  arrived 
in    London,  but    soon   after  Her  Majesty's  return  to 
Windsor  a  card  was  sent  to  General  and  Mrs.  Grant  with 
these  words,  partly  written  and  partly  engraved  : 

"  The  Lord  Steward 
has  received  Her  Majesty's  commands  to  invite 

GENERAL  and  MRS.  GRANT 

to  dinner  at  Windsor  Castle  on  Tuesday,  26th  June,  and  to  remain 
until  the  following  day. 
Windsor  Castle 

2$th  June,  1877. 

See  other  side." 
On  the  other  side  was  engraved  : 

"  Buckingham  Palace, 

i877." 

"  Should  the  ladies  or  gentlemen  to  whom  invitations  are  sent 
be  out  of  town,  and  not  expected  to  return  in  time  to  obey  the 
Queen's  commands  on  the  day  the  invitations  are  for,  the  cards  are 
to  be  brought  back." 

This  is  not  exactly  the  form  in  which  ex-sovereigns  are 
invited  to  Windsor,  but  it  is  the  fashion  in  which  Her 
Majesty  commands  the  presence  of  her  own  subjects.  The 
American  Minister  and  Mrs.  Pierrepont  were  summoned  in 
precisely  the  same  way,  and  a  similar  card  was  sent  to  me. 
The  invitations  were  accepted  according  to  the  ordinary 
etiquette  :  "  General  and  Mrs.  Grant  had  the  honor  to  accept 

(281) 


282  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

Her  Majesty's  most  gracious  invitation,  etc."  The  General's 
youngest  son,  Jesse,  a  youth  of  nineteen,  was  traveling  with 
his  father  at  this  time,  and  Mrs.  Grant  naturally  desired  that 
he  should  receive  all  the  attention  which  the  circumstances 
would  allow.  Jesse  himself  did  not  share  this  feeling,  He 
was  not  anxious  for  royal  or  aristocratic  invitations,  and  when 
it  was  explained  to  him  that  so  extraordinary  an  opportunity 
of  meeting  distinguished  people  could  hardly  happen  to  a 
young  man  again,  he  replied  that  the  honor  was  meant  for 
his  father,  not  for  him,  and  that  if  he  should  return  to  England 
alone,  none  of  these  important  personages  would  remember 
him  or  invite  him.  He  did  not  value  compliments  paid  to 
himself  on  account  of  his  father. 

Notwithstanding  this  I  was  desired  to  send  a  message  to 
Sir  John  Cowell,  the  Master  of  the  Queen's  Household,  with 
whom  I  had  been  personally  acquainted  for  several  years.  I 
telegraphed  to  him  in  these  words  :  "  Personal  and  confiden 
tial  to  yourself.  I  would  not,  of  course,  make  such  a  sugges 
tion  unauthorized,  but  if  it  could  be  proposed  to  invite 
General  Grant's  son,  Mr.  Jesse  Grant,  a  young  man  of  nine 
teen  or  twenty,  it  would  be  a  great  gratification  to  General 
and  Mrs.  Grant.  If  this  is  contrary  to  etiquette,  please  con 
sider  this  telegram  not  sent.'* 

A  card  like  that  addressed  to  General  Grant  was  immedi 
ately  forwarded  to  Jesse,  and  on  the  afternoon  appointed  we 
set  out  by  train  for  Windsor.  The  party  included  General 
and  Mrs.  Grant,  the  Minister  and  Mrs.  Pierrepont,  Jesse  and 
myself,  with  four  or  five  servants.  The  Queen's  carriages 
were  in  waiting  at  the  station,  and  the  Master  of  the  House 
hold  received  us  at  the  Castle.  The  Queen  was  out  driving 
and  would  not  be  visible  until  dinner,  so  that  all  the  nonsense 
that  was  published  about  Her  Majesty  welcoming  General 
Grant  at  the  foot  of  the  grand  staircase,  as  she  would  have 
done  the  Shah  of  Persia,  or  any  other  black  or  white  monarch 
who  visited  her,  was  without  foundation.  Such  potentates 


GRANT  AT   WINDSOR.  283 

are  allowed  to  greet  their  sister  sovereign  with  a  royal  kiss, 
but  the  Queen  was  not  in  the  house  when  the  ex-President 
arrived.  Undoubtedly  Her  Majesty's  absence  was  planned. 

The  General  was  shown  to  his  rooms,  which  were  the 
same,  we  were  told,  that  had  been  occupied  by  the  Czar  as 
well  as  by  the  Duke  of  Edinburgh,  immediately  after  his  mar 
riage.  Jesse  and  I  had  apartments  by  ourselves,  where  Sir 
John  Cowell  at  once  visited  me  and  said  with  a  little  embar 
rassment  that  Mr.  Jesse  and  I  were  to  dine  with  the  House 
hold  and  not  at  Her  Majesty's  table;  but  that  immediately 
after  dinner  we  should  be  taken  in  and  presented  to  the 
Queen.  The  royal  Household  ,is  always  served  in  a  separate 
room  and  usually  only  one  or  two  of  the  ladies  and  gentlemen- 
in-waiting  are  invited  to  join  Her  Majesty's  party.  Foreign 
Ministers,  the  members  of  the  Government,  even  the  Prime 
Minister,  when  he  is  in  attendance,  all  dine  with  the  House 
hold,  unless  specially  invited  by  Her  Majesty.  Jesse  and  I, 
however,  had  been  specially  invited  by  the  Queen,  and  the 
invitation  was  now  modified,  if  not  withdrawn. 

As  soon  as  Sir  John  had  left  the  room  Jesse  declared  that 
he  would  not  dine  with  the  Household.  He  had  been  invited 
by  the  Queen  and  if  he  could  not  sit  at  her  table  he  would 
return  to  town.  We  descended  to  General  Grant's  apart 
ments  and  found  the  Duchess  of  Roxburgh,  one  of  the  ladies- 
in-waiting,  paying  a  visit  to  Mrs.  Grant.  The  Duchess  was 
explaining  the  arrangements  for  dinner,  and  stated  that  the 
Queen  was  unable  to  receive  large  parties  at  table,  as  the 
number  produced  giddiness.  This  explanation  was  evidently 
considered  necessary,  although  it  was  not  offered  as  an 
excuse.  The  Duchess  also  took  pains  to  say  that  the  ladies 
and  gentlemen-in-waiting  were  all  persons  of  distinction,  and 
then  withdrew.  The  Minister  and  Mrs.  Pierrepont  were  now 
present,  and  Jesse  at  once  repeated  that  he  preferred  to 
return  to  town  rather  than  dine  with  the  servants.  After 
this  a  long  discussion  took  place,  during  which  some  of  the 


284  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

real  servants  were  in  the  room ;  these  doubtless  heard  and 
repeated  the  wonderful  remarks  of  the  democratic  youth,  for 
shortly  afterward  another  of  Her  Majesty's  ladies-in-waiting 
was  announced.  This  was  the  Marchioness  of  Ely,  who  came 
on  the  same  errand  as  her  predecessor,  ostensibly  to  pay  her 
respects  to  Mrs.  Grant,  but  in  reality  to  explain  that  she  her 
self  was  to  be  of  the  party  with  which  Jesse  was  to  dine,  and 
to  repeat  the  story  of  the  Queen's  dizziness  and  inability  to 
receive  a  large  company  at  table.  Of  course  all  this  was 
only  gracefully  and  casually  introduced,  but  when  the  inform 
ation  was  communicated  the  courtier  retired. 

Then  the  democrats  resumed  their  discussion.  Jesse 
insisted  on  going  home  at  once ;  he  said  he  had  not  cared 
to  come  to  Windsor  at  all,  which  was  true,  and  that  he 
certainly  would  not  dine  with  any  one  but  his  hostess. 
The  General  was,  of  course,  unwilling  for  the  lad  to  leave, 
but  he  thought  that  his  son  should  dine  at  the  same  table 
with  himself.  The  Queen,  however,  had  not  yet  returned, 
and  none  of  the  courtiers  could  decide  the  question.  Finally 
General  Grant  desired  me  to  see  the  Master  of  the  House 
hold,  and  to  say  that  he  had  of  course  no  wish  to  suggest  any 
change  in  the  arrangements,  or  to  ask  any  innovation  in 
etiquette ;  but  that  the  invitation  had  been  misunderstood ; 
he  had  supposed  that  his  son  was  to  dine  at  the  same  table 
with  himself,  and  since  this  was  not  to  be,  he  requested 
that  the  invitation  to  Jesse  should  be  withdrawn,  so  that 
he  might  return  to  town.  Sir  John  was  extremely  well- 
bred  and  simply  said  that  he  would  convey  the  message 
to  Her  Majesty  immediately  upon  her  arrival  from  her  drive. 
I  asked  if  he  wished  to  see  General  Grant,  but  he  replied  that 
he  would  not  trouble  the  General. 

Then  we  waited  for  an  answer.  I  suppose  such  a  message 
had  never  been  sent  to  Her  Majesty  before  since  her 
coronation.  If  the  Queen  had  been  ill-tempered  or  lacking  in 
taste  or  tact  there  might  have  been  an  unpleasant  compli- 


GRANT  AT   WINDSOR.  285 

cation.  It  was  possible  that  the  entire  invitation  might  be 
withdrawn,  or  a  message  might  be  sent  that  would  make 
it  impossible  for  General  Grant  to  remain,  and  thus  necessi 
tate  the  return  of  the  whole  party  to  London.  Even  interna 
tional  feeling  might  be  aroused.  But  General  Grant  had 
been  assured  that  he  should  be  treated  as  an  ex-sovereign,  and 
it  seemed  to  him,  with  his  democratic  notions,  that  he 
was  not  treated  as  a  private  gentleman.  Certainly  no  private 
gentleman  bidden  with  his  son  to  the  White  House  would 
have  expected  that  son  to  dine  at  a  different  table  and  in 
a  different  room  from  himself. 

As  for  me,  I  was  acting  as  General  Grant's  aide-de-camp, 
and  could  not  complain  because  I  was  to  dine  with  the  aides- 
de-camp  of  Her  Majesty.  Still  I  felt  that  I  had  been  invited 
by  a  lady  and  on  arriving  at  her  house  was  requested  to  sit  at 
a  different  table  from  that  to  which  I  had  been  asked.  This 
might  be  royal  etiquette,  but  it  was  not  good  breeding,  and  it 
never  happened  to  me  at  another  court.  However,  I  was 
determined  that  no  question  affecting  me  should  complicate 
the  affair  or  interfere  with  General  Grant's  success.  Besides 
this,  I  was  a  public  officer,  accredited  to  the  Queen,  and 
bound  perhaps  to  accept  her  decisions  in  the  etiquette  of  her 
own  palace.  So  no  question  whatever  was  made  about  me. 

Finally  we  all  dressed  for  dinner  to  be  ready  for  whatever 
might  happen,  and  before  I  returned  to  General  Grant's 
drawing-room  the  Master  of  the  Household  came  to  me.  He 
had  delivered  the  General's  message,  and  Her  Majesty 
commanded  him  to  say  that  she  would  be  happy  to  have  Mr. 
Jesse  dine  at  her  table.  So  the  difficulty  was  obviated  by  the 
good  sense  and  good  breeding  of  the  Queen. 

The  party  that  dined  with  Her  Majesty  were  all  assembled 
before  she  entered  the  room.  After  speaking  with  each 
guest  separately  the  Queen  took  the  arm  of  her  son,  Prince 
Leopold,  afterward  Duke  of  Albany,  and  General  Grant 
was  asked  to  give  his  arm  to  the  Princess  Christian.  The 


286  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

General  and  the  Princess  followed  the  Queen,  and  the  Prince 
Christian  with  the  Princess  Beatrice  went  next.  Thus 
General  Grant  preceded  the  Queen's  own  daughter  and  her 
son-in-law ;  which  was  a  distinct  concession  to  him  of  rank 
equal  to  royalty,  and  as  different  as  possible  from  the  etiquette 
observed  by  the  Prince  of  Wales.  Mrs.  Grant,  however,  did 
not  receive  the  same  recognition ;  two  duchesses  preceded 
her  and  she  went  in  with  a  lord-in-waiting.  Jesse  was  placed 
nearly  at  the  tail.  The  idea  seemed  to  be  to  give  General 
Grant  a  place  that  should  indicate  extraordinary  deference 
according  to  royal  rules,  but  not  to  recognize  his  democratic 
family  further  than  courtesy  required.  The  Queen,  however, 
was  gracious  to  all,  and  the  dinner  passed  pleasantly  enough. 
At  table  General  Grant  was  not  placed  next  Her  Majesty. 
She  had  Prince  Leopold  on  one  side  of  her  and  Prince 
Christian  on  the  other ;  then  the  two  Princesses.  General 
Grant  was  next  to  the  Princess  Christian,  which  brought  him 
below  all  the  royal  family  and  two  places  from  the  Queen. 
His  conversation  with  Her  Majesty  was  therefore  not 
animated. 

I  went  to  dinner  with  the  Household  in  another  room.  I 
remember  that  Sir  John  Cowell,  Lady  Ely,  Lady  Susan 
Melville,  and  others  of  the  Queen's  ladies  and  gentlemen 
were  present.  My  companions  were  extremely  affable,  and  I 
thought  they  seemed  to  wish  to  make  up  for  my  disappoint 
ment,  so  far  as  they  could.  Almost  immediately  after  we 
rose  Sir  John  disappeared,  but  came  back  at  once  and 
announced  that  I  was  to  be  taken  in  and  presented  to  the 
Queen.  I  had  gone  through  the  forms  of  presentation  at 
levees  and  drawing-rooms,  but  had  never  exchanged  a  word 
with  Her  Majesty. 

She  was  standing  with  her  dinner  company  at  one  end  of 
a  long  gallery  when  I  was  led  up  to  her.  She  bowed  with 
extreme  graciousness,  and  said  immediately  that  she  had  to 
thank  me  for  a  book  I  had  once  sent  her.  This  was  the  first 


GRANT  AT  WINDSOR.  28/ 

volume  of  .my  "  History  of  General  Grant,"  which  Dean  and 
Lady  Augusta  Stanley  had  presented  to  the  Queen  for  me 
seven  years  before.  It  had  been  acknowledged  at  the  time 
by  a  courteous  note,  but  with  the  royal  faculty  the  circum 
stance  was  recalled  and  the  acknowledgment  repeated  now. 
Of  course  I  was  impressed  by  the  courtesy,  and  thanked  Her 
Majesty  for  recollecting  my  present  after  so  many  years. 
The  Queen  then  went  on  to  ask  me  how  General  Grant  was 
enjoying  his  visit  to  England.  This  gave  me  an  opportunity 
to  speak  of  his  reception  throughout  the  country,  which  I 
was  courtier  enough  to  say  "culminates  to-night."  At  this 
the  Majesty  of  England  positively  dropped  me  a  courtesy 
and  was  evidently  gratified ;  so  that  we  were  equal  on  one 
point  at  least.  I  think  she  felt  sorry  that  she  had  left  me 
out  and  wanted  to  atone ;  at  any  rate  she  made  me  feel  very 
pleasant  for  a  moment  or  two  in  spite  of  my  disappointment. 

General  Grant  had  received,  since  his  arrival  at  Windsor, 
a  telegram  from  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  which  was 
holding  its  annual  re-union  on  that  day,  and  had  sent  its  con 
gratulations  to  its  ancient  chief.  I  took  the  opportunity  to 
speak  of  this  as  indicating  the  satisfaction  which  a  million  of 
Americans  felt  at  the  compliment  the  Queen  was  paying  to 
their  representative ;  and  the  royal  features  beamed  again. 
There  is  indeed  a  charm  of  expression,  a  winning  smile  that 
comes  over  Her  Majesty's  countenance,  a  grace  of  demeanor 
when  she  means  to  be  gracious,  which  is  more  than  ordinary. 
It  was  not  because  she  was  a  queen,  for  I  have  been  well- 
received  by  other  queens ;  and  at  this  moment,  as  may  be 
supposed,  I  was  not  altogether  in  the  mood  to  admire ;  but 
the  plain  little  woman  conquered  me  with  a  sweetness  of 
look  and  smile  which  I  had  heard  of  before  but  had  never 
seen  at  court.  It  is  of  no  imaginable  consequence,  but  I  for 
gave  her  my  dinner. 

She  remained  in  the  room  only  a  few  moments  longer.  I 
remember  that  she  talked  with  Mrs.  Grant,  who  told  me 


288  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

afterward  of  a  good  thing  she  said  to  Her  Majesty.  Con 
sidering  the  etiquette  of  the  dining-room,  it  seemed  to  me 
a  perfectly  fair  reminder  between  the  two  women.  The 
Queen  said  something  about  her  own  labors  or  duties,  and 
Mrs.  Grant  replied :  "  Yes,  I  can  imagine  them  :  I  too  have 
been  the  wife  of  a  great  ruler."  Mrs.  Grant  was  not  to  be 
put  down,  and  I  was  glad  she  said  it. 

As  for  Jesse,  he  did  not  say  to  his  father,  as  the  news 
papers  declared,  "Pa,  introduce  her,"  but  behaved  with  pro 
priety  and  like  a  young  gentleman.  He  had  held  out  for  his 
point  of  etiquette,  as  well  as  the  royalties,  and  had  won.  He 
could  afford  to  be  polite. 

After  a  while,  the  Queen  looked  around,  and  two  duch 
esses  approached  and  laid  a  lace  shawl  about  her  shoulders. 
Her  Majesty  courtesied,  every  one  else  bowed  or  courtesied 
very  low,  two  great  doors  behind  her  were  opened,  and  the 
Queen  of  England  and  the  Princesses  vanished,  backward. 
The  remainder  of  the  party  were  now  scattered  in  two  or 
three  of  the  drawing-rooms.  There  was  music  in  the  dis 
tance,  according  to  a  printed  programme.  Some  of  the  com 
pany,  General  Grant  among  them,  played  at  cards,  others 
talked,  and  at  eleven  the  ladies  retired.  Prince  Leopold 
then  invited  General  Grant  to  the  billiard-room,  which  seemed 
to  be  beneath  the  castle,  we  descended  so  far.  This  is  the 
only  place  where  the  Queen  allows  smoking.  I  accompanied 
the  General,  and  Prince  Leopold  came  down  in  a  smoking 
suit  of  gorgeous  purple  and  yellow  satin,  and  played  a  game 
with  the  conqueror  of  Vicksburg.  They  are  both  in  Hades 
now.  General  Grant  sat  up  late,  as  usual,  and  it  was  two 
o'clock  before  I  got  to  bed.  But  I  had  often  sat  up  with 
him  later  still  in  camp. 

Next  morning  the  Queen  sent  her  album  for  the  auto 
graphs  of  the  whole  party  (Jesse's  included),  and  two  of  her 
ladies  were  directed  to  show  us  the  most  famous  pictures 
and  the  great  porcelain.  Afterward  Her  Majesty's  carriages 
and  equerries  were  at  General  Grant's  service.  We  drove 


GRANT  AT   WINDSOR.  289 

about  in  the  Home  Park,  visited  the  mausoleum  of  the  Prince 
Consort,  but  saw  nothing  more  of  the  Queen  or  the  Royal 
Family.  By  two  o'clock  we  were  back  in  town. 

The  intention  certainly  had  been  to  pay  a  great  compli 
ment  to  the  ex-President  of  the  United  States,  and  I  make 
no  doubt  that  the  Queen  stretched  her  conscience  or  her  eti 
quette  when  she  gave  him  her  daughter  to  take  in  to  dinner, 
and  put  him  before  the  nobility.  The  episode  of  the  invita 
tions  I  account  for  by  supposing  that  at  first  she  intended  to 
have  me  at  her  table.  She  was  good-natured,  and  when  the 
invitation  for  Jesse  was  asked,  acquiesced,  but?  doubtless  then 
said,  "  Let  them  both  dine  with  the  Household."  Then,  when 
the  question  of  the  table  was  raised,  she  admitted  Jesse ;  so 
that,  from  her  own  point  of  view,  she  was  extremely  gracious 
throughout;  and  from  anybody's  point  (but  mine)  she  was 
amiable.  I  suffered  for  others,  which  is,  of  course,  very 
much  to  my  credit.  But  I  certainly  think  the  Queen  should 
have  left  out  some  of  her  own  courtiers  on  an  international 
occasion,  rather  than  a  foreign  gentleman  whom  she  had 
thought  it  became  her  dignity  to  invite  to  her  table. 

The  Queen  of  England  never  saw  General  Grant  again. 
When  he  was  dying  she  was  on  the  Continent,  and  from  Aix- 
les-Bains  she  sent  a  telegram  by  Lady  Ely  to  Mrs.  Grant, 
expressing  her  sympathy  and  making  friendly  inquiries. 
Upon  General  Grant's  death,  she  directed  her  Minister  in  the 
United  States  to  present  her  condolences,  while  the  Prince 
and  Princess  of  Wales  made  known  to  the  American  Minis 
ter  in  London  their  regret,  and  the  "advantage"  they  should 
always  consider  it  had  been  to  them  "to  have  made  his 
acquaintance."  The  Prince  had  called  on  General  Grant  in 
Paris  after  the  English  experience.  Indeed,  there  was  a  sort 
of  sympathy  between  them  on  certain  points ;  for  the  Prince 
of  Wales,  when  he  chooses,  can  be  cordial  and  as  unaffected 
as  General  Grant  himself  was ;  and,  like  all  people  used  to 
the  flatteries  and  diplomatic  arts  of  courts  and  fashion,  he 
appreciates  directness  and  the  beauty  of  simplicity. 
19 


CHAPTER   XXXIII. 

PALACE   AND   PRESIDENT. 

THE  first  country  that  General  Grant  visited  after  leav 
ing  England  was  Belgium.  Here  he  was  received  as 
an  equal  by  the  sovereign.  At  Ostend  messages  met  him 
from  the  King  inquiring  when  he  would  arrive  at  Brussels, 
and  the  royal  railway  carriage  was  placed  at  his  disposal  to 
convey  him  to  the  capital.  In  that  city  the  members  of  the 
Government  immediately  paid  their  respects,  and  the  royal 
equerries  brought  invitations  for  the  General  and  his  entire 
party  to  a  dinner  at  the  palace.  The  King's  carriages  were 
offered  to  the  ex-President,  and  an  aide-de-camp  was  ordered 
to  report  to  him  during  his  stay.  General  Grant,  however, 
availed  himself  of  this  courtesy  only  when  he  paid  official 
visits.  In  calling  on  the  members  of  the  Government  and 
the  foreign  ministers,  he  went  in  the  royal  carriages,  attended 
by  the  King's  officer,  and  also  in  his  visit  to  the  palace,  but 
at  no  other  time. 

The  invitations  to  the  dinner  were  in  French,  and,  trans 
lated,  they  read  as  follows : 

"  By  order  of  Their  Majesties, 
The  Grand  Marshal  of  the  Court  has  the  honor  to  invite 

Their  Excellencies,  GENERAL  and  MRS.  GRANT, 
to  dinner  at  the  palace  of  Brussels,  Sunday,  8th  July,  1877,  at  6J 
o'clock. 

Frock  dress." 

The  words  "frock  dress"  (en  frac]  signified  that  court 
costume  was  not  required.     The  notification  was  written,  not 

(290) 


PALACE  AND   PRESIDENT.  291 

engraved,  on  the  card,  and  was  doubtless  intended  to  make 
the  etiquette  as  little  onerous  as  possible  for  the  democratic 
ex-President.  Invitations  were  also  sent,  not  only  to  the 
American  Minister  and  his  family,  but  to  Mr.  Sanford,  the 
former  Minister  and  his  wife,  and  to  all  the  American 
officials  in  Brussels,  down  to  the  vice-consul,  who  was  an 
Englishman,  and  never  went  to  court  at  home. 

On  the  day  of  the  dinner  the  King  himself  called  on 
General  Grant  at  his  hotel.  The  visit  had  not  been  pre- 
announced  and  there  was  not  time  after  the  carriages  drew 
up  for  the  General  to  descend  the  staircase  to  welcome 
His  Majesty,  but  in  every  other  way  the  King  was  received 
with  the  usual  honors. 

He  was  attended  by  several  gentlemen  of  his  court,  who 
remained  standing  during  the  interview,  and  when  they  were 
presented  to  General  Grant  they  made  him  the  same  obei 
sance  which  they  were  accustomed  to  offer  to  their  sover 
eign.  The  visit  was  short,  as  such  ceremonies  usually  are 
among  persons  of  exalted  rank.  Mrs.  Grant  was  present 
and  the  King  conversed  with  her  as  well  as  with  the  General. 
His  Majesty  speaks  very  good  English,  so  that  there  was  no 
difficulty  about  the  language. 

Perhaps  just  here  I  may  repeat  a  story  that  James  Russell 
Lowell  once  told  me  about  Mrs.  Grant.  When  General  Grant 
was  at  Madrid  Mr.  Lowell  was  Minister  to  Spain  and  made  a 
dinner  for  the  ex-President.  Mrs.  Grant  was  placed  between 
two  personages  who  like  herself  spoke  only  their  own  lan 
guage,  but  Lowell  described  her  ease  and  self-possession  as 
quite  inimitable.  She  appeared  to  converse  continually,  was 
bowing  and  smiling  all  the  evening,  and  was  apparently  as 
much  interested  in  her  companions  as  any  one  at  table  —  a 
bit  of  fine  breeding  worthy  of  a  Queen,  —  or  of  the  wife  of 
an  ex-President. 

But  to  return  to  Belgium.  The  King's  visit  was  made 
on  the  day  of  the  dinner,  and  as  such  civilities  are  to  be 


292 


GRANT   IN    PEACE. 


returned  immediately  General  Grant  inquired  when  he  and 
Mrs.  Grant  could  pay  their  compliments  to  the  Queen.  His 
Majesty  knew  that  General  Grant  was  to  leave  Brussels  the 
next  day,  and  accordingly  proposed  that  the  ex-President  and 
Mrs.  Grant  should  come  to  the  palace  a  few  moments  before 
the  hour  for  dinner,  when  the  Queen  would  be  ready  to 
receive  the  formal  visit. 

In  the  evening  the  royal  carriages  were  sent  for  the  party, 
which  consisted  of  the  General  and  Mrs.  Grant,  Jesse  Grant, 
and  myself.  On  arriving  at  the  palace  we  were  shown 
through  what  seemed  an  interminable  suite  of  lofty  rooms 
and  finally  entered  one  where  several  of  the  ladies  and  gen 
tlemen  of  the  court  were  already  present ;  the  other  guests 
of  the  evening  had  not  arrived.  It  was  July,  and  the  win 
dows  overlooking  the  park  were  all  open ;  the  sun  had  not 
yet  set,  and,  of  course,  the  candles  were  not  lighted;  the 
effect  of  the  great  rooms  in  the  warm  afternoon,  with  only 
a  few  people  in  evening  dress  and  half  costume,  scattered 
here  and  there,  was  peculiar.  The  men  were  either  in 
military  uniform  or  frock  dress,  that  is,  dress  coats,  knee- 
breeches,  black  stockings,  and  low  shoes,  with  buckles, 
chapeaux,  and  swords.  Full  dress  would  have  required 
white  stockings,  gold  lace,  and  embroidery,  and  other  par 
aphernalia.  General  Grant  and  all  the  American  gentle 
men  wore  plain  evening  clothes. 

We  remained  in  this  apartment  while  the  company  was 
assembling.  No  one  seemed  authorized  to  receive  formally 
for  their  Majesties,  though  the  guests  greeted  each  other  as 
they  arrived.  Every  one  remained  standing ;  indeed,  I  can 
not  remember  that  there  were  any  seats  in  the  room.  After 
a  few  moments  the  King  entered  to  conduct  General  and 
Mrs.  Grant  to  pay  their  visit  to  the  Queen.  He  gave  his 
arm  to  Mrs.  Grant,  the  General  followed,  and  they  disap 
peared,  but  soon  returned,  the  King  now  coming  only  to  the 
door,  which  was  immediately  closed  upon  him. 


PALACE  AND   PRESIDENT.  2Q3 

Shortly  afterward  the  company  were  requested  to  take 
positions  to  await  the  entrance  of  their  Majesties.  General 
and  Mrs.  Grant  stood  next  the  doors  by  which  they  had 
come  in  from  the  Queen.  These  doors  were  now  again 
thrown  open,  and  a  courtier  announced  in  a  loud  voice :  Le 
Roi  et  la  Reine  —  ("  The  King  and  the  Queen  " ).  Their 
Majesties  entered  bowing,  every  one  else,  of  course,  making 
obeisance.  The  King  was  in  uniform ;  the  Queen,  except 
for  her  jewels,  was  no  better  dressed  than  Mrs.  Grant.  The 
royal  pair  spoke  first  to  General  and  Mrs.  Grant,  as  if  wel 
coming  them  for  the  first  time,  the  previous  visit  being  con 
sidered  a  separate  occasion  from  the  dinner.  Then  their 
Majesties  passed  around  the  circle  and  each  in  turn  addressed 
every  one  of  the  guests,  talking  a  few  moments  with  each, 
although  the  party  was  large.  There  were  about  thirty 
people  present,  members  of  the  Government  and  other  high 
functionaries,  besides  the  Americans. 

After  every  guest  had  received  some  courtesy  from  the 
sovereigns  the  King  approached  Mrs.  Grant  and  offered  her 
his  arm,  and  then  requested  General  Grant  to  take  the  Queen 
to  dinner.  The  King  and  Mrs.  Grant  preceded  the  General 
and  the  Queen ;  then  the  other  guests  followed  in  the  order 
assigned  them.  I  had  the  honor  of  going  in  with  the  wife 
of  the  Minister  for  War,  I  suppose  out  of  compliment  to  my 
military  title.  A  curious  little  question  of  etiquette  arose 
among  the  American  ladies.  The  American  Minister  was 
ill  and  his  wife  was  not  living,  but  his  daughters  were  invited 
to  the  dinner.  Now,  according  to  the  etiquette  of  courts  the 
daughters  of  diplomatic  personages  cannot  enjoy  the  rank  of 
wives,  and  Mrs.  Sanford,  the  wife  of  the  former  Minister, 
was,  therefore,  placed  above  the  daughters  of  the  actual 
envoy.  The  Queen  spoke  of  this  to  Mrs.  Grant.  She  said 
she  was  fond  of  the  young  ladies,  but  the  rule  was  rigorous. 
I  believe  there  were  some  heartburnings ;  but  Mrs.  Sanford 
is  known  as  one  of  the  most  famous  beauties  of  her  time.  • 


294 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


She  was  then  at  the  very  zenith  of  her  charms,  and  no 
American  could  be  unwilling  to  accept  such  a  representative. 

I  had  myself  not  very  long  before  been  appointed  Minister 
to  this  very  Court,  and  had  even  visited  Brussels  with  my 
credentials,  prepared,  if  I  chose,  to  present  my  letter  to  the 
King ;  so  that  I  looked  upon  these  ceremonies  with  a  more 
curious  eye  than  if  I  had  been  an  ordinary  stranger,  and 
thought  of  the  different  part  I  might  have  borne  on  this 
occasion.  But  I  had  preferred  a  lesser  rank  at  a  more 
important  place,  and  remained  as  Consul-General  at  London 
rather  than  take  the  post  of  Minister  to  Brussels.  I  went 
in  to  dinner  lower  down  in  the  line,  but  I  lived  at  the  core 
of  the  world  instead  of  on  the  outside;  for  Brussels  and 
Belgium  exist  only  by  permission  of  the  greater  Powers. 
This  sufferance,  however,  according  to  European  theory, 
detracts  in  no  degree  from  the  ceremonial  importance  of 
the  sovereign.  In  fact,  at  many  of  the  smaller  courts  the 
etiquette  is  more  exact  than  that  which  surrounds  imperial 
potentates.  At  Brussels  there  seemed  a  happy  mingling  of 
that  regard  for  forms  which  in  the  Old  World  is  still  con 
sidered  essential,  with  a  courtesy  which  it  cannot  be  said 
that  every  palace  breeds. 

There  was  music  during  dinner,  far  enough  off  not  to 
interrupt  conversation,  and  as  the  twilight  faded,  the  great 
chandelier,  with  its  hundreds  of  candles,  that  hung  over  the 
table,  was  lighted  by  a  peculiar  contrivance.  A  sort  of 
thread  of  slow  match  connected  the  candelabra,  and  the  fire 
was  seen  to  travel  from  one  to  another  till  all  were  illumin 
ated.  When  the  dinner  was  over  the  whole  party  arose 
according  to  Continental  fashion :  the  King  took  out  Mrs. 
Grant,  and  General  Grant  the  Queen ;  the  others  followed 
with  their  dinner  partners,  and  the  separation  that  is  com 
mon  in  England,  and  often  here,  did  not  occur.  The  men  all 
accompanied  the  ladies  to  the  drawing-rooms  and  remained 
there. 


PALACE  AND   PRESIDENT.  295 

Again  neither  the  royal  hosts  nor  their  guests  were 
seated.  The  company  stood  in  a  circle,  and  the  King  and 
Queen  passed  around  within  it,  as  before.  The  conversation 
now  was  more  prolonged  and  animated,  but  still  there  was  a 
certain  formality.  The  courtiers  did  not  move  about  freely 
in  the  presence  of  the  sovereigns.  All  the  guests  were  pre 
sented  to  both  General  and  Mrs.  Grant.  About  half  an  hour 
after  dinner  the  King  and  the  Queen  retired,  taking  especial 
leave  of  the  ex-President  and  his  party,  whom  they  were  not 
to  meet  again. 

General  Grant  left  immediately  afterward.  He  was 
accompanied  to  his  hotel  by  a  royal  equerry,  and  went, 
as  before,  in  a  royal  carriage.  The  careful  courtesy  that 
marked  every  circumstance  of  the  evening  was  in  striking 
contrast  with  the  offensive  etiquette  of  Marlborough  House, 
or  even  with  the  strained  ceremonial  of  Windsor.  The  King 
of  the  Belgians  is  a  Bourbon,  just  as  blue  in  blood  as  a 
Guelph,  and,  according  to  all  the  rules  of  precedence,  just 
as  much  of  a  sovereign  as  any  named  in  the  Almanach  de 
Gotha ;  but  he  did  not  fear  to  lessen  his  dignity  or  disturb 
his  throne  by  treating  an  ex- President  of  the  United  States 
with  the  same  courtesy  he  would  have  offered  to  Isabella  of 
Spain  or  Bomba  of  Naples. 

The  next  Head  of  a  State  by  whom  General  Grant  was 
entertained  was  the  President  of  the  Swiss  Republic,  and, 
although  the  courtesy  could  be  no  more  marked  than  that 
displayed  by  the  King  of  the  Belgians,  I  was  struck  not  unfa 
vorably  with  the  democratic  simplicity  coming  so  soon  after 
regal  parade.  A  fortnight  after  the  dinner  in  Brussels  Gen 
eral  Grant  arrived  in  Berne.  It  was  understood  that  the 
President  preferred  to  receive  the  first  visit,  and  I  therefore 
promptly  ascertained  when  the  republican  magistrate  would 
be  at  home  to  his  democratic  compeer.  The  visit  was  no 
more  formal  than  many  that  had  been  paid  to  General  Grant 
in  Washington,  and,  indeed,  hardly  differed  from  the  ordinary 


296 


GRANT   IN    PEACE. 


reception  of  one  private  gentleman  by  another.  The  Presi 
dent  referred  to  the  sittings  of  the  Council  of  Arbitration  at 
Geneva,  of  which  a  Swiss  statesman  had  been  a  member. 
He  declared  that  Switzerland  was  honored  by  the  selection 
of  Mr.  Staempfli,  and  he  complimented  General  Grant  upon 
the  adoption  of  the  principle  of  arbitration  during  his  Presi 
dency.  Then  the  representatives  of  the  smallest  and  the 
greatest  of  republics  exchanged  salutations,  and  General 
Grant  withdrew.  The  visit  was  returned  within  half  an  hour. 
The  same  night  the  President  gave  a  dinner  to  a  few  gen 
tlemen  in  General  Grant's  honor.  As  he  was  unmarried, 
the  invitation  was  not  extended  to  Mrs.  Grant.  The  com 
pany  included  Mr.  Staempfli,  the  Swiss  arbitrator,  and  sev 
eral  members  of  the  Government.  The  etiquette  was  ex 
tremely  simple,  like  the  service;  indeed,  neither  differed 
from  those  at  the  houses  of  private  gentlemen  in  America, 
unless  in  their  greater  simplicity.  But  the  taste  that  reigned 
was  absolute ;  the  conversation  was  animated  and  intensely 
interesting,  and  the  dinner  was  equal  in  all  essentials  of 
courtesy  and  refinement  to  any  ever  given  to  General  Grant. 
It  confirmed  me  in  my  democratic  preference  for  the  reality 
of  hospitable  but  unassuming  elegance  to  all  the  forms  and 
spirit  of  that  ceremony  which  so  often  tramples  upon  cour 
tesy.  For  courtly  paraphernalia  and  parade,  I  have  discov 
ered,  may  be  the  symbols  of  an  insolence  just  as  vulgar  when 
it  is  royal  as  if  republican. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

GRANT   AS   A  TRAVELER. 

RANT  was  undoubtedly  the  greatest  traveler  that  ever 
lived.  Not  of  course,  the  greatest  discoverer  or  ex 
plorer,  though  he  was  admitted  to  probably  more  secret  and 
exclusive  recesses  and  haunts  than  any  other  one  man ;  but 
he  also  visited  more  countries  and  saw  more  people,  from 
Kings  down  to  lackeys  and  slaves,  than  anybody  who  ever 
journeyed  on  this  earth  before.  Others,  of  course,  have 
made  the  tour  around  the  globe;  the  Prince  of  Wales  did 
something  of  that  sort ;  but  he  went  not  so  far  and  saw  only 
the  upper  strata  of  society ;  others  have  had  triumphal  pro 
cessions;  some  have  ascended  higher  mountains  or  pene 
trated  nearer  to  Ethiopia ;  but  no  other  man  was  ever  received 
by  both  peoples  and  sovereigns,  by  savans  and  merchants,  by 
Presidents  and  Governor-Generals,  by  Tycoons  and  Sultans 
and  Khedives,  and  school  children  and  work-people  and 
statesmen,  like  Grant. 

For  him  the  Pyramids  had  a  special  door,  and  Memphis  and 
Thebes  were  thrown  open  as  to  a  successor  of  the  Pharaohs ; 
for  him  the  Pope  dispensed  with  the  usual  etiquette  and 
welcomed  a  Protestant  and  a  democrat  who  did  not  kneel. 
With  him  the  King  of  Siam  contracted  a  personal  friendship 
and  kept  up  a  correspondence  afterward ;  while  the  Emperors 
of  Russia  and  Germany  and  Japan,  the  Viceroy  of  India  and 
the  Magnates  of  Cuba  and  Canada  and  Mexico  talked  politics 
to  him  and  religion  from  their  own  several  standpoints.  The 
greatest  potentates  of  earth  laid  aside  their  rules  and  showed 

(297) 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

him  a  courtesy  which  was  due  of  course  in  part  to  the  nation 
he  represented ;  but  who  ever  so  represented  a  nation  before  ? 
not  only  the  Government,  but  the  plainest  people  in  it  from 
whom  he  sprang,  whom  he  claimed  as  his  fellows,  whom  he 
believed  in  as  his  political  peers.  The  multitudes  that 
thronged  around  him  in  Birmingham  and  Frankfort  and 
Jeddo  all  knew  this,  and  perceived,  though  dimly,  that  they 
were  honoring  the  democratic  principle  in  honoring  him; 
while  the  sovereigns  thought  they  were  acting  as  became 
their  own  dignity  in  placing  him  by  their  side. 

It  was  my  fortune  to  accompany  General  Grant  in  many 
of  his  journeys  on  both  continents.  I  traveled  with  him 
first  of  all  when  he  visited  his  armies.  I  was  of  the  party 
when  he  passed  from  the  Tennessee  to  the  Potomac  to  lead 
in  person  the  great  forces  that  were  destined  to  conquer  Lee. 
I  marched  by  his  side  from  Washington  to  Richmond  in 
i864-'5  ;  and  that  journey  took  us  a  year.  I  recollect  in  the 
Appomattox  campaign,  after  Richmond  had  fallen,  he  once 
asked  a  rebel  woman  something  about  the  Yankees,  and  she 
replied,  "  Oh,  we  are  all  Yankees  now,  I  guess"  with  a 
marked  emphasis  on  the  guess. 

I  was  with  Grant  also  in  his  tour  through  the  South  dur 
ing  the  winter  after  the  war,  when  he  was  received,  as  few 
conquerors  ever  were  by  the  people  whom  they  had  subdued, 
looked  upon  as  their  best  friend,  their  protector,  their  savior 
from  the  bitterness  of  successful  enemies.  Everywhere  the 
most  important  Southerners,  the  soldiers  who  had  surrendered 
last,  the  civilians  who  had  been  most  stubborn,  as  well  as  the 
scattered  loyalists  and  the  emancipated  blacks,  greeted  Grant. 
In  Charleston  General  Sickles  gave  him  a  dinner,  and  the 
party  was  made  up  of  men  like  Orr  and  Aiken  and  others 
who  had  been  his  enemies.  I  went  with  him  also  on  his  first 
visit  to  Richmond,  a  year  after  it  fell,  for  he  had  not  time  to 
stop  and  enter  in  the  hour  of  triumph  like  other  victors,  but 
pushed  on  after  Lee. 


GRANT  AS   A   TRAVELER. 


299 


So  too  I  accompanied  him  in  his  journeyings  over  the 
North  amid  the  ovations  which  this  generation  hardly  re 
members,  but  which  equaled  any  ever  paid  to  an  American. 

I  went  with  him  when  he  left  his  country  for  the  first 
time  —  it  was  to  pass  through  Canada  in  1865.  We  spent  a 
day  or  two  at  Montreal  and  Quebec,  and  then  came  the  first 
premonitions  of  the  honors  destined  to  be  heaped  upon  him 
abroad  twelve  and  fourteen  years  afterward.  The  Governor- 
General  of  Canada  offered  him  a  dinner,  and  put  him  in  the 
royal  pew ;  the  Canadian  towns  welcomed  him  almost  as  if  he 
had  saved  their  country  or  led  their  armies. 

I  met  him  when  he  landed  in  England  in  1877,  and 
accompanied  him,  by  permission  of  the  Government,  wher 
ever  he  went  in  Great  Britain.  I  was  with  him  in  Belgium, 
Germany,  Switzerland,  Italy,  and  France.  Always  he  was 
the  same  simple,  impassive  man,  the  genuine  democrat. 
The  compliments  of  Kings  did  not  disturb  him  ;  the  adulation 
offered  by  whole  populations  did  not  elate  him  unduly 
that  I  could  ever  discern.  After  his  departure  from  England 
and  his  short  visit  to  Belgium  he  proceeded  up  the  Rhine. 
At  Cologne  he  was  met  by  two  officers  of  the  army  sent 
by  the  Emperor  to  welcome  him  to  Germany.  He  visited 
the  cathedral  like  any  other  traveler,  and  was  interested 
in  the  villages  and  the  ruins  of  the  Rhine ;  but  he  cared 
more  for  the  fortresses  of  to-day,  for  Ehrenbreitstein  and 
the  bridge  of  boats  than  for  the  legends  and  castles  of 
romance.  We  stopped  for  a  night  at  Bingen,  and  after 
dinner  he  and  I  walked  out  into  a  fair  and  saw  all  the 
village  shows ;  he  liked  them  quite  as  well  as  any  palace 
with  a  history.  He  questioned  the  people  through  me 
and  was  curious  about  their  ways,  but  he  had  never  heard 
of  Mrs.  Norton's  poem  of  "Bingen  on  the  Rhine." 

At  Frankfort  he  fell  in  with  some  of  his  Jewish  friends, 
and  was  quite  as  much  at  home  with  the  Seligmans  as  if 
they  had  been  princes,  though  his  last  host  had  been  the 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

King  of  the  Belgians.  Here  he  was  taken  to  two  famous 
wine-cellars,  and  tasted  in  each  on  the  same  morning  twenty- 
eight  different  brands  of  Rhenish  wine,  of  course  only 
sipping  from  each  glass.  We  began  with  ordinary  wine  and 
ascended  in  quality  to  the  Johannisberger,  so  rare  that  it 
is  reserved  for  the  Emperor  on  holidays.  The  glasses  were 
never  filled  with  this  precious  liquid,  and  what  was  left  was 
passed  to  the  less  important  people  in  the  party  after  the 
guests  had  been  served. 

At  Geneva  for  a  change  he  laid  the  corner-stone  of  a 
Protestant  church,  and  dined  with  an  American,  Mr.  Barbey, 
at  his  charming  villa.  From  the  piazza  we  looked  up  at 
Mt.  Blanc  and  watched  the  rose-tinted  hues  of  the  sunset 
as  they  fell  on  the  distant  snows. 

From  Geneva  we  went  on  to  Mt.  Blanc.  I  was  curious 
to  discover  what  interest  my  chief  would  display  in  the 
world-renowned  landscape.  I  fancied  he  might  be  indifferent 
to  the  marvels  of  mountain  scenery,  for  I  had  never  been 
with  him  in  such  regions  before.  But  I  was  wrong.  We 
traveled  from  Geneva  to  Chamounix  and  then  by  the  Tete 
Noire  to  the  Valley  of  the  Rhone,  in  one  of  the  ordinary 
open  Swiss  carriages,  General  and  Mrs.  Grant,  Jesse  and 
myself ;  and  from  the  moment  when  we  first  approached  Mt. 
Blanc  so  as  to  perceive  its  majesty,  General  Grant  was 
as  profoundly  impressed  as  any  of  the  party.  He  betrayed 
what  to  me  was  an  entirely  new  side  of  his  nature.  At 
Chamounix  we  remained  three  days  because  he  was  so 
interested.  I  ascended  with  him  the  Montan  Vert  and 
crossed  the  Mer  de  Glace ;  and  he  was  full  of  appreciation. 
It  was  not  only  the  crevasses  that  he  wondered  at  and 
the  glaciers  that  he  admired,  but  all  the  stupendous  grandeur 
of  the  scene  was  as  apparent  to  him  as  if  he  had  been  a  poet. 
When  we  were  up  there  together  alone  with  no  one  but  the 
guide,  whose  language  the  General  could  not  understand, 
I  found  my  chief  susceptible  to  emotions  of  the  sublime  to  a 


GRANT   AS   A  TRAVELER. 

degree  that  was  a  revelation  of  his  character.  I  kept  the 
alpenstock  he  carried  that  day,  as  a  memento  of  my  surprise. 
It  stands  in  my  library  now  —  I  can  see  it  as  I  write,  —  by 
the  coat  that  he  slept  in  at  Shiloh. 

At  Chamounix  a  St.  Bernard  dog  was  presented  to  him, 
only  six  weeks  old,  but  he  could  not  carry  the  creature  with 
him  around  the  world  and  ordered  it  sent  to  my  house  in 
London.  There  two  months  later  the  noble  brute  arrived. 
It  has  been  one  of  my  most  constant  companions  since ; 
it  crossed  the  ocean  with  me,  and  even  went  to  Cuba, 
far  enough  from  its  native  snows ;  and  more  than  once,  as 
friend  after  friend  proved  false,  the  fond  fidelity  of  Ponto  has 
recalled  the  bitter  words  of  De  Stael :  "  The  more  I  see  of 
men,  the  better  I  appreciate  dogs." 

Chamounix  was  hung  with  flags  for  the  ex-President,  and 
Mt.  Blanc  was  illuminated.  At  night  away  up  at  the  chalet 
where  the  climbers  rest  we  saw  a  light  gleaming  over  the 
snows  which  told  that  the  Swiss  mountaineers  greeted 
the  American  democrat. 

We  descended,  as  I  said,  by  the  Tete  Noire,  and  all 
through  the  great  mountain  gorge  the  plain,  unsentimental 
soldier  was  fully  alive  to  the  majestic  character  of  the 
landscape.  From  Vernayaz  we  had  intended  to  return  to 
Geneva,  but  after  reaching  the  Gorge  du  Trient,  we  went  up 
the  valley  of  the  Rh6ne  to  Brieg.  Then  we  ascended  the 
Simplon,  and  again  Grant  was  deeply  impressed  and  in 
terested.  He  often  left  the  carriage  to  walk,  so  as  the 
better  to  drink  in  the  grandeur.  At  the  hospice  of  the 
Simplon  the  monks  had  heard  of  him  ;  they  got  out  their 
choicest  home-made  wine  and  spread  their  frugal  lunch 
for  the  American  commander. 

So  we  went  on  to  Italy,  over  the  road  built  by  another 
general :  Grant  everywhere  enjoying  the  novelty,  appreciat 
ing  the  scenery,  studying  the  people.  But  he  liked  people 
always  more  than  scenery,  and  the  common  people  best 


302 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


of  all.  At  every  town  or  village,  as  soon  as  we  stopped 
for  the  night,  he  wanted  to  stroll  out  with  me  and  watch  the 
crowds  returning  from  work,  or  in  their  shops,  or  on  their 
little  farms  ;  or  at  play  or  festival.  At  Domo  d'Ossola  there 
was  a  charming  fete,  with  fireworks,  dances,  and  music  for 
"  Our  Lady  of  the  Snows."  He  made  me  ask  the  peasants 
questions  in  their  own  language,  for  he  was  no  linguist, 
as  the  world  knows ;  but  he  got  at  the  people  quickly 
and  often  was  himself  his  own  and  best  interpreter.  Noth 
ing  in  all  his  travel  delighted  or  interested  him  more  than 
this  going  direct  to  the  people  themselves.  It  was  Antaeus 
touching  earth. 

But  he  was  sufficiently  courteous  to  those  who  thought 
themselves  "  the  great,"  when  they  came  to  offer  him 
civilities.  He  was  by  no  means  indifferent  to  the  evidences 
of  his  distinction.  At  a  charming  spot  on  one  of  the 
Italian  lakes,  where  we  staid  for  a  day  cr  two,  one  even 
ing  after  dinner  a  Princess  was  announced  —  a  handsome, 
sumptuous  woman,  with  a  famous  Russian  name.  She  came 
across  the  lake  in  her  boat  through  the  twilight,  with  attend 
ants  and  a  female  friend,  and  was  dressed  in  black,  with  a 
lace  shawl  thrown  over  her  head  and  a  blush  red  rose  in  her 
hair.  She  came  to  ask  the  General  and  his  party  to  visit  her 
villa  in  the  neighborhood,  called  after  herself,  the  "Villa 
Ada."  The  Princess  was  an  American,  she  explained,  but 
had  married  a  great  Russian,  and  was  living  away  from  home 
to  educate  her  boys.  The  Prince  unfortunately  was  absent, 
but  she  hoped  to  receive  her  great  countryman  at  a  mid-day 
dinner.  General  Grant  accepted  the  invitation  promptly,  for 
he  always  availed  himself  of  pleasant  opportunities,  like  a 
true  traveler ;  but  Mrs.  Grant  could  not  say  at  once  if  she 
was  disengaged.  With  a  woman's  instinct  she  wanted  to 
find  out  more  about  her  hostess. 

We  learned,  however,  that  the  lady  was  in  reality  a 
Russian  Princess,  though  an  American  by  birth,  and  Mrs. 


GRANT  AS  A  TRAVELER. 


303 


Grant  accompanied  the  General  to  the  luncheon.  The  villa 
was  charming,  the  situation  perfect;  scenery,  sky,  terraces, 
flowers  —  all  Italian.  The  Princess  was  stately;  her  man 
ner  became  her  rank ;  she  was  not  more  than  forty,  if  so 
old ;  very  handsome  and  especially  amiable  to  Jesse,  for  Mrs. 
Grant  always  awed  even  Princesses  if  they  paid  too  much 
attention  to  her  great  husband.  We  noticed  many  portraits 
of  the  Princess  in  theatrical  costumes,  Lucrezia,  Semi- 
ramide,  Norma;  and  her  highness  explained  that  she  was 
fond  of  fancy  balls,  and  had  been  painted  often  after  going 
to  one.  From  the  villa  we  returned  to  the  hotel  where  a 
tenor  singer  wanted  General  Grant  to  patronize  his  concert. 
The  General  did  not  think  this  worth  his  while,  and  then  the 
tenor  spitefully  exclaimed  that  General  Grant  might  as  well 
go  to  his  concert  as  to  the  house  of  a  former  prima  donna. 
The  Princess  was  indeed  an  American  girl  who  had  come  to 
Italy  to  study  for  the  opera ;  she  had  sung  at  La  Scala  and 
San  Carlo,  and  pleased  the  fancy  of  the  Prince,  who  married 
her.  But  she  could  not  go  to  court,  nor  be  recognized  at 
St.  Petersburg.  This  was  why  she  lived  in  Italy.  This 
accounted  for  the  portraits  of  Lucrezia  and  Semiramide, 
There  was  no  harm  done ;  the  Princess  was  married ;  but  she 
had  kept  back  her  story  when  she  invited  Mrs.  Grant.  Her 
companion  had  an  engagement  at  the  time  at  the  Neapolitan 
opera.  Nevertheless  the  villa  was  beautiful,  the  lake  was 
Italian,  and  the  Princess  was  real,  like  her  lace  and  her  red 
rose. 

At  Thusis  there  was  another  incident.  One  Sunday 
morning  after  the  late  Continental  breakfast  we  were  wait 
ing  for  the  vetturino,  and  sat  in  an  arbor  without  the  inn, 
looking  up  to  the  Via  Mala.  There  was  a  little  gate  that 
opened  on  the  arbor,  and  to  this  there  came  a  short  but 
stately  woman  of  sixty  years  or  more,  dressed  in  black  with 
out  a  bonnet,  but  holding  a  parasol.  She  walked  straight  up 
to  the  group  and  looking  over  the  gate  asked  if  this  was 


304 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


General  Grant ;  then  made  a  profound  courtesy  such  as  they 
offer  in  Europe  to  sovereigns.  Her  face  and  voice  seemed 
strangely  familiar  to  me,  but  I  could  not  recall  where  I  had 
known  either.  I  rose,  however,  of  course,  and  opened  the 
gate,  thinking  she  might  be  some  duchess  come  to  ask 
General  Grant  to  dine  with  a  Queen,  and  the  visitor  entered. 
She  was  invited  to  a  seat,  but  did  not  tell  her  name.  She 
had  just  come  from  the  Engadine,  where  she  had  been 
greatly  interested  in  a  Swiss  peasant  who  had  served  in  the 
American  army,  and  madame  had  promised  if  ever  she  met 
General  Grant  to  implore  him  for  a  pension  for  her  protege". 
General  Grant  had  no  more  power  than  I  had  to  obtain  a 
pension,  except  according  to  the  rules ;  and  as  a  consular 
officer  I  was  familiar  with  the  methods.  I  endeavored  to 
explain  this,  but  the  beneficent  stranger  did  not  care  for 
rules,  she  wanted  the  interposition  of  the  ex-President ;  the 
detts  ex  machina.  Finally,  however,  she  learned  just  how 
much  or  how  little  General  Grant  could  do  in  the  matter, 
and  turned  to  take  her  leave.  As  she  rose  she  said  she  had 
had  the  pleasure  of  knowing  General  Grant's  daughter 
in  England ;  young  Sartoris,  who  had  married  "  Nellie 
Grant,"  was  her  nephew.  Then  I  knew  where  I  had  seen 
the  low  forehead  and  stately  air  and  heard  the  deep  rich 
tones ;  for  this  was  Fanny  Kemble.  The  connections 
exchanged  a  few  further  remarks,  and  the  dramatic  person 
age  made  another  courtesy  such  as  Catharine  of  Arragon 
performed  to  Henry  VIII.,  put  up  her  black  silk  parasol 
again,  and  sailed  away. 

At  Heidelberg  Grant  met  Wagner.  The  King  of  Music 
came  to  call  on  the  man  whose  deeds  were  greater  than  any 
the  other  had  ever  celebrated  in  song  or  orchestra.  The 
interview  was  peculiar ;  neither  of  these  who  had  so  affected 
their  fellows  in  so  widely  different  ways  could  speak  the 
other's  language.  Wagner,  master  as  he  was  of  expression, 
was  mute  in  Grant's  presence,  and  Grant,  whose  character  is 


GRANT  AS  A   TRAVELER.  ~O5 

akin,  perhaps,  to  that  of  Wagner's  heroes,  was  able  only  to 
reach  the  musician  through  an  interpreter.  Yet  the  meet 
ing  at  this  historic  place,  under  the  shadow  of  the  ruined 
palace  with  its  memories  —  of  the  latest  master  of  modern 
art  with  the  greatest  warrior  of  American  history — was  an 
event  worth  chronicling.  If  Wagner  had  written  an  opera 
upon  the  "Wilderness"  the  grim  and  terrible  fighter  might 
have  inspired  an  utterance  equal  to  any  of  Tristan  or  Sigis- 
mund.  If  they  have  met  since  it  is  in  that  region  where 
bards  and  heroes  perhaps  are  equal;  where  the  laurel  is 
bestowed  alike  on  deeds  and  thoughts. 

I  was  with  General  Grant  in  Rome,  but  there  is  no  dis 
guising  the  fact  that  he  did  not  appreciate  pictures  or 
statuary.  He  refused  to  admire  the  Marcus  Aurelius  at  the 
Capitol,  though  I  took  him  to  see  it  especially  because  it 
was  equestrian  :  I  thought  he  would  like  the  horse.  I  went 
with  him  to  the  Vatican,  but  he  passed  straight  through  the 
wonderful  gallery  of  marble  and  never  wanted  to  linger ;  he 
did  not  care  for  the  Apollo  or  the  Laocoon.  He  got  tired  of 
the  Sistine  Chapel,  and  poked  fun  at  me  when  I  wanted  to 
look  once  more  at  the  Last  Judgment  of  Michael  Angelo. 
He  would  not  pretend.  He  was  blind  always  to  the  beauties 
of  art.  I  don't  think  he  could  ever  tell  a  good  picture  from  a 
bad  one. 

In  the  same  way  he  was  utterly  deaf  to  music.  He  never 
knew  one  tune  from  another;  he  thought  he  could  dis 
tinguish  "  Hail  to  the  Chief,"  it  was  played  so  often  for  him ; 
but  if  it  was  changed  for  Yankee  Doodle  he  did  not  know 
the  difference.  I  more  than  once  heard  him  say  at  balls,  he 
could  dance  very  well  if  it  wasn't  for  the  music ;  that  always 
put  him  out.  He  took  no  interest  even  in  Venice,  and  never 
wanted  to  see  its  famous  "  Stones  "  a  second  time.  He  had 
some  slight  appreciation  of  architecture,  but  not  a  keen  one. 
The  grandeur  and  form  of  the  great  cathedrals  made  an 
impression  on  him,  but  he  liked  Thebes  better  than  Milan, ' 


3o6 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


the  Pyramids  than  Cologne.  The  preference  was  typical.  It 
was  the  colossal  character  that  impressed  him,  not  the 
artistic  elaboration  or  effect ;  just  as  in  Nature  it  was  the 
Alps  rather  than  the  smiling  villages  of  the  Rhine.  Delicate 
beauties  always  were  too  small  for  him  to  grasp,  both  in 
literature  and  art.  But  it  was  more  important  for  his 
country  that  he  should  be  what  he  was  than  that  he  should 
appreciate  the  Venus  of  the  Capitol  or  the  Cathedral  of 
St.  Mark. 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

THE    WANDERINGS    OF    ULYSSES. 

THE  modern  Ulysses  traveled  further  than  his  classic 
namesake  ;  and  his  Penelope  accompanied  him.  They 
once  came  upon  the  course  of  the  ancient  hero,  and  sailing 
along  the  Italian  and  Sicilian  shores  the  story  of  the  Odys 
sey  was  told  again.  Mrs.  Grant  liked  to  be  shown  where 
the  son  of  Laertes  had  landed,  where  he  escaped  from 
Calypso,  or  avoided  Scylla  or  Charybdis.  But  the  practical 
General  was  more  curious  about  geography  than  mythology. 
The  coasts  and  channels  he  inspected  closely,  but  cared 
nothing  for  the  fables  of  Homeric  origin.  Ancient  history 
itself  hardly  interested  him.  I  remember  that  in  Rome, 
when  I  talked  of  the  Forum  and  the  Capitol,  he  replied  that 
they  seemed  recent  to  him  after  Memphis  and  the  Sphinx, 
which  he  had  seen.  Remote  antiquity  impressed  him ;  but 
the  venerable  associations  that  scholars  prize  had  no  charm 
for  Grant.  There  was  little  room  in  his  nature  for  senti 
ment,  though  abundance  of  genuine  feeling. 

At  Homburg  they  dug  up  the  grave  of  a  Roman  soldier 
for  the  American  who  had  fought  in  a  region  the  Romans 
never  heard  of,  and  Grant  was  attentive  to  the  coins  and  this 
weapons  in  the  tomb,  but  unmoved  by  the  strangeness  of  the 
spectacle  —  the  exhuming  of  a  forgotten  warrior  for  the 
inspection  of  another  still  in  the  prime  of  his  renown.  So, 
too,  on  Lake  Luzerne,  though  he  was  never  indifferent  to 
mountains,  the  railroad  on  the  Righi  interested  him  far  more 
than  the  famous  scenery,  and  he  examined  the  highway  of 

(307) 


308  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

the  Axenstrasse  more  carefully  than  the  chapel  of  William 
Tell.  At  Cadenabbia  he  refused  to  visit  the  Villa  Carlotta 
to  see  the  marbles  of  Canova  and  Thorwaldsen,  and  at  Berne 
he  was  vexed  with  his  son,  Jesse,  and  with  me,  because  we 
insisted  on  viewing  the  Cathedral.  He  said  we  had  seen 
Cologne  and  Mayence  and  Brussels,  why  should  we  waste 
our  time  on  any  more  architecture.  He  was  indeed  a  little 
unreasonable  at  first,  as  a  traveler.  If  he  could  not  discern 
the  beauties  of  a  cathedral  or  a  gallery,  he  would  not  believe 
that  others  did.  But  later  he  became  more  catholic;  he 
found  out  that  there  might  be  things  in  heaven  and  earth 
he  had  not  dreamed  of  in  his  earlier  philosophy. 

In  that  same  Berne  he  made  me  walk  for  hours  with  him, 
turning  away  from  the  Cathedral  and  the  Bernese  Oberland, 
to  stray  till  we  got  lost  among  the  narrow  streets  and  the 
Swiss  citizens.  It  was  always  indeed  in  men  that  he  took 
the  keenest  interest;  in  the  people,  the  peasants,  the  citi 
zens,  "greasy"  though  they  often  were.  For  without  being 
coarse  or  ever  in  any  way  vulgar,  he  still  was  not  over- 
refined.  He  had  a  healthy  naturalness  that  affiliated  with 
plain  people,  though  it  was  not  offended  with  princes.  Yet 
he  did  not  like  these  last  because  they  were  princes,  as  so 
many  democrats  do.  He  found  out  their  human  traits  and 
touched  them  there.  In  this  way  he  liked  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  despite  the  discourtesy  of  Maryborough  House, 
because  there  is  in  the  Prince  a  vein  of  heartiness  which 
Grant  discovered.  If  Albert  Edward  had  not  been  royal  he 
might  have  been  a  good  fellow;  and  Grant  and  he  could 
have  played  cards  or  billiards  together  and  enjoyed  them 
selves. 

Grant's  own  naturalness  was  always  as  refreshing  as  a 
breath  of  mountain  air  or  the  smell  of  the  pine  woods. 
Once,  in  the  Brunig  Pass,  on  the  way  to  Thun,  we  stopped 
at  a  chalet  where  we  dined.  It  was  just  beyond  the  great 
rock,  which  travelers  will  remember,  that  overhangs  the 


THE   WANDERINGS   OF   ULYSSES.  309 

Pass.  General  Grant,  Jesse,  and  I  strolled  on  after  dinner  in 
advance  of  the  vetturino,  and  the  carriage  came  up  to  us 
empty.  Mrs.  Grant  was  not  within.  Her  maid  was  called, 
and,  almost  crying,  said  she  had  not  seen  her  mistress  for 
nearly  a  quarter  of  an  hour.  We  searched  and  called,  but 
could  not  find  her.  The  General  became  anxious,  fearful 
lest  she  might  have  fallen  over  the  precipitous  sides  of  the 
road.  But  she  did  not  leave  us  long  in  doubt.  It  was  a 
game  of  hide  and  seek  in  the  Alps  between  the  Conqueror 
of  Vicksburg  and  the  woman  he  had  wooed  and  won  more 
than  a  quarter  of  a  century  before. 

When  we  went  up  from  Interlachen  to  Grindenwald  he 
and  Mrs.  Grant  flirted  nearly  all  the  way.  They  half  quar 
reled  as  to  how  they  should  sit,  and  wanted  always  to  be  by 
each  other's  side.  Mrs.  Grant  once  changed  her  seat  so  as  to 
get  a  better  view  of  the  Wetterhorn ;  this  placed  her  opposite 
her  husband,  and  General  Grant,  who  was  a  grandfather  and 
nearly  sixty  years  old,  didn't  like  it  at  all.  Mrs.  Grant  per 
ceived  this,  and  coquettishly  refused  to  return  till  we  arrived 
at  a  certain  point  in  the  valley;  and  the  hero  was  uncom 
fortable  until  Grindenwald  was  reached,  and  he  could  sit  by 
the  side  of  the  mother  of  his  grown-up  children.  Then  he 
was  happy  again  under  the  snows  and  the  shadows  of  the 
Jungfrau.  Neither  the  compliments  of  palaces  nor  the 
plaudits  of  two  continents  had  lessened  his  simplicity  or 
his  domesticity. 

Sometimes,  however,  he  made  use  of  his  greatness  rather 
oddly.  At  a  little  town  in  Norway,  I  think  it  was  Christiana, 
as  soon  as  he  arrived  he  went  out  alone  to  walk,  and  wan 
dered  away  till  he  was  lost.  He  could  not  speak  a  word  of 
the  language,  and  found  no  one  who  knew  any  more  English 
than  he  did  Norwegian.  His  topographical  sense,  which 
rarely  deserted  him,  on  this  occasion  was  quite  at  fault ;  and 
he  was  an  hour  or  more  trying  to  find  his  way.  At  last  he 
approached  an  intelligent-looking  man  of  the  humbler  sort, 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

and  said  to  him  distinctly  and  several  times,  "  General  Grant, 
General  Grant."  Then  by  signs  he  indicated  that  he  wanted 
to  go  to  the  hotel  where  General  Grant  was  staying.  The 
citizen  did  not  suspect  for  a  moment  with  whom  he  was 
speaking,  but  he  knew,  as  every  one  did  in  the  town,  that 
General  Grant  had  arrived ;  he  could  not  suppose  that  so  great 
a  personage  would  be  walking  unattended,  but  thought  this 
was  one  of  his  party  who  was  lost,  and  took  him  to  the  hotel 
to  rejoin  General  Grant.  There  he  found  out  whom  he  had 
led  in  the  streets  of  Christiana;  and  doubtless  in  his  family 
the  tradition  will  long  be  told  how  their  ancestor  went  about 
with  the  republican  Haroun  al  Raschid. 

Once,  at  least,  in  America  his  name  was  of  use  to  him. 
It  was  while  he  lived  at  Long  Branch.  He  was  taking  the 
steamer  that  sails  down  New  York  bay,  when  a  poor  woman 
came  aboard  with  two  small  children  whom  she  wished  to 
send  to  Long  Branch.  She  could  not  herself  accompany 
them,  but  they  were  to  be  met  by  friends  on  their  arrival. 
The  General  was  always  fond  of  children,  and  seeing  her 
anxiety,  stepped  up  and  offered  to  take  charge  of  the  little 
ones.  But  the  mother  hesitated  to  trust  her  children  to  a 
stranger.  He  delayed  a  moment,  and  then,  blushing  up  to 
the  eyes,  he  stammered:  "I  am  General  Grant."  The 
woman  looked  at  the  features  that  were  known  to  every 
American,  and  exclaimed :  "  Why,  so  you  are ! "  And  he 
took  her  babies  to  Long  Branch. 

All  his  experiences  were  not  like  these.  I  had  a  score  of 
letters  from  him  telling  of  his  reception  by  Asiatic  sovereigns 
and  Egyptian  and  Indian  Viceroys,  for  I  did  not  go  with  him 
further  than  Marseilles.  Some  curious  things  occurred  in  his 
Asiatic  journey.  In  India  the  Governor-General  and  all  the 
subordinate  officials  were  profuse  in  courtesy  and  hospitality, 
and  General  Grant  never  failed  to  appreciate  and  remember 
their  behavior.  But  there  were  indications  after  a  while  that 
they  must  have  received  instructions  from  home  not  to  pay 


THE   WANDERINGS   OF  ULYSSES.  311 

too  much  deference  to  the  ex-President.  He  believed  that 
the  British  Government  was  unwilling  to  admit  to  the  half- 
civilized  populations  of  the  East  that  any  Western  Power  was 
important,  or  that  any  authority  deserved  recognition  except 
their  own.  At  least  on  several  occasions  in  the  Chinese 
waters  and  around  Burmah,  Siam,  and  Japan  there  were 
marked  failures  in  those  compliments  which  were  paid  him 
everywhere  else  in  Asia.  I  was  then  in  England,  but  kept 
up  a  constant  correspondence  with  him.  Reading  of  the 
honors  offered  him  in  India,  I  suggested  that  when  he  left 
the  British  dominions  in  the  East  he  should  request  the 
American  Minister  in  London  to  thank  the  Government  for 
the  peculiar  distinction  with  which  he  had  been  treated. 
But  this  was  his  reply : 

"  I  received  your  letter  suggesting  that  I  should  write  to  Mr. 
Welsh  on  my  departure  from  the  last  British  colony,  in  time  to 
have  written  from  Hong  Kong.  But  I  did  not  do  so  because  I  did 
not  feel  like  making  acknowledgments  to  the  Government  for  any 
exhibition  of  respect  on  their  part,  while  I  gratefully  acknowledge 
the  most  marked  hospitality  and  kindness  from  all  British  officials 
in  the  East.  I  do  not  care  to  write  the  reasons  for  distinguishing 
the  people,  official  and  unofficial,  of  England  and  the  Government, 
but  I  will  tell  you  some  day." 

He  told  me  fully  afterwards.  In  December,  1878,  he 
wrote  to  me : 

"  Before  your  letter  suggesting  a  letter  of  condolence  to  the 
Prince  of  Wales  for  the  death  of  the  Princess  Alice  and  a  letter  of 
thanks  to  the  President  for  his  tender  of  a  ship  to  take  me  East,  I 
had  written  such  a  letter  as  the  latter,  but  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  from  whom  the  tender  came,  without  allusion  to  the  Presi 
dent.  On  the  whole,  I  thought  it  out  of  place,  in  the  estimation  of 
the  American  citizen,* to  write  to  the  Queen,  or  for  her." 

Nevertheless,  a  few  months  before  he  had  said  to  me : 
"I  wrote  the  Duke  of  Argyll  a  letter  of  condolence  the  very 


GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

moment  I  heard  of  the  death  of  the  Duchess,  day  before 
yesterday,  I  think." 

And  so  he  went  on  from  one  potentate  and  people  to 
another.  At  Bombay  he  wrote,  four  days  after  his  arrival : 
"  The  reception  here  has  been  most  cordial  from  the  officials, 
foreign  residents,  Parsee  merchants,  and  the  better-to-do 
Hindoo  natives.  Myself  and  party  were  invited  to  occupy 
the  Government  House,  where  we  are  now  staying,  and 
where  we  have  received  princely  hospitalities/'  From  Cal 
cutta  a  month  later  he  wrote  to  me  :  "  We  have  now  done 
India  from  Bombay  to  Delhi  and  back  to  this  place.  We 
leave  here  to-morrow  morning  for  Singapore.  The  English 
people  have  exceeded  themselves  in  hospitalities.  Nowhere 
but  at  one  place  have  we  been  permitted  to  stop  at  a  hotel, 
and  there  —  Jubulpore  —  it  was  because  no  official  had  the 
spare  room  for  our  accommodation." 

The  impression  made  on  him  in  China  was  profound.  I 
quote  a  few  lines  on  this  theme : 

"  My  visit  through  China  was  a  pleasant  one,  though  the  coun 
try  presents  no  attractions  to  invite  the  visitor  to  make  the  second 
trip.  From  Canton  to  Pekin  my  reception  by  the  civil  and  mili 
tary  authorities  was  the  most  cordial  ever  extended  to  any  for 
eigner,  no  matter  what  his  rank.  The  fact  is,  the  Chinese  like 
Americans  better,  or  rather,  perhaps,  hate  them  less,  than  any 
other  foreigners.  The  reason  is  palpable.  We  are  the  only 
Power  that  recognizes  their  right  to  control  their  own  domestic 
affairs.  My  impression  is  that  China  is  on  the  eve  of  a  great 
revolution  that  will  land  her  among  the  nations  of  progress.  They 
have  the  elements  of  great  wealth  and  great  power  too,  and  not 
more  than  a  generation  will  pass  before  she  will  make  these  ele 
ments  felt." 

Grant  often  said  to  me  that  the  four  greatest  men  he 
met  abroad  were  Beaconsfield,  Bismarck,  Gambetta,  and  the 
Chinese  statesman,  Li  Hung  Chang.  Japan,  however,  inter 
ested  him  more  than  any  country  in  the  world,  except  his 


THE   WANDERINGS   OF   ULYSSES.  2 13 

own  and  England,  where,  indeed,  he  never  felt  as  a  foreigner ; 
for  he  loved  England  after  he  knew  Englishmen  at  home. 
Of  Japan  he  said  : 

"  We  have  now  been  in  Japan  for  nearly  a  month.  My  recep 
tion  and  entertainment  has  been  the  most  extravagant  I  have  ever 
known,  or  even  read  of This  is  a  most  beautiful  coun 
try  and  a  most  interesting  people.  The  progress  they  have  made 
in  their  changed  civilization  within  twelve  years  is  almost  incredi 
ble.  They  have  now,  military  and  naval  academies,  colleges, 
academies,  engineering  schools,  schools  of  science,  and  free 
schools  for  male  and  female,  as  thoroughly  organized  and  on  as 
high  a  basis  of  instruction  as  any  country  in  the  world.  Travel  in 
the  interior  is  as  safe  for  an  unarmed,  unprotected  foreigner  as  it 
is  in  the  New  England  States.  This  is  marvelous,  when  the 
treatment  these  people  and  all  Eastern  peoples  receive  at  the  hands 
of  the  average  foreigner  residing  among  them  [is  considered].  I 
have  never  been  so  struck  with  the  heartlessness  of  nations  as 
well  as  individuals  as  since  coming  to  the  East.  But  a  day  of 
retribution  is  sure  to  come.  These  people  are  becoming  strong, 
and  China  is  sure  to  do  so  also.  When  they  do,  a  different 
policy  will  have  to  prevail  from  that  imposed  now." 

During  this  time  Grant  conceived  many  and  large  ideas 
in  regard  to  an  Oriental  policy  for  this  country,  especially 
toward  China  and  Japan ;  and  had  he  reached  the  Presidency 
again,  it  would  have  been  a  principal  object  of  his  Adminis 
tration  to  inaugurate  this  policy. 

On  the  28th  of  August,  1879,  he  wrote  to  me: 

"  My  visit  to  this  interesting  country  and  abroad  is  now  draw 
ing  to  a  close.  On  the  2d  of  September  we  sail  for  San  Francisco. 
Our  reception  and  entertainment  in  Japan  has  exceeded  anything 
preceding  it.  At  the  end  of  the  first  year  abroad  I  was  quite 
homesick,  but  determined  to  remain  to  see  every  country  in 
Europe  at  least.  Now  at  the  end  of  twenty-six  months  I  dread 
going  back,  and  would  not  if  there  was  a  line  of  steamers  between 
here  and  Australia.  But  I  shall  go  to  my  quiet  little  home  in 
Galena  and  remain  there  until  the  cold  drives  me  away." 


314  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

No  man  enjoyed  ordinary  travel,  the  seeing  strange 
sights  and  different  countries  and  nations  more  than  Grant ; 
and  no  man  ever  had  his  extraordinary  opportunities.  Under 
these  his  mind  and  character  grew  and  enlarged ;  he  received 
all  the  benefits  of  contact  with  so  many  minds,  of  witnessing 
so  many  civilizations,  of  studying  so  many  intellectual  and 
moral  varieties  of  man.  He  had  not  in  his  youth  the  advan 
tage  of  what  is  called  a  liberal  education,  but  no  man  ever 
trod  this  earth  more  highly  educated  than  Grant  by  events 
and  experiences  and  opportunities,  and  attrition  with  the 
highest  natures,  and  association  with  the  grandest  companies 
in  the  grandest  sense  of  the  word. 

He  kept  up  his  connection  with  his  great  compeers  after 
his  return.  He  corresponded  with  more  than  one  King,  and 
when  the  history  of  his  campaigns,  on  which  I  had  been 
engaged  for  fifteen  years,  and  in  which  his  interest  had  been 
almost  equal  to  my  own  —  was  at  last  complete  —  he  sent  a 
copy  to  every  potentate  all  over  the  world  by  whom  he  had 
been  entertained ;  to  the  Mikado  of  Japan  and  to  Bismarck ; 
to  the  Viceroy  of  India  and  the  Kings  of  Siam  and  Sweden 
and  Greece;  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  the  Presidents  of 
Switzerland  and  the  French  Republic;  and  every  one  ac 
knowledged  the  present  except  the  Prince  of  Wales. 

The  collection  of  these  letters  was  of  course  peculiarly 
interesting  to  me,  and  he  allowed  me  to  keep  it  for  years ; 
but  I  returned  it  to  him  unasked,  for  his  family,  whose  claims 
upon  it  I  thought  superior  to  my  own.  In  June,  1882,  he 
wrote  me  a  letter  from  which  I  copy  the  postscript :  "  The 
mail  lying  before  me  when  you  were  in  had  the  acknowledg 
ments  from  Lytton  [Lord  Lytton,  then  Viceroy  of  India], 
the  first  received.  Next  I  believe  was  from  the  King  of 
Siam."  It  was  the  reward  of  my  labors  that  I  was  allowed 
to  share  these  congratulations  with  the  conqueror  of  Lee  and 
the  guest  of  the  nations  and  the  rulers  of  Europe  and  Asia. 


CHAPTER   XXXVI. 

THE   THIRD   TERM. 

GRANT'S  relief  at  being  freed  from  the  cares  and  en 
tanglements  of  political  life  was  at  first  so  great  that 
any  reference  by  his  friends  to  the  possibility  of  his  re-enter 
ing  office  was  extremely  distasteful  to  him.  Nevertheless 
when  the  great  railroad  strikes  of  1877  occurred,  in  the  first 
year  after  his  retirement,  his  letters  from  America  abounded 
with  allusions  to  the  situation,  and  not  a  few  expressed  the 
wish  that  a  "  strong  man  "  fitted  to  cope  with  the  emergency 
had  been  at  the  head  of  the  Government.  Of  course  there 
was  no  possibility  of  his  returning  to  place  at  that  time,  but 
if  the  crisis  had  lasted  and  there  had  been  a  general  demand 
for  his  services,  I  think  he  would  not  then  have  hesitated  to 
perform  what  he  might  have  considered  a  public  duty.  The 
idea  of  some  such  possibility  was  certainly  presented  to  his 
mind ;  and  although  he  was  always  the  last  man  to  prepare 
for  unlikely  contingencies,  he  still  was  revolving  what  might 
be  incumbent  on  him  in  case  the  gravity  of  the  situation 
increased.  He  admitted  to  me  on  more  than  one  occasion 
that  it  might  become  his  duty  to  return  to  public  life.  Of 
course  he  had  not  the  slightest  thought  of  taking  any  such 
step  except  in  accordance  with  constitutional  provisions,  and 
he  certainly  had  no  desire  to  resume  the  cares  which  he  had 
so  recently  laid  aside.  He  simply  did  not  mean  to  shrink 
from  any  of  the  responsibilities  which  his  past  career  and 
the  appreciation  of  his  countrymen  might  impose. 

But  the  crisis  passed  away,  and  he  felt  a  genuine  satis- 

(315) 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

faction  at  this  result ;  first,  because  of  the  relief  to  the  coun 
try,  and  next,  because  the  shadow  of  further  public  station 
had  faded  from  his  own  future.  After  this,  he  was  more 
averse  than  ever  to  the  thought  of  again  becoming  a  Presi 
dential  aspirant.  But  his  triumphal  tour  abroad  suggested 
the  idea  to  his  friends  at  home,  many  of  whom  were  anxious 
that  he  should  be  kept  out  of  the  country  in  order  to  avoid 
premature  political  complications.  As  early  as  March,  1878, 
he  wrote  to  me  from  Rome :  "  Most  every  letter  I  get  from 
the  States,  like  Porter's  to  you,  asks  me  to  remain  abroad. 
They  have  designs  for  me  which  I  do  not  contemplate  for 
myself.  It  is  probable  that  I  will  return  to  the  United 
States  either  in  the  fall  or  early  next  spring."  This  remark 
was  meant  for  me  as  much  as  for  any  one  else,  for  I  had  not 
hesitated  to  let  him  know  that  I  thought  the  country  would 
desire  his  return  to  power ;  but  at  that  time  he  had  said  no 
word  to  warrant  me  in  supposing  that  he  entertained  the 
idea. 

He  did  not,  it  is  true,  return  to  America  so  soon  as  he 
had  expected,  but  this  was  because  of  an  improvement  in  his 
financial  circumstances.  When  he  first  arrived  in  England, 
he  told  me  that  he  had  only  $25,000  to  spend  in  foreign 
travel ;  if  that  would  last  two  years  he  could  stay  abroad  two 
years,  but  if  it  became  exhausted  sooner  he  would  be  obliged 
to  return.  He  was  treated  so  much  like  a  sovereign  that  his 
expenses  were  proportionally  increased,  and  of  course  the 
sum  that  he  mentioned  did  not  hold  out  nearly  as  long  as  he 
had  hoped ;  but  his  son  Ulysses,  then  living  in  California, 
was  able  to  make  certain  investments  for  his  father  which 
resulted  in  placing  nearly  $60,000  at  his  disposal,  and  then 
General  Grant  was  enabled  to  travel  as  far  and  as  long  as  he 
pleased.  Accordingly,  he  extended  his  stay. 

I  wrote  to  him  in  the  latter  part  of  1878,  repeating  some 
thing  that  had  been  said  to  me  about  the  possible  effect  of 
my  history  of  his  campaigns  upon  his  political  prospects,  and 


THE  THIRD   TERM. 

suggesting  that  the  concluding  volumes  should  be  delayed 
until  his  return  to  America ;  but  he  replied :  "  I  do  not  see 
what  the  publication  of  the  book  at  any  particular  time  can 
have  to  do  with  the  formation  of  public  opinion  as  to  political 
objects.  It  has  been  a  long  time  in  preparation,  and  the 
public  has  known  all  about  it.  If  the  work  should  be  with 
held,  the  public  might  say  that  there  was  an  object  in  that. 
I  would  go  on  as  fast  as  possible,  and  when  the  book  is  ready 
publish  it.  Let  the  public  say  what  they  please." 

In  the  early  part  of  1879  he  left  Europe  for  the  last  time. 
I  accompanied  him  as  far  as  Marseilles,  where  he  took  a 
steamer  for  the  East,  and  up  to  that  day  he  had  said  no 
word  to  me,  nor,  I  am  confident,  to  any  other  human  being, 
defining  his  intentions  or  desires  in  regard  to  a  third  term. 
Mrs.  Grant  often  assured  me  that,  so  far  as  she  could  judge, 
he  had  formed  no  determination  in  the  matter.  I  believe 
that  at  this  time  he  had  neither  expectation  nor  ambition  to 
return  to  power. 

He  showed  this  very  plainly  by  insisting,  against  the 
advice  of  nearly  every  political  friend  he  had  in  the  world,  on 
returning  to  America.  Every  one  who  knew  anything  about 
American  politics  could  foresee  an  immense  enthusiasm  on 
his  arrival,  which,  if  it  was  developed  opportunely,  might 
sweep  him  into  the  Presidency,  while,  if  time  were  allowed 
for  it  to  cool,  all  the  opposition  and  efforts  of  rival  candidates 
could,  of  course,  be  concentrated,  and  render  even  his  renom- 
ination  difficult.  This  was  said  or  written  to  him  in  a  hun 
dred  forms  by  the  men  who  wished  his  renomination  and 
thought  themselves  sufficiently  intimate  or  important  to  offer 
their  views.  But  he  paid  no  attention  to  the  advice,  and 
returned  to  America  in  the  autumn  of  1879,  nearly  a  year 
before  the  Presidential  election,  and  more  than  six  months 
sooner  than  his  supporters  desired.  The  reason  he  always 
assigned  for  this  was  that  Mrs.  Grant  wanted  to  see  her  chil 
dren.  He  himself  was  far  from  being  tired  of  travel.  On 


318  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

the  ist  of  August,  1879,  he  wrote  to  me:  "At  the  end  of 
twenty-six  months  I  dread  going  back,  and  would  not  if  there 
were  a  line  of  steamers  between  here  and  Australia.  But  I 
shall  go  to  my  quiet  little  home  in  Galena,  and  remain  there 
until  the  cold  drives  me  away.  Then  I  shall  probably  go 
South — possibly  to  Havana  and  Mexico — to  remain  until 
April."  On  the  3Oth  of  the  same  month  he  wrote  to  me: 

"I  do  not  feel  bad  over  the  information gave  you.  I 

am  not  a  candidate  for  any  office,  nor  would  I  hold  one  that 
required  any  manoeuvring  or  sacrifice  to  obtain." 

The  enthusiasm  that  attended  his  welcome  was  greater 
than  the  most  sanguine  had  anticipated,  and  gave  him  the 
keenest  gratification.  In  December  he  wrote  me  a  long 
account  of  it  from  Philadelphia.  In  this  letter  he  said: 
"  To-day  I  start  for  Cuba  and  Mexico."  But  he  continued : 
"I  expect  to  be  back  in  Galena  as  soon  as  the  weather  gets 
pleasant  in  the  spring,  and  to  remain  there  until  time  to  go 
to  Long  Branch.  I  will  then  have  the  summer  to  arrange 
for  a  permanent  home  and  occupation.  It  may  be  the  [Nica 
ragua]  canal,  in  which  case  I  shall  live  in  New  York  City. 
It  must  be  employment  or  a  country  home.  My  means  will 
not  admit  of  a  city  home  without  employment  to  supplement 
them."  I  replied  that  I  thought  the  country  would  find  an 
employment  for  him  that  would  require  him  to  live  in  Wash 
ington.  But  to  this  he  made  no  response. 

In  April  I  returned  to  the  United  States  and  found  that 
he  had  already  arrived  from  Mexico  and  gone  as  he  intended 
to  his  little  home  in  Galena.  The  country  was  at  this  time 
in  the  full  flood  of  excitement  that  precedes  the  Presidential 
nominations.  Grant's  stubbornness  in  returning  had  pro 
duced  exactly  the  result  that  his  friends  had  foreseen.  Time 
was  given  for  the  opposition  to  crystallize ;  his  rivals  recov 
ered  from  their  first  shock  of  astonishment  at  his  popularity  ; 
the  dislike  entertained  in  many  quarters  for  a  third  term  was 
worked  up  vigorously,  and  the  political  world  was  in  the 


THE  THIRD   TERM.  319 

midst  of  a  battle.  Whether  the  instinct  of  fight  was  aroused 
in  him,  whether  he  felt  after  prolonged  rest  a  willingness  for 
new  labors,  or  whether  after  so  wide  and  varied  an  experience, 
abroad  as  well  as  at  home,  he  was  conscious  of  a  greater 
fitness  than  ever  for  high  place  —  it  is  hard  to  say.  All 
these  considerations  may  have  influenced  him ;  the  advice 
and  persuasion  of  most  of  those  who  had  been  closest  either 
as  political  or  personal  friends  may  have  told ;  the  pressure 
of  his  own  family,  naturally  eager  to  regain  the  position  they 
had  once  enjoyed,  was  incessant ;  and  Grant  allowed  every 
step  to  be  taken  to  present  his  name  to  the  country  and  the 
convention  without  one  sign  of  disapproval.  Delegates  were 
chosen  pledged  to  vote  for  him  ;  important  statesmen  known 
to  have  always  been  in  his  confidence  openly  advocated  his 
nomination ;  yet  with  that  singular  reticence  which  he  some 
times  displayed,  he  made  neither  public  nor  private  utterance 
on  the  subject,  and  men  like  Conkling,  Cameron,  and  Logan 
declared  in  intimate  conferences  that  Grant  had  never  said  to 
either  that  he  would  be  a  candidate.  He  always  had  a 
superstitious  feeling,  which  he  describes  in  his  memoirs,  that 
he  would  fail  in  any  effort  made  by  himself  to  secure  his  own 
advancement.  He  had  done  nothing  whatever  to  promote 
his  first  nomination,  and  nothing  directly  for  his  second  ;  and 
he  determined  now  to  follow  the  same  course  in  regard  to 
a  third. 

He  finally,  however,  became  extremely  anxious  to  receive 
the  nomination.  In  May  I  went  out  to  visit  him  at  Galena ; 
but  before  I  reached  that  place  he  had  arrived  at  Chicago,  at 
the  home  of  his  son,  Colonel  Grant.  At  Chicago,  I  saw  him 
constantly,  either  at  Colonel  Grant's  house,  or  more  fre 
quently  at  General  Sheridan's  headquarters ;  for  his  son  was 
on  Sheridan's  staff.  I  accompanied  him  on  a  visit  to  Elihu 
B.  Washburne,  and  dined  with  him  at  the  house  of  Russell 
Jones,  his  former  Minister  to  Belgium.  Both  these  gentle 
men  were  avowed  supporters  of  General  Grant,  and  in  their 


32O  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

presence  conversation  was  unrestrained,  and  the  prospects 
were  discussed  as  freely  as  they  would  have  been  before  any 
other  expectant  candidate. 

It  was  now  only  a  few  weeks  before  the  convention,  and 
Grant  manifested  as  much  anxiety  as  I  ever  saw  him  display 
on  his  own  account ;  he  calculated  the  chances,  he  counted 
the  delegates,  considered  how  every  movement  would  affect 
the  result,  and  was  pleased  or  indignant  at  the  conversion  of 
enemies  or  the  defection  of  friends,  just  as  any  other  human 
being  naturally  would  have  been  under  the  same  circum 
stances  ;  only  it  was  hardly  natural  in  him,  who  was  used  to 
concealing  his  personal  feeling  in  all  things.  Of  course  this 
freedom  was  only  with  his  especial  intimates,  his  family,  and 
a  very  few  other  tried  friends  whom  he  chanced  to  meet  at 
this  time.  But  that  he  disclosed  his  interest  at  all  showed 
how  profoundly  it  must  have  stirred  him. 

I  had  not  met  him  for  more  than  a  year,  during  which 
period  he  had  gone  through  his  wonderful  experience  in  the 
East,  had  obtained  his  knowledge  of  China  and  Japan,  and  con 
ceived  an  Oriental  policy  for  this  country  which  he  believed 
so  important  that  a  desire  to  achieve  it  was  certainly  one 
reason  why  he  was  so  anxious  to  return  to  power.  All  who 
met  him  were  impressed  with  his  views  in  regard  to  those 
Asiatic  countries,  the  relations  with  them  which  he  thought 
might  be  developed,  the  trade  we  might  create,  the  immense 
advantage  both  they  and  we  might  receive  from  an  intimate 
understanding.  His  opinions  were  very  broad,  and  he  talked 
with  a  knowledge  of  the  subject  that  made  him  fluent,  and 
an  interest  which  at  times  almost  inspired  him  to  eloquence. 
Once  or  twice  he  addressed  a  party  of  twenty  or  thirty  men 
of  importance  in  business  or  affairs,  and  enchained  their  atten 
tion  for  hours  while  he  laid  before  them  his  information  and 
his  views.  Mexico  also  was  a  favorite  theme,  and  a  Mexican 
policy  was  already  germinating  in  his  brain.  As  a  rule  I  do 
not  consider  that  General  Grant's  intellect  was  remarkable  for 


THE   THIRD   TERM.  321 

originality ;  he  absorbed  the  best  points  in  the  views  of  others 
and  constructed  out  of  them  his  own  finest  schemes  and  suc 
cesses,  making  them,  however,  completely  his  own;  but  in 
these  Oriental  and  Mexican  measures  he  seems  to  me  to  have 
been  entirely  original.  He  had  become  a  profound  thinker 
and  an  international  statesman  during  his  travels.  He  had 
seen  other  countries,  both  the  peoples  and  the  rulers;  the 
emperors  and  tycoons  and  sultans,  and  the  ministers  and 
parliaments  and  the  nations  themselves ;  his  views  were 
widened,  and  his  whole  character  changed ;  but  at  the  same 
time  his  national  feeling  and  his  democratic  preferences  were 
intensified.  He  was  never  so  fit  to  be  President  as  when  his 
party  rejected  him. 

I  am  sure,  from  what  he  said,  that  he  was  conscious  of 
most  of  his  former  errors  in  political  administration,  and 
intended  to  rectify  them.  He  was  large  and  generous  in  his 
feeling  for  the  South,  and  had,  indeed,  become  as  popular  in 
the  region  where  he  had  fought  as  among  the  soldiers  who 
had  followed  him  thither.  It  was  believed  by  his  adherents 
that  he  would  have  polled  a  large  vote  in  the  Southern  States 
and  broken  down  the  line  of  a  solid  South  as  no  man  yet  had 
succeeded  in  doing.  Of  course  these  are  surmises,  but  I 
recite  them  because  they  affected  him,  and  because  consider 
ations  of  this  sort  were  prominent  motives  of  his  conduct  at 
this  time. 

After  a  stay  of  a  few  days  in  Chicago,  I  returned  to  the 
East,  and  shortly  afterward  Mr.  Russell  Young,  who  had 
accompanied  Grant  during  the  greater  part  of  his  European 
and  Asiatic  tour,  went  out  to  visit  him  at  Galena.  Young 
was  opposed  to  Grant's  third  nomination,  principally,  per 
haps,  because  he  thought  he  could  not  be  elected.  He  had 
long  and  repeated  conversations  with  the  General,  in  which 
he  represented  the  views  of  those  of  Grant's  friends  who 
were  averse  to  his  standing  again.  Mrs.  Grant  suspected 
Young's  purpose,  and  tried  tc  thwart  it ;  and  the  discussions 

21 


322 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


between  Young  and  the  General  were  usually  carried  on  in 
her  absence.  This  was  only  a  few  days  before  the  conven 
tion  was  to  meet  at  Chicago.  General  Grant  had  even  yet 
made  no  outspoken  declaration  of  his  intention,  though,  of 
course,  having  allowed  his  friends  to  use  his  name  without 
objection,  he  could  not  in  honor  withdraw  it  without  their 
consent.  But  Young  induced  him  to  write  a  letter,  addressed 
to  Senator  Cameron,  authorizing  his  friends,  if  they  saw  fit, 
to  withdraw  his  name  from  the  convention.  This  was  a  most 
extraordinary  influence  for  any  one  man  to  exert  with  Grant, 
and  I  have  known  few  parallel  instances.  Young,  however, 
doubtless  appeared  as  the  spokesman  of  others  whose  opin 
ions  backed  his  own,  though  his  fidelity  and  friendship  gave 
weight  to  what  he  said.  But  the  letter  was  sent,  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  views  of  Mrs.  Grant  and  without  her  knowledge, 
and  was  calculated,  of  course,  to  dampen  the  enthusiasm  and 
bewilder  the  counsels  of  Grant's  most  devoted  adherents.  I 
can  conceive  of  no  step  more  unlike  General  Grant's  ordinary 
character  or  behavior  than  this  half-way  reversal  of  what  he 
had  previously  countenanced.  But  it  was  too  late  to  recede ; 
his  friends  had  committed  both  him  and  themselves,  and 
they  were  not  influenced  by  this  phase  of  irresolution  which 
had  passed  over  him.  They  made  no  use  of  the  letter,  Gen 
eral  Grant  kept  no  copy  of  it,  nor  did  Young,  and  those  to 
whom  it  was  submitted  have  never  made  it  public.  Grant 
never  censured  them  for  the  fidelity  that  disregarded  his 
suggestion  of  withdrawal,  and  all  the  remainder  of  his  life  he 
remained  more  than  grateful  to  the  men  who  supported  him 
so  faithfully  at  Chicago,  just  as  he  never  forgave  any  who  he 
thought  betrayed  him  at  that  time.  He  never  afterward 
spoke  except  with  bitterness  of  his  lifetime  friend  Wash- 
burne,  who,  he  believed,  I  know  not  how  rightly,  had  played 
him  false ;  and  he  remembered  the  violence  of  some  who 
supported  Mr.  Elaine  with  an  acrimony  that  was  not  confined 
to  them,. but  was  extended  to  his  great  rival.  Even  former 


THE   THIRD   TERM. 


323 


followers  who  did  not  support  him  in  the  concluding  political 
effort  of  his  life  never  held  the  same  place  in  his  personal 
regard.  His  failure  embittered  his  feeling  toward  all  who 
contributed  to  it. 

This  remark  has  no  reference  to  Young.  Grant  followed 
Young's  counsel,  and  in  the  end  perhaps  wished  that  others 
had  done  so  too.  It  was  at  his  urgent  advice  that  Mr. 
Young  was  afterward  appointed  by  President  Arthur,  Min 
ister  to  China. 

But  though  Grant's  disappointment  was  acute  it  was  not 
manifested  with  any  loss  of  dignity.  The  world  knows  how 
soon  he  accepted  defeat  and  fell  into  line  as  a  follower  in 
that  party  of  which  he  had  so  long  been  the  head ;  how  he 
supported  Mr.  Garfield,  and  though  an  ex-President,  attended 
political  meetings  and  made  political  speeches  in  behalf  of 
the  man  who  aspired  to  the  place  he  had  held  and  had  again 
expected  to  fill. 

On  the  23d  of  June,  two  weeks  after  trie  result  of  the 
convention  was  known,  he  wrote  to  me  from  Galena :  "  I  am 
glad  you  are  getting  on  so  well  with  your  book.  Hope  to  see 
it  out  before  you  return  to  England.  It  will  not  probably 
have  so  great  a  sale  at  once  as  it  would  have  had  the  result 
at  Chicago  been  what  many  thought  it  would  be.  But  it 
will  have  a  long  run,  finding  a  market  long  after  you  and  I 
are  gone." 

This  was  all  that  he  said  to  me  on  the  subject  till  we  met 
in  October,  when  I  accompanied  him  on  his  political  tour. 


CHAPTER    XXXVII. 

GRANT    AND    GARF1ELD. 

UNTIL  June,  1880,  there  had  been  nothing  at  all  remark 
able  in  the  relations  of  Grant  with  the  man  who  out 
stripped  him  at  Chicago.  The  most  prominent  of  the 
Western  generals  was  not  likely  to  see  much  of  the  chief-of- 
staff  of  a  distant  commander,  and  in  1863,  when  Garfield  was 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  major-general,  he  had  served  only  a 
few  months  under  Grant.  In  the  second  year  of  the  war  he 
was  elected  to  Congress,  and  after  the  battle  of  Chickamauga, 
Garfield  resigned  his  military  commission  and  applied  him 
self  to  civil  duties,  in  which  he  was  destined  to  rise  to 
greater  eminence.  He  was  in  Congress  during  the  entire 
period  of  Grant's  Administration,  and  was  always  a  loyal 
political  supporter  of  the  head  of  his  party ;  but  there  was  no 
approach  to  intimacy  between  them. 

After  the  nominations  at  Chicago,  Grant  remained  for  a 
while  entirely  undemonstrative.  He  sent  no  congratulations 
to  his  victor  and  gave  no  intimation  of  the  course  he  intended 
to  pursue.  The  result  of  the  Convention  was  entirely  un 
anticipated  by  him,  and  his  disappointment  was  certainly 
keen.  In  July  he  went  off  to  Colorado,  where  he  remained 
for  a  month  or  more,  and  his  silence  was  so  prolonged  that 
many  believed  he  intended  to  support  Hancock ;  but  of  this 
there  was  never  a  possibility. 

At  last  in  September  he  made  known  his  acceptance  of 
the  decision  of  his  party.  Up  to  that  time  the  prospects 
of  Garfield  had  not  been  brilliant.  He  was  comparatively 

(324) 


GRANT  AND    GARFIELD.  325 

unknown  to  the  country  and  lacked  the  peculiar  elements  of 
popularity  in  illustrious  service  and  national  reputation, 
which  Grant  and  Elaine  and  Sherman,  his  three  competitors 
before  the  Convention,  all  enjoyed.  His  friends  soon  found 
that  there  was  need  to  enlist  the  aid  of  the  great  soldier  of 
the  country;  for  the  adherents  of  Grant  were  chagrined  at 
their  defeat  and  many  still  held  aloof,  while  the  followers  of 
Mr.  Elaine,  who  had  thrown  their  votes  for  Garfield  rather 
than  consent  to  the  nomination  of  Grant,  were  not  sufficient 
to  secure  the  election  of  the  unlooked-for  candidate.  Repre 
sentations  were  accordingly  made  to  Grant  of  the  necessity 
for  his  support ;  and  he  himself  felt  that  having  allowed  his 
name  to  be  presented  to  the  Convention,  it  was  in  good 
faith  incumbent  on  him  to  acquiesce  in  its  decision. 
Besides  this  he  was  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  interests 
of  the  country  required  the  election  of  a  Republican  Presi 
dent.  It  was  at  a  political  meeting  in  Indiana  that  he  first 
made  public  his  intention  to  support  his  former  subordinate. 
This  utterance  was  followed  by  a  demonstration  from  Conk- 
ling,  not  only  Grant's  most  prominent  champion  at  Chicago, 
but  himself  only  four  years  before  a  popular  candidate  for  the 
Presidency.  When  these  two  had  spoken  it  was  plain  that 
the  entire  Republican  party  would  be  united  under  Garfield 
as  its  chief  and  standard-bearer. 

But  Grant  was  not  content  with  a  simple  expression  of 
opinion.  At  Garfield's  urgent  request  he  consented  to  pay 
him  a  visit ;  at  Mentor,  the  home  of  the  candidate,  he  was 
met  by  Mr.  Conkling,  and  the  two  were  entertained  by  the 
man  who  had  overtopped  them  both.  After  this  Grant  took 
a  still  more  unusual  course.  He  attended  numerous  political 
meetings,  at  nearly  every  one  of  which  he  made  a  short 
address,  setting  forth  his  reasons  for  desiring  Republican 
success.  No  ex-President  had  taken  such  a  step  before,  and 
it  was  still  more  remarkable  in  Grant,  who  had  not  been  a 
partisan  before  becoming  President,  and  had  never  shown  an 


226  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

aptitude  for  political  or  hardly  for  public  speaking  of  any 
sort.  But  having  made  up  his  mind  that  patriotism  and 
party  loyalty  required  him  to  do  what  he  could  for  the 
election  of  Garfield  he  stopped  short  of  no  effort  within  his 
power.  He  put  away  his  mortification  and  disappointment, 
became  a  subordinate  instead  of  a  chief,  and  went  about  delib 
erately  and  continually  as  a  faithful  member  of  that  party  he 
had  himself  so  often  led  to  victory.  I  saw  him  constantly 
during  all  this  period,  and  used  to  marvel  at  his  magnanimity ; 
but  he  never  made  any  allusion  to  the  especial  sacrifice  his 
action  must  have  cost  him ;  that  he  felt  it  to  the  core,  I  am 
sure. 

The  influence  of  his  presence  and  his  popularity  contri 
buted  greatly  to  the  success  of  the  campaign.  Garfield 
was  elected  by  a  small  majority,  and  it  is  not  claiming  much 
for  Grant  to  say  that  he  controlled  votes  enough  to  make 
up  this  majority.  I  was  present  with  him  at  public  meetings 
in  New  York,  New  England,  and  New  Jersey,  and  I  saw  the 
enthusiasm  he  evoked.  I  stood  by  him  during  the  great 
procession  of  the  Boys  in  Blue  in  New  York  a  few  nights 
before  the  election.  The  pageant  lasted  from  nearly  mid 
night  till  four  in  the  morning,  but  he  remained  upon  the 
platform  until  the  last  man  had  passed ;  Chester  A.  Arthur, 
the  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  stood  by  his  side, 
reaping  the  benefit  of  Grant's  popularity.  Grant  even  be 
came  so  much  interested  during  the  campaign  that  he  made 
remarks  about  Hancock  which  not  only  the  adherents  of 
the  Democratic  candidate,  but  Hancock  himself,  resented 
keenly.  There  had  been  a  coolness  between  them  ever  since 
the  days  of  the  Andrew  Johnson  imbroglio,  when  Hancock, 
against  Grant's  urgent  advice,  accepted  the  place  of  Sheridan 
at  New  Orleans.  This  feeling  was  increased  by  the  tone  of 
Grant's  utterances  now. 

Apart  from  this,  however,  there  was  no  bitterness  aroused, 
even  among  Democrats,  on  account  of  Grant's  course.  I  was 


GRANT  AND   GARFIELD.  327 

present  on  half  a  score  of  occasions  when  he  was  traveling  by 
train  and  the  car  that  carried  him  chanced  to  stop  near  the 
point  where  a  Democratic  meeting  was  in  progress.  Again 
and  again  it  happened  that  the  meeting  adjourned  temporarily 
while  its  members  marched  in  a  body  to  the  station  to  salute 
General  Grant.  They  cheered  him,  their  bands  played 
"Yankee  Doodle"  and  "  Hail  to  the  Chief"  for  him,  many 
shook  him  by  the  hand,  and  then  they  returned  to  their 
meeting  in  favor  of  Hancock.  That  the  friend  of  a  rival 
candidate  and  the  representative  of  a  rival  party  could  draw 
crowds  of  his  opponents  to  greet  him  in  the  midst  of  an 
excited  canvass  was  a  singular  proof  of  his  hold  on  the 
affections  of  his  countrymen.  It  showed  that  they  separated 
the  soldier  and  the  patriot  from  the  politician,  and  admired 
and  approved  the  one  while  they  opposed  and  condemned  the 
other. 

After  the  election  and  until  the  inauguration  of  Garfield, 
Grant  was  in  no  way  in  the  counsels  of  the  incoming 
Administration.  He  took,  however,  a  lively  interest  in  the 
formation  of  the  new  Cabinet,  but  was  not  invited  to  offer  his 
views.  When  Robert  Lincoln's  name  was  mentioned  for 
Secretary  of  War  it  was  reported  that  Grant  objected  to  the 
appointment.  I  knew  to  the  contrary  and  asked  permission 
of  the  General  to  say  this  to  Lincoln.  He  was  more  than 
willing  to  assent,  and  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Lincoln  that  so  far 
from  objecting,  General  Grant  would  be  very  glad  to  see  him 
Secretary  of  War ;  and  added  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  use 
the  information.  Lincoln  replied,  expressing  his  thanks  and 
his  appreciation  of  Grant's  good  wishes,  but  he  never  said 
either  to  Grant  or  me  that  he  found  the  indorsement  valuable. 

When  it  was  first  announced  that  Elaine  was  to  be  made 
Secretary  of  State,  Grant  would  not  believe  the  appointment 
possible,  and  after  it  became  certain  that  the  man  he  regarded 
as  his  most  prominent  enemy  was  to  be  chief  of  Garfield's 
Cabinet,  his  mortification  was  extreme.  At  first  he  declared 


328  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

that  he  should  withhold  all  support  from  the  Administration 
if  Elaine  became  a  member ;  but  he  soon  thought  better 
of  this  and  went  to  Washington  a  few  days  after  the  4th 
of  March.  He  visited  the  President  and  was  invited  to 
breakfast.  On  his  return  I  spent  several  hours  with  him  and 
he  told  me  that  Garfield  had  assured  him  of  his  gratitude  and 
of  his  desire  to  regard  Grant's  wishes  so  far  as  possible  in  his 
policy  and  appointments. 

On  the  22d  of  March  I  went  to  Washington,  having 
passed  the  previous  evening  with  Grant ;  I  carried  a  letter 
from  him  to  the  President  requesting  that  I  might  be  retained 
at  London,  where  I  was  still  Consul-General.  I  went,  how 
ever,  first  to  the  Senate  Chamber  to  visit  Senator  Conkling, 
who  informed  me  that  my  name  had  been  sent  to  the  Senate 
that  very  morning  as  Charge  d' Affaires  at  Copenhagen.  The 
change  in  the  Custom  House  of  New  York  had  been  made 
which  brought  about  the  famous  political  contest  between  Gar- 
field  and  Blaine  on  one  side,  and  Grant,  Conkling,  and  Arthur 
on  the  other.  Robertson,  whose  course  at  Chicago  had  secured 
the  defeat  of  Grant,  and  who  was  therefore  the  man  in  the 
whole  country  most  objectionable  to  Grant  and  his  partisans, 
was  made  Collector  of  New  York,  although  according  to  all 
the  recognized  rules  of  political  courtesy,  Conkling  should 
have  been  consulted  ;  and  Merritt,  the  friend  and  appointee 
of  Sherman,  was  ousted  to  make  room  for  Robertson.  I  was 
removed  from  London  in  favor  of  Merritt ;  General  Grant's 
brother-in-law,  Mr.  Cramer,  the  Charge  d'Affaires  at  Denmark, 
was  displaced  for  me,  and  Mr.  Nicholas  Fish,  the  son  of 
Grant's  Secretary  of  State,  was  removed  from  the  position  of 
Charge  at  Berne  to  make  room  for  Cramer.  Merritt,  Cramer, 
and  I  were  each  placed  where  we  had  no  desire  to  be, 
and  Fish  lost  his  position  altogether.  All  this  had  been  done 
without  any  premonition  or  warning  to  Grant,  who  had  seen 
the  President  two  days  before  and  received  his  assurances  of 
friendship  and  deference. 


GRANT  AND    GARFIELD.  329 

Of  course  the  President  had  the  right  to  make  what 
changes  he  pleased  in  the  public  service,  but  Grant  thought 
that  after  what  he  had  done  to  secure  Garfield's  election  he 
should  have  been  consulted  in  the  disposition  made  of  his 
personal  friends,  and  he  felt  that  the  changes  were  intended 
to  be  offensive  to  him.  But  although  greatly  amazed  he  at 
first  withheld  any  public  expression  of  opinion.  He  tele 
graphed  to  me  on  the  24th  of  March  in  these  words  :  "  See 
the  President  at  once  with  my  letter.  Ask  him  to  withdraw 
your  nomination,  and  if  he  cannot  leave  you  in  London,  ask 
him  to  give  you  either  Italy  or  Naval  Office  in  this  city. 
Show  him  this  dispatch  as  my  endorsement  of  you  for  either 
place."  At  the  Executive  Mansion  I  met  Merritt,  who  had 
come  on  from  New  York  to  save  himself  from  taking  my 
place,  and  as  we  walked  up  the  stairs  —  to  the  American 
salle  dcs  pas  perdus  —  we  laughed  at  each  other,  and  each 
declared  he  did  not  wish  for  a  change.  The  President  and  I 
were  old  acquaintances.  He  had  been  my  guest  more  than 
once  in  Washington.  He  said  he  had  supposed  I  would  like 
the  new  arrangement,  which  was  a  nominal  promotion  so  far 
as  I  was  concerned ;  I  was  to  have  a  pleasant  and  easy 
diplomatic  post  instead  of  a  busy  consular  one ;  it  was  higher 
in  rank  and  would  leave  leisure  sufficient  to  prosecute  my 
literary  pursuits.  He  disclaimed  any  intention  of  disapprov 
ing  my  services  or  displeasing  General  Grant ;  but  he  gave 
me  no  reason  to  suppose  he  would  change  his  plans. 

When  I  reported  the  result  of  my  interview  to  General 
Grant  he  telegraphed  me  again  :  "  I  advise  you  to  decline 
Copenhagen  and  stick  to  London,  unless  you  can  get  Naval 
Office  or  Italy,  or  some  equally  good  place.  Advise  with 
Conkling  and  Platt.  It  would  be  better  to  come  here  with 
out  Government  appointment  than  to  take  Copenhagen." 
My  relatives  and  personal  friends  gave  me  different  advice 
and  thought  I  would  do  better  to  accept  the  mission  to 
Denmark ;  but  I  considered  myself  bound  to  defer  to  General 


330 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


Grant,  and  finally  requested  the  President  to  withdraw  my 
nomination  as  Charge  to  Copenhagen.  This  he  did,  but 
offered  me  no  other  appointment,  and  he  did  not  recall  that 
of  Merritt,  so  that  if  Merritt  should  be  confirmed  I  would  be 
out  of  office  altogether.  I  remained  a  few  weeks  in  Wash 
ington,  consulting  not  only  with  Senators  Conkling  and 
Logan,  but  constantly  with  Vice-President  Arthur,  and  once 
returning  to  New  York  to  take  the  advice  of  General  Grant. 
I  saw  the  President  several  times  and  he  sent  his  secretary 
to  me  more  than  once  to  urge  me  to  Accept  the  appointment 
to  Copenhagen,  as  that  would  relieve  him  from  the  appear 
ance  of  disregarding  General  Grant's  personal  wish ;  but  I 
could  not  disobey  the  injunction  of  my  own  chief. 

General  Grant's  urgency  in  the  matter  was  by  no  means 
solely  on  my  account,  although  he  admitted  in  letters  that 
were  published  at  the  time  his  interest  for  me  and  for  his 
brother-in-law ;  but  the  instinct  of  fight  was  aroused  in  the 
soldier.  He  thought  too  that  he  had  deserved  different 
treatment  at  Garfield's  hands,  and  he  felt  the  nomination  of 
Robertson  more  keenly  than  the  removal  of  Cramer,  or  Fish, 
or  my  own. 

Garfield,  however,  remained  firm,  but  as  the  nominations 
were  all  opposed  in  the  Senate,  I  returned  to  my  post  in 
England  to  await  the  result,  while  General  Grant  went  to 
Mexico  on  business.  From  there  he  wrote  to  me :  "  I  will 
never  again  lend  my  aid  to  the  support  of  a  Presidential 
candidate  who  has  not  strength  enough  to  appear  before  a 
convention  as  a  candidate,  but  gets  in  simply  by  the  adhe 
rents  of  prominent  candidates  preferring  any  outsider  to 
either  of  the  candidates  before  the  convention  save  their 
own." 

In  June,  however,  he  sent  me  word  that  he  thought  after 
all  I  might  as  well  accept  the  Copenhagen  mission,  and  I 
replied  that  if  I  had  his  full  sanction  I  should  like  to  do  so 
rather  than  leave  the  public  service.  Accordingly  the  matter 


GRANT  AND   GARFIELD. 


331 


was  arranged  through  General  Horace  Porter  and  Robert 
Lincoln,  the  Secretary  of  War.  Mr.  Lincoln  obtained  a 
promise  from  the  President  that  I  should  be  appointed  again 
to  Copenhagen,  if  I  would  pledge  myself  in  advance  to  accept 
the  post.  But  before  this  arrangement  could  be  carried  out 
Garfield  was  struck  down  by  the  assassin. 

General  Grant  had  in  the  meantime  returned  from  Mexico 
and  gone  to  his  house  at  Long  Branch.  Both  Conkling  and 
Platt  had  resigned  their  positions  in  the  Senate,  and  after  a 
long  struggle  at  Albany  their  successors  were  elected.  Grant's 
feeling,  however,  had  by  this  time  become  somewhat  mollified, 
and  when  Garfield  visited  Long  Branch,  Grant  called  on  him 
and  the  President  expressed  great  satisfaction  at  the  courtesy. 
Nevertheless  General  Grant  had  fully  sympathized  with  the 
feeling  of  Mr.  Conkling  and  Vice-President  Arthur,  and  had 
come  in  for  his  share  of  unpopularity  with  those  who  supported 
Garfield,  as  well  as  with  that  large  portion  of  the  community 
which  always  worships  power.  I  remember  that  my  publish 
ers  assured  me  that  the  sale  of  my  History  of  Grant's  Cam 
paigns,  which  appeared  at  this  time,  was  greatly  injured  by 
the  course  that  General  Grant  took  at  this  crisis :  the  people 
said  they  wanted  no  more  of  Grant. 

When  Garfield  was  shot  the  public  indignation  in  some 
quarters  was  even  turned  toward  his  predecessor,  and  there 
were  found  those  who  were  willing  for  a  day  or  two  to  believe 
that  General  Grant  was  not  displeased  at  the  awful  fate  of 
the  President.  Of  course  this  unjust  clamor  was  only  momen 
tary  and  never  genuine,  but  it  was  strange  to  see  any  portion 
of  the  public  directing  such  suspicions  toward  the  man  who 
not  a  year  before  had  been  the  object  of  ovations  greater 
than  any  other  American  had  ever  received.  It  would  be 
preposterous  to  offer  to  vindicate  his  fame  from  such  asper 
sions  now,  but  a  letter  that  he  wrote  me  on  the  subject  will 
nevertheless  be  interesting.  On  the  2/th  of  July,  he  said : 

"  I  am  just  this  day  in  receipt  of  two  letters  from  you  of  the 


332  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

latter  part  of  June.  Why  they  have  been  so  long  coming  I  cannot 
conceive.  A  few  days  after  your  letters  were  written,  as  you  know, 
the  dastardly  attempt  was  made  upon  the  President's  life.  This  of 
course  has  put  a  stop  to  all  communications  on  the  subject  of 
foreign  appointments  —  in  fact  all  Presidential  appointments.  I 
had  told  Porter  before  this  trouble  came  that  I  thought  probably 
you  had  better  after  all  accept  the  Copenhagen  appointment  for 
the  present.  Whether  Porter  had  an  opportunity  to  mention  the 
subject  before  the  wounding  of  the  President  or  not  I  do  not 
know.  This  attempt  upon  the  life  of  General  Garfield  produced  a 
shock  upon  the  public  mind  but  little  less  than  that  produced  by 
the  assassination  of  Lincoln.  The  intensity  of  feeling  has  some 
what  died  out  in  consequence  of  the  favorable  reports  of  the 
patient's  condition  from  day  to  day ;  but  now  more  alarm  is  being 
felt  for  his  safety.  I  myself  have  felt  until  within  the  last  three  or 
four  days  that  there  was  scarcely  a  doubt  about  his  recovery. 
Now,  however,  I  fear  the  chances  are  largely  against  it.  But  by 
the  time  this  reaches  you  more  certainty  will  be  felt  one  way  or 
the  other.  The  crime  is  a  disgrace  to  our  country,  and  yet  cannot 
be  punished  as  it  deserves.  I  have  been  very  busy,  though  not 
accomplishing  much,  which  must  be  my  excuse  for  not  writing 
sooner." 

In  September  Garfield  died,  and  Grant  had  the  strange 
fate  of  following  the  coffin  of  another  of  his  great  opponents. 
He  had  been  at  the  funerals  of  Chase,  Sumner,  Motley,  and 
Greeley,  and  now  of  Garfield.  In  every  instance  the  disputes 
of  earth  were  hushed  in  the  awful  presence  of  that  antagonist 
who  overcomes  each  of  us  in  our  turn  ;  but  in  Garfield's  case 
the  solemnity  was  greater  still,  for  the  pall  of  the  dead 
President  reminded  his  predecessor  of  that  other  and  even 
greater  martyrdom  which  had  occurred  in  the  same  capital,  and 
of  that  funeral  in  which  he  had  followed  another  and  greater 
President.  The  next  obsequies  at  which  the  Nation  mourned 
were  destined  to  be  his  own. 

I  cannot  close  this  chapter  without  reminding  the  reader 
that  these  pages  are  professedly  based  upon  my  personal 


GRANT   AND   GARFIELD. 


333 


knowledge,  and  that  therefore  my  own  experiences  and  such 
relations  as  I  may  have  borne  to  the  events  I  describe  may 
seem  unduly  prominent.  But  in  no  other  way  can  I  tell 
what  I  witnessed  or  prove  the  trustworthiness  of  my  reports. 
I  give  nothing  at  second-hand  except  upon  such  authority  as 
cannot  be  gainsaid  —  the  authority  always  of  other  witnesses. 
Only  in  this  way  can  I  offer  the  material  for  history  which  I 
venture  to  believe  this  volume  will  become. 

And  if  at  times  I  seem  to  disclose  secrets  which  show 
that  men  are  human,  even  men  whom  the  country  has  wished 
to  deify,  I  believe  that  in  the  end,  when  the  greatest  are  seen 
to  be  made  of  flesh  and  blood,  their  countrymen  will  feel  a 
keener  and  profounder  sympathy  with  the  real  beings  I 
describe  than  with  any  fanciful  creations  fit  only  for  the 
stories  of  mythology.  The  very  faults  of  great  men  ally 
them  to  us,  and  Grant  himself  wrote  to  me  at  this  very  time : 
"  You  give  true  history  in  regard  to  them  and  furnish  the 
proof  as  you  go  along.  While  I  would  not  wish  to  detract 
from  any  one,  I  think  history  should  record  the  truth."  I 
believe  if  he  knows  what  I  write  now  he  approves  my  course. 


CHAPTER   XXXVIII. 

GRANT    AND    ARTHUR. 

GRANT'S  first  important  relations  with  Arthur  were 
in  1871,  when  he  appointed  the  friend  of  Conkling 
Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York.  Arthur  was  retained 
in  this  position  during  the  subsequent  years  of  Grant's  two 
Administrations  and  was  always  a  warm  and  faithful  supporter 
of  his  chief.  There  was,  however,  no  approach  to  intimacy, 
personal  or  political,  between  them  at  this  time.  The  Col 
lector  was  too  far  off  from  the  President  for  the  idea  to 
occur  to  either. 

In  1880  Arthur  went  to  Chicago  a  fervent  adherent  of 
Grant,  and  was  steadfast  under  Conkling's  lead  in  the  advo 
cacy  of  a  third  term.  When  Garfield  was  nominated  the 
Vice-Presidential  place  on  the  ticket  was  tendered  to  him  as 
a  sort  of  propitiatory  reparation  to  Conkling.  The  nomina 
tion  for  the  Presidency  had  itself  been  suggested  for  Conk 
ling  by  some  who  were  willing  to  support  him,  though  they 
would  not  accept  Grant ;  but  Conkling  declared  that  he  had 
gone  to  the  convention  to  nominate  Grant,  and  rather  than 
receive  the  prize  he  was  pledged  to  obtain  for  another  he 
would  cut  his  right  arm  from  his  body.  Arthur,  however, 
stood  in  a  different  relation ;  he  was  under  no  such  pledge  to 
Grant,  stated  or  implied,  and  there  was  no  reason  why  he 
should  not  accept  the  nomination. 

Grant  found  no  fault  with  the  candidate,  though  like  every 
body  else  at  the  time  he  thought  Arthur  little  fitted  for  the 
second  position  in  the  country;  but  there  seemed  no  proba- 

(334) 


GRANT  AND   ARTHUR. 


335 


bility  that  his  abilities  would  be  specially  tested ;  and  when 
Grant  signified  his  adherence,  he  accepted  Arthur  as  willingly 
as  he  did  Garfield.  Neither  was  in  any  way  personally 
objectionable  to  him.  He  at  once  treated  Arthur  with  all 
the  consideration  due  to  a  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency ; 
he  had  a  certain  regard  for  official  position  not  unnatural  in 
one  who  had  held  so  many  important  places  himself,  and  who 
of  late  years  had  passed  so  much  of  his  time  with  personages 
of  high  political  consequence. 

During  the  campaign  I  chanced  to  enter  Delmonico's 
cafe  one  evening  with  Jesse  Grant  and  found  the  candidate 
for  the  Vice-Presidency  sitting  at  one  of  the  tables.  It  was 
the  first  time  either  of  us  had  met  him  since  his  nomination, 
and  we  went  up  to  congratulate  him.  I  remember  that  he 
said  to  Jesse :  "  I  wish  you  would  tell  your  father  that  I  went 
to  Chicago  to  work  for  his  nomination.  I  was  a  Grant  man 
and  a  third  term  man  to  the  last;  and  whatever  occurred 
there  was  no  compensation  to  me  for  my  disappointment." 
He  was  doubtless  sincere  at  the  time;  but  he  felt  fully 
compensated  afterward  and  quite  forgot  his  disappointment, 
as  probably  any  other  human  being  would  have  done  in  his 
place. 

Arthur  was  in  complete  accord  with  Grant  and  Conkling 
in  their  dispute  with  Garfield,  and  even  took  a  more  conspic 
uous  part  than  Grant  in  the  struggle,  visiting  Albany  to  aid 
in  the  re-election  of  Conkling  and  incurring  the  severest 
criticism  of  Garfield's  supporters.  The  ex-President  and  the 
Vice-President  did  not  meet  very  often  in  the  months  suc 
ceeding  Garfield's  inauguration,  but  they  held  frequent  cor 
respondence,  not  indeed  by  letter  but  by  the  messages  they 
exchanged  through  important  or  intimate  friends.  Their 
political  relations  at  this  juncture  were  closer  than  ever,  and 
Grant  felt  a  warmer  regard  and  a  higher  admiration  for  his 
former  subordinate  after  Arthur  became  Vice-President  than 
he  had  before  supposed  he  could  entertain. 


336 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


When  the  assassination  of  Garfield  culminated  in  his 
death  Grant  met  Arthur  at  the  funeral ;  the  whilom  Custom 
House  Collector  was  now  the  Head  of  the  Nation,  and  pre 
ceded  the  ex-President  in  the  procession  that  followed  Gar- 
field's  remains.  Almost  immediately  afterward  they  were 
traveling  together  by  train  on  some  occasion  before  Arthur 
had  taken  any  step  of  importance  in  his  new  situation. 
Grant  told  me  repeatedly  that  Arthur  especially  asked  his 
advice  and  assistance  in  the  composition  of  his  Cabinet,  and 
it  was  at  Grant's  suggestion  that  Frelinghuysen  was  selected 
as  Secretary  of  State.  General  Grant  also  strongly  urged 
Governor  Morgan  for  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  that 
nomination  was  made.  But  Morgan  declined  the  appoint 
ment,  and  then  Grant  suggested  the  name  of  John  Jacob 
Astor.  I  was  at  the  General's  house  on  the  evening  of 
October  25,  1881,  conversing  about  the  situation  after  the 
family  had  gone  to  bed,  and  I  mentioned  the  return  of  Mr. 
Astor,  who  had  come  over  in  the  same  ship  with  me  from 
England  a  week  or  two  before.  Grant  at  once  said  that 
Astor  would  be  an  excellent  man  for  the  Treasury,  especially 
in  the  crisis  created  by  Morgan's  refusal  to  serve.  I  urged 
him  to  present  his  views  promptly,  and  that  night  he  sent 
this  dispatch  to  the  President : 

"Astor  has  returned  from  Europe.  Might  not  he  accept 
temporarily  ?  " 

A  day  or  two  afterward  he  told  Mr.  Astor  of  his  action ; 
that  gentleman  was  greatly  surprised,  and  while  expressing 
his  gratification  at  General  Grant's  good  opinion,  declared 
that  he  had  no  desire  to  enter  the  Cabinet.  The  recommen 
dation,  however,  was  not  taken,  and  Folger  was  eventually 
appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  a  selection  which  at 
the  time  was  entirely  acceptable  to  General  Grant ;  although 
afterward  Folger  became  so  hostile  as  to  order  Grant's  picture 
taken  down  from  his  room  in  the  Treasury.  Just  here  it 


GRANT  AND  ARTHUR. 

may  not  be  amiss  to  say  that  General  Grant  also  recom 
mended  Mr.  Astor  for  the  position  of  Minister  to  England, 
but  Arthur  prefered  to  retain  Mr.  Lowell,  who  had  been  one 
of  his  own  most  caustic  critics  and  outspoken  opponents. 

These  suggestions  were  all  made  at  the  instance  and  invi 
tation  of  the  President,  but  after  a  while  Arthur  ceased  to 
defer  to  General  Grant  or  to  desire  his  advice.  The  new  ruler 
did  not  refuse  to  listen  to  his  predecessor,  but  he  seldom  fol 
lowed  Grant's  counsel  after  the  first  months  of  his  Adminis 
tration.  It  was  not  unnatural  that  the  man  who  had  become 
Chief  Magistrate  should  think  himself  fully  capable  for  all  his 
duties,  and  prefer  after  a  very  short  trial  to  carry  out  his  own 
ideas  and  follow  his  own  purposes.  The  change  indeed  was 
almost  inevitable  from  the  follower — suddenly  elevated  to  so 
dizzy  a  height  and  at  first  willing  to  be  counseled  and  guided 
by  one  whom  he  had  so  long  looked  up  to  as  chief — to  the 
actual  potentate  distributing  offices  and  emoluments  and 
honors,  and  able  to  grant  favors  or  refuse  them  to  the  very 
man  who  had  once  benefited  and  promoted  him.  It  was 
perhaps  just  as  natural  that  the  other  should  mark  the  change 
and  feel  it  acutely,  and  should  find  a  bearing  more  imperious 
than  he  thought  necessary  or  appropriate  in  the  new  President 
toward  the  old.  Their  relations  very  soon  became  strained. 

Nevertheless  Grant  was  invited  to  pay  a  visit  at  the  Exe 
cutive  Mansion,  and  in  the  first  winter  of  Arthur's  Presidency 
he  returned  as  a  guest  to  the  house  from  which  he  had  once 
directed  the  affairs  of  the  nation,  and  had  issued  the  commis 
sion  of  Collector  to  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York.  The 
circumstance  could  hardly  have  been  without  a  disagreeable 
suggestion  now,  and  Arthur  had  not  the  tact  to  disguise  it. 
He  maintained  all  the  consequence  that  once  had  been 
Grant's  but  was  now  his  own,  and  more  than  once  his  etiquette 
made  the  ex-President  remember  the  change  in  their  positions. 
Grant's  situation  was  in  different  ways  unpleasant  at  this 
time.  He  had  several  especial  requests  to  make  of  the  Presi- 

22 


338  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

dent  in  regard  to  Cabinet  appointments,  foreign  missions,  and 
other  matters  of  importance,  but  besides  this  he  was  beset 
during  all  the  period  of  his  visit  by  office-hunters  without 
either  consequence  or  intimacy,  who  were  anxious  to  engage 
what  they  supposed  his  influence  with  Arthur  in  their  own 
behalf.  Army  officers,  personal  friends,  old  political  adher 
ents,  needy  relatives,  all  came  to  him.  It  was  impossible  to 
do  a  tithe  of  what  they  asked,  but  their  importunities  forced 
him  to  say  more  than  he  wished  to  Arthur.  Doubtless  this 
increased  the  delicacy  of  his  relations  with  the  President,  till 
finally  Arthur  actually  evaded  the  company  of  his  guest ;  and 
the  visit  terminated  with  a  less  degree  of  cordiality  on  either 
side  than  had  existed  at  the  beginning. 

The  change  in  their  feelings,  however,  was  not  purely  per 
sonal.  It  soon  became  evident  that  Mr.  Arthur  did  not  in 
tend,  as  President,  to  hold  the  same  relations  he  had  once 
maintained,  not  only  with  Grant  and  Conkling,  but  with  the 
wing  of  the  party  which  they  led.  For  this  change  the 
other  side  of  course  applauded  him,  but  it  was  not  to  be  sup 
posed  that  the  approbation  could  extend  to  those  who  thought 
themselves  deserted.  What  was  called  impartiality  by  some 
seemed  to  others  abandonment  of  principle ;  and  when  Arthur, 
the  third  term  advocate,  called  into  his  Cabinet  William  E. 
Chandler,  the  man  who  had  done  most  at  Chicago  to  defeat 
the  third  term,  the  climax  was  reached.  Grant's  disappoint 
ment  at  this  selection  was  greater  because  he  had  recom 
mended  his  personal  friend,  General  Beale,  for  the  place. 
But  his  recommendations  by  this  time  had  ceased  to  carry 
any  weight  with  the  President. 

As  early  as  February  16,  1882,  Grant  wrote  to  me:  "To 
this  time  the  President  has  seemed  averse  to  making  any  re 
movals,  no  matter  how  offensive  the  parties  in  place  have 
been  to  him  and  his  friends.  I  hope  this  will  not  continue." 
On  the  23d  of  February,  1883,  he  wrote  to  me  of  the  Presi 
dent :  "He  seems  more  afraid  of  his  enemies,  and  through 


GRANT  AND   ARTHUR.  239 

this  fear  influenced  by  them,  than  guided  eithe-r  by  his  judg 
ment,  personal  feelings,  or  friendly  influences.  I  hope  he 
will  prove  me  wrong  in  this  judgment." 

The  months  went  on  and  the  time  for  making  Presidential 
nominations  approached.  On  December  24,  1883,  Grant 
wrote  to  me :  "  It  is  now  understood  that  there  is  no 
concealment  of  Mr.  Arthur's  candidacy.  At  this  time  no 
other  person  turns  up,  so  that  unless  there  is  a  change  within 
the  next  sixty  days  he  will  be  renominated  without  much 
opposition.  I  feel,  however,  that  he  will  not  get  the  nomina 
tion,  although  it  is  impossible  to  predict  who  may."  On  the 
30th  of  March,  1884,  he  said  :  "  The  President  is  now  openly 
a  candidate  for  the  nomination  in  June  next  and  knows  well 
that  I  am  opposed  to  it."  In  the  same  letter  he  said : 
"  Judging  from  the  past  I  doubt  much  whether  any  appoint 
ments  will  be  made  until  after  the  action  of  the  Chicago 
Convention  in  June  is  made.  There  are  now  many  vacancies 
existing,  some  of  which  have  existed  for  a  year  and  over,  and 
among  them  very  important  offices  for  which  no  nominations 
have  yet  been  sent  to  the  Senate  —  offices  such  as  judges  of 
United  States  Courts  for  the  States  and  Territories,  United 
States  Marshals,  etc.,  which  must  cause  great  inconvenience 
to  the  public  service  and  the  States  and  Territories  where 
these  vacancies  exist." 

On  the  8th  of  April  in  the  same  year  he  wrote  to  me  from 
Washington :  "  The  Administration  has  seemed  to  me  to  be 
a  sort  of  ad  interim  one,  endeavoring  to  offend  no  one  and  to 
avoid  positive  action  which  would  draw  criticism.  Probably 
the  Administration  has  fewer  enemies  outspoken  than  any 
preceding  it.  It  has  fewer  positive  hearty  friends  than  any 
except  Hayes's,  probably.  But  Arthur  will  probably  go  into 
the  Convention  second  in  the  number  of  supporters,  when 
he  would  not  probably  have  a  single  vote  if  it  was  not  for  his 
army  of  officials  and  the  vacancies  he  has  to  fill." 

Arthur  was  not  nominated,  and  I  cannot  recollect  that 


240  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Grant  ever  met  him  again.  They  had,  however,  one  other 
difference  which  increased  the  bitterness  of  Grant's  feeling. 
In  1883,  General  Grant  came  to  the  conclusion  that  as  Presi 
dent,  he  had  done  Fitz  John  Porter  a  wrong  in  not  allowing 
him  a  second  trial ;  he  accordingly  set  himself  to  studying 
the  papers,  and  after  careful  examination  became  convinced 
that  Porter  was  innocent  of  the  charge  of  which  he  had  been 
convicted.  He  at  once  determined  to  do  whatever  he  could 
to  right  the  wrong  he  thought  he  had  helped  to  inflict.  His 
course  provoked  much  opposition  ;  he  risked  the  friendship 
of  Logan  and  incurred  the  disapproval  of  many  of  his  closest 
political  and  military  associates  ;  but  he  persisted  in  what  he 
had  undertaken,  and  doubtless  his  efforts  contributed  largely 
to  the  reversal  of  Porter's  sentence,  which  was  finally  accom 
plished.  Then  the  effort  was  made  to  restore  Porter  to  the 
army,  and  a  bill  passed  both  houses  of  Congress,  authorizing 
the  President  to  replace  him  in  his  former  rank.  Grant  took 
the  liveliest  interest  in  this  effort,  writing  in  its  favor  in  the 
public  press,  and  addressing  the  President  himself  on  the 
subject,  as  well  as  members  of  the  Cabinet.  But  Arthur 
vetoed  the  bill,  on  the  ground  that  his  dignity  was  infringed 
by  the  action  of  Congress  in  designating  a  person  by  name 
whom  he  was  to  appoint.  Grant  was  extremely  disappointed, 
and  criticised  both  the  action  and  the  motives  of  the  Presi 
dent  with  acerbity. 

Soon  after  this  followed  Grant's  financial  misfortunes, 
and  a  bill  was  introduced  in  Congress  to  restore  him  to  his 
former  rank  in  the  army;  but  Mr.  Arthur  made  it  known 
that  he  should  oppose  the  measure  on  the  same  grounds  as 
those  on  which  he  had  vetoed  the  bill  restoring  Fitz  John 
Porter.  General  Grant  was  incensed  at  this  action  on  the 
part  of  the  President;  he  said  that  he  had  not  been  court- 
martialed,  and  his  remarks  upon  the  dignity  that  Arthur  was 
so  anxious  to  protect  were  not  complimentary  to  the  Chief 
Magistrate.  Nevertheless  Arthur  had  no  desire  to  prevent 


GRANT   AND   ARTHUR.  •   341 

Grant's  restoration  to  the  army  of  which  he  had  so  long  been 
the  head ;  he  simply  was  more  anxious  to  preserve  his  own 
consistency  than  to  relieve  the  mortification  or  retrieve  the 
misfortunes  of  the  dying  hero. 

After  a  long  wrangle  and  a  delay  of  months,  Congress 
and  the  President  came  to  terms,  and  a  bill  was  passed  which 
gave  Arthur  the  right  to  name  whom  he  chose  for  the  posi 
tion  of  retired  General  of  the  Army.  This  was  signed  by  the 
President  in  the  last  hours  of  the  expiring  Congress,  and  the 
nomination  of  Grant  was  the  closing  act  of  Arthur's  official 
existence ;  but  it  came  too  late  to  relieve  the  anxieties  of  the 
suffering  soldier,  and  it  was  so  long  deferred  that  the  new 
commission  of  Grant  was  signed  by  Cleveland. 

Arthur  and  Cleveland  both  attended  the  funeral  of  their 
great  predecessor ;  and  as  in  so  many  instances  Grant  had 
followed  to  the  tomb  those  whom  he  had  opposed  in  life,  it 
was  now  his  turn  to  be  borne  before  the  soldiers  he  had  con 
quered  and  the  politicians  whose  principles  he  had  contested 
or  whose  careers  he  had  disapproved. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

GRANT   AND    ELAINE. 

RANT'S  relations  with  Elaine  were  always  amicable,  up 
to  the  time  when  the  two  became  rivals  for  the  Presi 
dential  nomination  in  1880.  Elaine  was  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  when  Gen.  Grant  was  first  elected 
President,  and  as  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party, 
he  proposed  the  passage  of  a  bill  authorizing  Grant  to  take  a 
leave  of  absence,  as  General  of  the  Army,  for  the  term  of  his 
Presidency.  During  both  of  Grant's  Administrations  Mr. 
Elaine  gave  him  a  loyal  support;  he  was  in  favor  of  Grant's 
renomination  in  1872,  and  did  not  himself  become  an  avowed 
aspirant  for  the  succession  until  Grant  had  formally  announced 
that  his  own  name  was  not  to  be  presented  to  the  Convention 
in  1876. 

In  that  Convention  Grant's  influence  was  thrown  for 
Conkling,  but  he  had  still  no  hostility  for  Elaine,  and  if  Elaine 
had  received  the  nomination,  the  Administration  would  un 
doubtedly  have  done  whatever  it  could,  legitimately,  for  his 
election.  It  was  Bristow  whom  Grant  especially  opposed, 
and  he  and  Elaine  were  united  in  this  opposition;  for 
Bristow's  friends  attacked  Elaine  as  fiercely  as  they  did 
Grant.  While  the  Convention  was  in  session,  Mr.  Elaine 
and  Mr.  Fish,  Grant's  Secretary  of  State  — were  seen  driving 
together  in  an  open  carriage,  in  the  streets  of  Washington, 
and  Fish  was  too  loyal  to  his  chief  to  afford  this  indication  of 
friendship  to  any  man  with  whom  the  President  under  whom 
he  served  was  at  enmity. 

(342) 


GRANT  AND   ELAINE. 


343 


I  had  personal  knowledge  of  the  early  relations  of  the  two 
great  men,  who  were  destined  afterwards  to  be  so  bitterly 
opposed.  In  the  first  years  of  Grant's  Presidency  I  was 
offered  the  position  of  Minister  to  Uruguay  and  Paraguay, 
but  learning  that  a  change  was  to  be  made  at  the  Consulate- 
General  in  London,  I  asked  the  President  for  the  latter 
appointment  instead.  He  replied  that  he  was  pledged  to 
nominate  a  friend  of  Mr.  Elaine  for  the  London  Consulate, 
but  added  that  I  might  consult  the  Speaker,  and  if  he  was 
willing,  I  should  be  sent  to  London.  Accordingly,  I  went  to 
Mr.  Elaine,  who  was  quite  ready  to  oblige  General  Grant 
through  me.  His  friend  was  sent  to  South  America,  and 
I  was  appointed  Consul-General  at  London.  Of  course,  the 
courtesy  was  intended  for  the  President,  although  it  gratified 
and  benefited  me. 

In  1877  I  accompanied  General  Grant  in  his  first  visit  to 
Switzerland,  and  at  Geneva,  a  son  of  Mr.  Elaine  was  often  in 
his  company,  and  always  welcome  in  his  apartments  or  at  his 
table.  The  young  man  bore  civil  messages  from  his  father  to 
General  Grant,  which  were  cordially  reciprocated  in  my 
hearing.  It  was  not  until  the  return  of  Grant  to  this  country, 
in  1879,  that  there  was  any  ill  feeling  between  the  predestined 
rivals.  But  the  especial  opposition  to  General  Grant's  candi 
dacy  for  a  third  term  came  from  the  friends  of  Elaine ;  and 
in  the  preliminary  canvass  all  the  ordinary  resources  of  politi 
cal  warfare  were  called  into  play.  Many  things  were  said 
of  General  Grant  that  were  disagreeable  to  him,  and  personal 
accusations  were  made  against  his  character  that  touched 
him  keenly;  perhaps  he  felt  them  more  acutely  after  the 
lavish  compliments  that  had  been  offered  him  abroad,  and 
the  demonstrations  that  had  followed  him  around  the  world. 
During  the  contest  I  did  not  perceive  that  he  suffered  from 
the  sting  of  these  assaults,  and  if  he  had  succeeded,  I  doubt 
whether  he  would  have  remembered  them  ;  but  as  the  arrows 
came  home,  and  he  was,  for  the  first  time  in  his  career, 


344  GRANT  IN  PEACE. 

flagrantly  defeated,  the  wounds  rankled  for  a  long  time.  He 
always  held  Mr.  Elaine  responsible,  not,  indeed,  avowedly  for 
his  discomfiture,  but  for  the  personal  attacks  to  which  he 
attributed  it.  I  more  than  once  asked  him  the  cause  of  his 
especial  bitterness  toward  Elaine,  and  he  invariably  gave  this 
reason.  Yet  I  thought  at  the  time  that  he  deceived  himself, 
and  that  it  was  because  Elaine  had  been  the  instrument  and 
agent  of  his  overthrow,  that  Grant  maintained  so  persistent 
a  resentment.  I  could  not  see  that  Elaine  was  more  respon 
sible  for  what  his  supporters  said  of  Grant,  than  Grant  was 
for  many  of  the  attacks  his  friends  directed,  without  his 
knowledge,  against  Elaine.  Still  the  sentiment  was  not  un 
natural. 

But  here  comes  in  a  singular  phase  of  his  anger.  Al 
though  Grant  had  been  extremely  disgusted  at  Elaine's  intro 
duction  into  the  Cabinet,  and  though  he  certainly  attributed 
the  subsequent  course  of  Garfield  to  the  influence  of  Elaine,  I 
never  thought  his  soreness  so  great  toward  the  Secretary 
of  State  as  toward  the  President.  He  not  only  looked  upon 
Garfield  as  responsible,  but  he  felt  that  it  was  Garfield  whom 
he  had  obliged,  and  who  should  have  remembered  the  obliga 
tion.  Elaine  was  an  avowed  antagonist,  and  at  liberty  to  fight 
with  whatever  weapons  Fortune  or  his  own  ability  had  en 
dowed  him.  Thus,  though  the  action  of  Garfield's  Adminis 
tration  undoubtedly  increased  Grant's  hostility  to  Elaine, 
I  never  heard  him  speak  of  the  Minister  as  bitterly  as  he  did 
of  the  President. 

Grant's  implacability,  however,  was  in  no  way  shared  by 
Elaine.  That  statesman  was  very  willing  to  come  to  terms 
with  his  great  antagonist,  and  manifested  this  disposition 
frequently.  But  of  course,  it  was  easier  for  him  to  be  mag 
nanimous,  for  it  was  he  who  had  succeeded.  If  not  President, 
he  was  Secretary  of  State,  and  rightly  or  wrongly,  he  was 
credited  with  directing  Garfield's  policy. 

After  1880  there  was  no  intercourse  between  Grant  and 


GRANT  AND   ELAINE. 


345 


Elaine,  until  the  time  approached  when  another  nomination 
for  the  Presidency  was  to  be  made,  and  then  the  friends 
of  Elaine  became  extremely  anxious  for  an  accommodation. 
But  Grant  was  still  unwilling  to  be  propitiated.  He  certainly 
preferred  Elaine  to  Arthur,  as  a  candidate,  but  he  refused  to 
take  any  step,  or  make  any  public  utterance  in  Elaine's  favor, 
in  the  months  preceding  the  nomination. 

In  October,  1883,  he  wrote  to  me  as  follows  : 

"  DEAR  BADEAU,  —  I  have  your  letter  of  yesterday.  I  write 
because  of  your  allusion  to  hearing  a  rumor  that  Elaine  and  I  had 
formed  a  combination  politically.  You  may  deny  the  statement 
most  peremptorily.  I  have  not  seen  Elaine  to  speak  to  him  since 
a  long  time  before  the  Convention  of  '80.  We  have  had  no  com 
munication  in  writing  through  other  parties  nor  in  any  direct  or 
indirect  way.  The  Republican  party  cannot  be  saved,  if  it  is  to 
be  saved  at  all,  by  tricks  and  combinations  of  politics.  I  read 
yesterday  a  circumstantial  account  of  Elaine  and  I  spending  a 
week  together  recently,  when  without  doubt  we  had  fixed  up 
matters  for  '84,  Elaine  to-be  President  and  I  to  be  Senator  from 
this  State.  The  Republican  party,  to  be  saved,  must  have  a  deci 
sive  declared  policy.  It  has  now  no  observable  policy  except  to 
peddle  out  patronage  to  sore-heads,  in  order  to  bring  them  back 
into  the  fold,  and  avoid  any  positive  declarations  upon  all  leading 
questions." 

This  declaration  was  probably  stronger  because  Grant 
knew  that  I  was  anxious  for  him  to  take  ground  in  favor 
of  Elaine.  General  Beale,  who  was  an  intimate  friend,  Sena 
tor  Chaffee,  the  father-in-law  of  one  of  Grant's  sons,  and 
Stephen  B.  Elkins,  all  desired  the  same  result,  but  were  un 
able  to  bring  it  about  at  this  time.  In  the  late  winter  or  early 
spring,  after  the  accident  which  compelled  him  to  make  use  of 
crutches  for  months,  General  Grant  was  in  Washington,  and 
Mr.  Elaine  called  on  him  at  the  house  of  General  Beale,  where 
Grant  was  a  visitor.  The  opponents  of  Mr.  Elaine  declared 
that  the  visit  was  not  returned;  but  Grant  authorized  a 


246  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

denial  of  the  statement.  He  explained  to  me  that  he  had  left 
his  cards  himself  at  Mr.  Elaine's  house,  but  being  a  cripple, 
had  not  alighted  from  his  carriage.  He  said,  indeed,  that  he 
paid  only  one  or  two  personal  visits  during  his  stay  in  Wash 
ington,  because  of  his  infirmity.  At  the  same  time  he  told 
me  that  though  he  would  not  sanction  any  formal  dinner 
made  to  bring  himself  and  Mr.  Blaine  together,  he  certainly 
would  not  refuse  to  meet  him  socially. 

In  fact  time  had  undoubtedly  somewhat  mellowed  or  mod 
ified  his  feeling,  and  as  it  became  evident  that  the  choice  of 
the  party  had  almost  narrowed  down  to  Blaine  or  Arthur, 
Grant  admitted  that  he  desired  the  success  of  Blaine  as  an 
alternative.  After  the  nomination  he  often  said  to  me  that 
he  had  no  doubt  Mr.  Blaine  would  make  an  excellent  Presi 
dent  ;  and  on  the  first  occasion  when  the  candidate  was  in 
New  York,  General  Grant  called  on  him  at  his  hotel.  I  was 
out  of  town  at  the  time,  and  wrote  to  say  how  glad  I  was  that 
he  had  taken  this  step,  for  his  own  sake  as  well  as  for  the 
effect  it  might  have  upon  the  election ;  for  it  seemed  to  me 
that  one  who  had  received  so  much  from  the  Republican 
party  was  bound  to  sink  his  personal  feeling  and  to  do  all  in  his 
power  for  its  success.  After  I  went  to  stay  at  his  house,  in 
the  early  autumn,  I  talked  in  this  vein  whenever  I  thought  it 
advisable.  He  never  disputed  the  suggestion,  but  said  that 
he  had  thought  it  proper  for  him  as  ex-President  to  call  on  the 
nominee  of  his  party  for  the  place  he  had  himself  once  held. 
I  thought  for  awhile  that  he  would  make  some  more  explicit 
declaration  of  his  views,  but  there  were  influences  persistently 
and  incessantly  at  work  to  induce  him  to  withhold  his  support 
from  Blaine.  No  opportunity  was  omitted  to  revive  bitter 
ness  or  to  recall  the  events  which  he  had  attributed  to  the 
hostility  of  Mr.  Blaine,  and  though  Chaffee,  Elkins,  Beale, 
and  others  did  their  best,  the  counter  current  was  too  strong. 
I  very  much  hoped  that  at  the  last  he  would  cast  his  vote  for 
Blaine,  but  the  wily  enemies  of  Republicanism  were  awake 


GRANT  AND   BLAINE.  347 

at  the  critical  moment,  and  General  Grant  did  not  vote  for 
the  Republican  candidate. 

During  the  winter  Mr.  Elkins  ascertained  that  Grant 
would  not  refuse  to  accept  a  copy  of  the  first  volume  of 
Elaine's  history,  and  accordingly  one  was  presented  to  him, 
with  an  autograph  inscription  from  the  author ;  and  Grant 
acknowledged  the  compliment  in  a  note  of  more  than  his 
ordinary  suavity.  I  read  to  him  the  few  pages  in  which  there 
was  occasion  for  the  political  writer  to  discuss  General  Grant's 
military  career.  They  were  acceptable  to  their  subject,  but 
the  account  of  Grant's  civil  administration  did  not  appear 
until  he  who  was  judged  was  beyond  the  influence  of  criti 
cism.  Elaine,  however,  had  been  a  faithful  supporter  of 
Grant's  Presidential  policy,  and  his  comments  over  the  tomb 
of  his  great  rival  contained  nothing  at  which  that  rival  could 
himself  have  caviled.  General  Grant  left  a  list  of  the  names 
of  those  to  whom  he  wished  his  own  memoirs  presented,  and 
Mr.  Elaine's  name  was  among  them. 

The  exchange  of  courtesies  upon  the  presentation  of 
Elaine's  book  took  place  only  a  few  months  before  the  death 
of  the  soldier,  and  was  the  concluding  incident  in  the  inter 
course  of  Grant  and  Elaine.  In  those  last  hours,  when  the 
hero  declared,  as  he  did  to  me  on  Easter  Sunday,  1885,  "I 
would  rather  have  the  good-will  of  even  those  whom  I  have 
not  hitherto  accounted  friends  "  ;  when  he  forgave  Rosecrans 
and  Jefferson  Davis  —  he  did  not  include  Elaine  among  his 
enemies. 


CHAPTER   XL. 

GRANT  AND    MEXICO. 

RANT  always  took  a  peculiar  interest  in  the  Republic 
v_T  of  Mexico.  His  experiences  during  the  Mexican  War 
left  a  lively  impression  with  him,  and  there  was  no  portion  of 
his  "  Memoirs "  in  which  he  manifested  a  keener  interest 
than  in  the  pages  describing,  not  only  the  campaigns  in 
which  he  participated  and  the  adventures  that  befell  himself, 
but  the  peculiarities  of  the  country,  the  climate,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  Mexico.  I  remember  well  the  composition  of 
these  chapters,  and  how  impressed  I  was  with  the  clearness  of 
his  memory  and  the  vividness  of  his  youthful  perceptions, 
recalled  after  so  long  an  interval.  At  the  close  of  the  Rebel 
lion  all  this  interest  was  intensified;  for  the  conversion  of 
Mexico  into  an  empire  seemed  to  Grant  a  sequence,  or  rather 
an  incident,  of  secession,  and  his  concern  did  not  abate  until 
the  expulsion  of  the  French  and  the  re-establishment  of  the 
republic. 

Upon  Grant's  assumption  of  the  duties  of  President, 
Rawlins  at  first  exercised  great  influence  with  him,  and  all 
that  influence  was  in  favor  of  an  extension  of  territory.  St. 
Domingo,  Cuba,  and  the  northern  portion  of  Mexico  —  all  — 
Rawlins  would  have  been  glad  to  incorporate  into  the  Union. 
It  was  with  a  view  to  the  acquisition  of  a  large  slice  of 
territory  on  the  northern  frontier  of  Mexico  that  the  mission 
to  that  country  was  offered  in  1869  to  General  Sickles.  The 
acquisition  was  intended  to  be  peaceful,  by  purchase,  and 
with  the  entire  consent  of  the  neighboring  state,  for  Grant 

(348) 


GRANT  AND   MEXICO. 


349 


would  have  been  the  last  man  to  unfairly  appropriate  the 
domains  of  the  friendly  republic;  he  had  disapproved  the 
forcible  extension  of  territory  in  the  days  of  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  and  his  relations  with  the  statesmen  of  Mexico  were 
loyal,  his  regard  for  the  interests  and  honor  of  that  country, 
genuine.  But  after  due  deliberation  it  was  deemed  unad- 
visable  to  attempt  at  that  time  the  absorption  of  Mexican 
territory.  The  Administration  concluded  that  there  were 
other  and  more  pressing  matters  to  be  decided  then;  the 
Reconstruction  of  the  Union  itself  and  the  pacification  of 
the  South  were  still  incomplete;  there  was  the  condition  of 
the  emancipated  race  to  adjust;  and  to  introduce  other  and 
foreign  elements  into  the  population  at  this  crisis  would  pro 
pose  new  problems  and  provoke  additional  and  inopportune 
difficulties.  So  the  Mexican  question,  as  it  was  presented  to 
Grant  in  the  early  days  of  his  Presidency,  was  allowed  to 
drop,  and  was  not  revived  in  the  same  form  during  his  career. 
On  his  return  from  his  European  tour  Grant  revisited 
Mexico,  and  it  was  at  this  time  that  ideas  of  business  rela 
tions  with  the  sister  Republic  were  first  broached  to  him. 
Everything,  however,  was  in  abeyance  until  the  result  of  the 
Chicago  Convention  of  1880  was  known.  Immediately  after 
his  defeat,  Grant  visited  Colorado,  and  from  Manitou  Springs 
he  wrote  to  me : 

"  I  think  now  I  will  be  in  New  York  City  soon  after  my  return 
to  Galena.  The  probabilities  are  that  I  shall  make  my  home 
there.  But  this  is  not  entirely  certain.  I  am  obliged  to  do  some 
thing  to  supplement  my  means  to  live  upon,  and  I  have  very 
favorable  opportunities  there.  Fortunately,  none  of  my  children 
are  a  tax  upon  me.  If  they  were,  we  would  all  have  to  retire  to 
the  farm  and  work  that. 

"  I  have  been  looking  at  the  mines  in  New  Mexico  and  in  this 
State,  and  flatter  myself  that  I  have  obtained  something  of  an 
insight  into  the  resources  of  the  two  —  the  State  and  Territory  — 
and  a  large  insight  in  the  way  mines  are  managed.  Without  going 


350 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


into  details,  I  would  not  buy  stock  in  any  mine  in  the  country 
where  the  stock  is  thrown  upon  the  market,  any  more  than  I  would 
buy  lottery  tickets.  The  mines  are  producing  largely,  but  those 
quoted  pay  no  dividends  to  the  stockholders,  unless  it  is  to  put  up 
the  price  of  the  stocks,  so  the  knowing  ones  can  sell  out.  Porter 
&  Co.  have  a  magnificent  mine,  managed  by  a  thoroughly  compe 
tent  and  honest  man.  It  is  so  opened  that  they  will  get  out  all 
there  is  in  it  in  the  most  economical  manner,  and  the  dividends 
will  be  regular,  subject  to  no  vicissitudes  except  strikes,  epidemics, 
or  earthquakes.  I  go  on  Saturday  to  the  Garrison  and  from  there 
to  the  San  Juan  region.  That  visit  over,  I  will  have  seen  a  large 
part  of  the  mining  region." 

On  the  1 2th  of  August  he  wrote  me  again  : 

"  I  have  been  away  from  here  for  ten  days  visiting  parts  of 
Colorado  I  had  never  seen  before.  The  trip  was  a  very  hard  one, 
though  full  of  interest.  I  am  satisfied  this  State  has  a  great 
destiny  before  it.  The  new  region  that  I  visited  will  show  greater 
mineral  resources  than  all  that  has  been  heretofore  discovered  in 
the  State,  besides  considerable  agricultural  resources.  But  I  will 
see  you  in  September,  when  I  shall  be  in  New  York ;  and  then  J 
can  tell  you  more  than  I  can  write.  When  I  go  to  New  York  it 
will  be  determined  whether  I  accept  the  Presidency  of  the  mining 
company  to  which  I  have  been  elected.  One  thing  is  certain ;  I 
must  do  something  to  supplement  my  income,  or  continue  to  live 
in  Galena  or  on  a  farm.  I  have  not  got  the  means  to  live  in  a 
city.  With  kindest  regards  of  Mrs.  Grant,  Fred,  and  Buck  (the 
latter  has  just  left),  I  am,  as  ever,  yours  truly,  U.  S.  GRANT." 

During  this  winter,  however,  Grant  turned  his  attention 
almost  exclusively  to  Mexican  affairs.  He  soon  became 
president  of  a  railway  company  whose  road  ran  south  from 
the  City  of  Mexico,  and  he  was  also  actively  engaged  in 
furthering  the  enterprise  of  connecting  the  two  republics  by 
railroad.  In  iSSi  he  went  again  to  Mexico,  and  from  there, 
on  the  7th  of  May,  he  wrote  to  me  :  "  My  business  here  pro 
gresses  favorably  so  far  as  the  President  and  departments  are 


GRANT   AND    MEXICO.  3$  I 

concerned.  I  have  heard  nothing  yet  of  any  opposition  in 
[the  Mexican]  Congress.  Before  this  reaches  you  I  will  be 
on  my  way  home." 

I  find  a  few  passages  in  his  letters  after  this  that  illus 
trate  his  character,  and  show  in  what  matters  he  was 
occupied.  On  the  nth  of  March  he  wrote  : 

"DEAR  BADEAU, —  The  story  about  my  failure  was  all  pure 
fiction,  invented  with  many  lies  in  the  stockboard  to  depress 
stocks.  I  have  nothing  to  do  with  these  speculators,  and  I  think 
it  great  presumption  to  use  my  name  in  any  way  to  effect  their 
purposes.  Very  truly  yours." 

On  the  2  ist  of  July,  1882,  he  said  to  me : 

"  I  shall  take  no  notice  of  Shepherd  for  the  present.  He 
stated  truthfully  in  a  published  interview  that  I  had  no  interest  in 
the  Peruvian  Company,  and  never  had.  I  do  not  recognize  the 
right  of  reporters  and  sensational  writers  to  call  upon  me  for  an 
explanation  whenever  my  name  is  mentioned." 

In  1882  Grant  was  appointed,  entirely  without  his  own 
solicitation  or  expectation,  head  of  a  commission  to  negotiate  a 
commercial  treaty  with  Mexico.  This  was  doubtless  at  the 
instance  of  Secretary  Frelinghuysen,  who  retained  his  per 
sonal  and  friendly  relations  with  Grant  after  the  ex-President 
had  altogether  broken  with  Arthur.  At  the  very  time 
when  Grant's  most  urgent  applications  and  recommendations 
in  behalf  of  political  adherents  or  personal  friends  were 
rejected  or  ignored,  his  own  nomination  was  sent  to  the 
Senate.  This  was  a  very  adroit  move  on  the  part  of  the 
Government,  for  Grant  was  known  to  take  a  keen  interest  in 
our  commercial  relations  with  Mexico,  and  he  could  hardly 
refuse  the  appointment,  although  to  accept  it  would  give  the 
appearance  of  a  friendly  feeling  for  the  Administration  which 
he  was  far  from  entertaining.  He  saw  the  design,  but  the 
great  public  interest  was  paramount  with  him  to  any  personal 


352 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


feeling.  He  delayed  some  little  while,  but  finally  accepted 
the  appointment.  This,  of  course,  brought  him  into  closer 
relations  with  the  State  Department,  but  those  relations  did 
not  extend  to  the  Head  of  the  Government. 

The  commissioners  negotiated  a  treaty  to  which  he  refers 
in  the  following  letter  of  February  4,  1883.  In  the  winter  of 
1882  I  had  gone  to  Cuba  as  Consul-General,  and  soon  after  my 
arrival  the  English  Vice-Consul  at  Havana  was  transferred  to 
the  City  of  Mexi-co.  The  English  had  maintained  no  diplo 
matic  or  consular  representation  in  Mexico  for  nearly  twenty 
years  —  not  since  the  tripartite  invasion  of  1862,  and  I  heard 
in  Havana  that  this  embassy,  if  such  it  could  be  called,  was  an 
attempt  to  forestall  General  Grant's  treaty,  and  prevent  the 
United  States  from  obtaining  advantages  which  the  English 
hoped  to  secure  for  themselves.  I  wrote  this  to  General 
Grant,  and  he  replied  : 

"  I  had  heard  before  that  the  English  had  sent  their  Vice- 
Consul  to  Cuba  to  Mexico,  ostensibly  to  renew  intercourse  with 
that  government,  but  more  particularly  to  co-operate  with  the 
Germans  and  French  to  defeat  a  commercial  treaty  with  the 
United  States.  I  sent  your  letter,  with  one  from  myself,  to  the 
Secretary  of  State.  You  should  by  all  means  write  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  saying  to  him  substantially  what  you  say  to  me 
in  your  letter  of  the  3d  of  January.  Of  course  I  cannot  send  that 
letter.  We  were  successful  in  negotiating  a  commercial  treaty, 
which  is  practically  ratified  so  far  as  the  Mexican  Government  is 
concerned.  We  will  see  what  our  Senate  will  do  with  it  if  the 
President  sends  it  in.  It  was  delivered  to  the  Secretary  of  State 
two  weeks  ago,  with  report,  but  so  far  it  has  not  seen  the  light." 

Again,  on  the  28th  of  February,  1883,  he  wrote  me  a  let 
ter  which  sufficiently  explains  the  purport  of  mine,  to  which 
it  was  a  reply : 

"  I  was  much  pleased  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  22d  inst.  I 
was  tempted  to  give  what  you  say  about  the  use  of  Mexican 
tobacco,  its  use  in  Cuba,  the  feeling  of  Cubans  in  regard  to  the 


GRANT  AND   MEXICO. 


353 


effect  of  the  treaty,  etc.,  to  the  press.  Of  course,  I  should  only 
have  given  it  as  from  a  friend  of  mine,  writing  from  Havana. 
But,  on  reflection,  I  concluded  that  the  public  would  know  who 
my  friend  in  Cuba  was,  so  concluded  not  to.  I  wish,  however, 
you  would  write  the  same  thing  to  the  State  Department.  .  .  . 
You  will  learn  by  the  mail  that  carries  this  that  consideration  of 
the  treaty  has  been  deferred  until  December  next.  This,  I  fear, 
will  defeat  the  treaty  in  Mexico,  where  there  will  be  untiring  efforts 
by  foreign  merchants  and  diplomats  to  prejudice  the  Government 
against  it.  ...  Mrs.  Grant  tells  me  to  say  that  she  is  just 
reading  your  history,  and  thinks  more  of  you  than  ever.  She  is 
now  in  the  second  volume." 

The  treaty  was  not  confirmed.  In  one  of  General  Grant's 
letters  during  this  period  he  wrote : 

"  I  never  would  have  undertaken  the  work  I  am  now  engaged 
in  for  any  possible  gain  that  could  accrue  to  myself.  But  I  have 
been  much  impressed  with  the  resources  of  this  country  [Mexico], 
and  have  entertained  a  much  higher  opinion  of  these  people  than 
the  world  at  large  generally  does,  and  of  their  capacity  to  develop 
their  resources,  with  aid  and  encouragement  from  outside.  I  felt 
that  the  development  must  come  soon,  and  the  country  furnishing 
the  means  would  receive  the  greatest  benefit  from  the  increased 
commerce.  I  wanted  it  to  be  ours.  Besides,  we  want  to  encour 
age  republican  government,  and  particularly  on  this  continent. 
Then,  too,  it  is  an  advantage  for  us  to  pay  for  our  imports  with 
the  products  of  our  soil  and  manufactures  as  far  as  possible.  This 
we  do  not  now  with  countries  from  which  we  receive  tropical  and 
semi-tropical  products.  Mexico  can  furnish  all  these  commodi 
ties,  and  will  want  in  return  what  we  have  to  sell." 

This  is  an  epitome  of  Grant's  Mexican  policy,  and  seems 
to  me  full  of  far-reaching  political  wisdom  and  large  patriotic 
views.  It  shows,  too,  how  his  mind  took  in  the  widest  pur 
poses  and  most  various  aims ;  for  this  same  letter  contains 
comments  on  the  Administration  of  Garfield  that  indicate 
how  keenly  Grant  resented  the  conduct  of  the  Government 
23 


354 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


of  that  day  toward  himself  and  his  political  friends.  But  just 
as  he  turned,  in  the  moment  of  defeat  at  Chicago,  to  the  con 
sideration  of  the  resources  of  the  country  at  the  West,  so, 
while  suffering  what  he  considered  slights  and  rebuffs  at  the 
hands  of  his  successor,  he  was  devising  a  great  international 
scheme  to  exchange  benefits  and  productions  with  the  neigh 
boring  republic  ;  and  later,  at  the  very  moment  when  another 
Administration  refused  his  applications,  he  nevertheless  ac 
cepted  an  appointment  under  it,  for  the  sake  of  advancing 
the  same  enterprise. 

To  my  mind  there  is  a  greater  magnanimity  in  his  course 
because  it  was  so  difficult.  He  deserves  infinitely  greater 
plaudits  because  he  felt  keenly  and  stifled  his  feelings  than 
if  he  had  been  a  block,  and  insensible  or  indifferent  to  emo 
tions  or  circumstances.  Grant  was  full  of  emotion  when  his 
own  interests,  or  passions,  or  pride  was  concerned.  His 
appetites  were  fierce,  his  temptations  strong.  If  he  rose 
superior  to  them,  he  merits  and  will  receive  a  higher  meed  of 
praise.  His  nature  was  not  stolid  although  it  was  restrained, 
nor  unimpassioned  because  undemonstrative.  He  was  no 
marble  statue,  that  could  feel  neither  heat  nor  cold,  but  a 
live  man,  human  to  the  core.  If  you  tickled  him,  he  would 
laugh  ;  if  you  pricked  him  he  would  bleed.  For  such  a  man 
to  subdue  his  emotions,  to  conquer  his  appetites,  to  master 
his  passions,  and  perform  the  work  that  he  achieved  for  his 
country  and  his  time  was  as  much  grander  than  the  dull  per 
formances  of  those  who  are  not  tempted  as  humanity  is 
greater  than  mechanism,  or  flesh  and  blood  than  wood  or 
stone. 


CHAPTER   XLI. 

THE    GRANTS   AND   THE    LINCOLNS. 

THE  account  of  Lincoln's  love-making,  in  his  history  by 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  seems  almost  ominous  when  read  by 
the  light  of  later  knowledge.  The  anxieties  and  forebodings 
and  absolute  agony  of  the  future  President  on  the  eve  of 
marriage — the  most  incredulous  might  say — presaged  the 
destiny  that  impended.  For  no  one  knows  the  character  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  his  godlike  patience,  his  ineffable  sweet 
ness,  his  transcendent  charity  amid  all  the  tremendous  wor 
ries  of  war  and  revolution  and  public  affairs,  who  is  ignorant 
of  what  he  endured  of  private  woe;  and  no  one  rightly  judges 
the  unfortunate  partner  of  his  elevation  and  unwitting  cause 
of  many  of  his  miseries,  who  forgets  that  she  had  "eaten  on 
the  insane  root  that  takes  the  reason  prisoner." 

The  country  knows  something  of  the  strangeness  of  Mrs. 
Lincoln's  conduct  after  her  husband's  death;  but  many  of 
the  most  extraordinary  incidents  in  her  career  were  not 
revealed  at  the  time,  out  of  delicacy  to  others  and  tenderness 
to  one  who  had  been  the  sharer  of  Abraham  Lincoln's  for 
tunes  and  the  mother  of  his  family.  Enough,  however,  was 
apparent  to  shock  and  pain  the  public  sense,  when  finally  the 
conflict  with  her  own  son,  so  highly  respected,  the  dragging 
of  their  affairs  into  a  public  court,  the  necessary  supervision 
of  the  poor  lady's  finances,  the  restraint  of  her  actions,  if  not 
of  her  person,  disclosed  the  fact  that  her  mind  had  been  dis 
eased.  This  threw  a  light  on  circumstances  until  then  inex 
plicable.  It  relieved  Mrs.  Lincoln  herself  from  the  charge  of 

(35S) 


356  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

heartlessness,  or  mercenary  behavior,  or  indifference  to  her 
husband's  happiness.  It  approved  the  action  of  the  son, 
which,  in  some  quarters,  had  been  gravely  misunderstood; 
and,  above  all,  it  showed  the  suffering  Abraham  Lincoln 
must  have  endured  all  through  those  years  in  which  he  bore 
the  burden  of  a  struggling  nation  upon  his  shoulders,  whether 
he  knew  or  only  feared  the  truth,  or  whether  he  went  on 
calmly  in  the  sad  thought  that  his  worst  forebodings  before 
the  marriage  were  fulfilled. 

The  first  time  that  I  saw  Mrs.  Lincoln  was  when  I  accom 
panied  Mrs.  Grant  to  the  White  House,  for  her  first  visit 
there  as  wife  of  the  General-in-Chief.  The  next  occasion  that 
I  recall  was  in  March,  1864,  when  Mrs.  Lincoln,  with  the 
President,  visited  City  Point.  They  went  on  a  steamer, 
escorted  by  a  naval  vessel  of  which  Captain  John  S.  Barnes 
was  in  command,  and  remained  for  several  weeks  in  the  James 
River  under  the  bluff  on  which  the  headquarters  were  estab 
lished.  They  slept  and  usually  took  their  meals  aboard,  but 
sometimes  both  ascended  the  hill  and  were  entertained  at  the 
mess  of  General  Grant. 

On  the  26th  of  March  a  distinguished  party  from  Wash 
ington  joined  them,  among  whom  I  remember,  especially,  Mr. 
Geoffroi,  the  French  Minister.  It  was  proposed  that  an 
excursion  should  be  made  to  the  front  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  about  ten  or  twelve  miles  off,  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  and 
Mrs.  Grant  were  of  the  company.  A  military  railroad  took 
the  illustrious  guests  a  portion  of  the  way,  and  then  the  men 
were  mounted,  but  Mrs.  Grant  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  went  on  in 
an  ambulance,  as  it  was  called  —  a  sort  of  half-open  carriage 
with  two  seats  besides  that  for  the  driver.  I  was  detailed  to 
escort  them,  and  of  course  sat  on  the  front  seat  facing  the 
ladies,  with  my  back  to  the  horses. 

In  the  course  of  conversation,  I  chanced  to  mention  that 
all  the  wives  of  officers  at  the  army  front  had  been  ordered  to 
the  rear  —  a  sure  sign  that  active  operations  were  in  contem- 


THE   GRANTS   AND   THE   LINCOLNS. 


357 


plation.  I  said  not  a  lady  had  been  allowed  to  remain,  except 
Mrs.  Griffin,  the  wife  of  General  Charles  Griffin,  who  had 
obtained  a  special  permit  from  the  President.  At  this  Mrs. 
Lincoln  was  up  in  arms,  "  What  do  you  mean  by  that,  sir  ? " 
she  exclaimed.  "  Do  you  mean  to  say  that  she  saw  the 
President  alone  ?  Do  you  know  that  I  never  allow  the  Presi 
dent  to  see  any  woman  alone?"  She  was  absolutely  jealous 
of  poor,  ugly  Abraham  Lincoln. 

I  tried  to  pacify  her  and  to  palliate  my  remark,  but  she 
was  fairly  boiling-  over  with  rage.  "That's  a  very  equivocal 
smile,  sir,"  she  exclaimed :  "  Let  me  out  of  this  carriage  at 
once.  I  will  ask  the  President  if  he  saw  that  woman  alone." 
Mrs.  Griffin,  afterward  the  Countess  Esterhazy,  was  one  of 
the  best  known  and  most  elegant  women  in  Washington,  a 
Carroll,  and  a  personal  acquaintance  of  Mrs.  Grant,  who 
strove  to  mollify  the  excited  spouse,  but  all  in  vain.  Mrs. 
Lincoln  again  bade  me  stop  the  driver,  and  when  I  hesitated 
to  obey,  she  thrust  her  arms  past  me  to  the  front  of  the 
carriage  and  held  the  driver  fast.  But  Mrs.  Grant  finally  pre 
vailed  upon  her  to  wait  till  the  whole  party  alighted,  and  then 
General  Meade  came  up  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  wife  of  the 
President.  I  had  intended  to  offer  Mrs.  Lincoln  my  arm,  and 
endeavor  to  prevent  a  scene,  but  Meade,  of  course,  as  my 
superior,  had  the  right  to  escort  her,  and  I  had  no  chance  to 
warn  him.  I  saw  them  go  off  together,  and  remained  in  fear 
and  trembling  for  what  might  occur  in  the  presence  of  the 
foreign  minister  and  other  important  strangers.  But  General 
Meade  was  very  adroit,  and  when  they  returned  Mrs.  Lincoln 
looked  at  me  significantly  and  said :  "  General  Meade  is  a 
gentleman,  sir.  He  says  it  was  not  the  President  who  gave 
Mrs.  Griffin  the  permit,  but  the  Secretary  of  War."  Meade 
was  the  son  of  a  diplomatist,  and  had  evidently  inherited  some 
of  his  father's  skill. 

At  night,  when  we  were  back  in  camp,  Mrs.  Grant  talked 
over  the  matter  with  me,  and  said  the  whole  affair  was  so  dis- 


358  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

tressing  and  mortifying  that  neither  of  us  must  ever  mention 
it ;  at  least,  I  was  to  be  absolutely  silent,  and  she  would  dis 
close  it  only  to  the  General.  But  the  next  day  I  was  released 
from  my  pledge,  for  "worse  remained  behind." 

The  same  party  went  in  the  morning  to  visit  the  Army  of 
the  James  on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  commanded  by  Gen 
eral  Ord.  The  arrangements  were  somewhat  similar  to  those 
of  the  day  before.  We  went  up  the  river  in  a  steamer,  and 
then  the  men  again  took  horses  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  and  Mrs. 
Grant  proceeded  in  an  ambulance.  I  was  detailed  as  before 
to  act  as  escort,  but  I  asked  for  a  companion  in  the  duty ;  for 
after  my  experience,  I  did  not  wish  to  be  the  only  officer  in 
the  carriage.  So  Colonel  Horace  Porter  was  ordered  to  join 
the  party.  Mrs.  Ord  accompanied  her  husband ;  as  she  was 
the  wife  of  the  commander  of  an  army  she  was  not  subject 
to  the  order  for  return ;  though  before  that  day  was  over  she 
wished  herself  in  Washington  or  anywhere  else  away  from 
the  army,  I  am  sure.  She  was  mounted,  and  as  the  ambu 
lance  was  full,  she  remained  on  her  horse  and  rode  for  a 
while  by  the  side  of  the  President,  and  thus  preceded  Mrs. 
Lincoln. 

As  soon  as  Mrs.  Lincoln  discovered  this  her  rage  was 
beyond  all  bounds.  "What  does  the  woman  mean,"  she 
exclaimed,  "by  riding  by  the  side  of  the  President?  and 
ahead  of  me  ?  Does  she  suppose  that  he  wants  her  by  the 
side  of  him?"  She  was  in  a  frenzy  of  excitement,  and 
language  and  action  both  became  more  extravagant  every 
moment.  Mrs.  Grant  again  endeavored  to  pacify  her,  but 
then  Mrs.  Lincoln  got  angry  with  Mrs.  Grant;  and  all  that 
Porter  and  I  could  do  was  to  see  that  nothing  worse  than 
words  occurred.  We  feared  she  might  jump  out  of  the 
vehicle  and  shout  to  the  cavalcade.  Once  she  said  to  Mrs. 
Grant  in  her  transports :  "  I  suppose  you  think  you'll  get  to 
the  White  House  yourself,  don't  you  ? "  Mrs.  Grant  was 
very  calm  and  dignified,  and  merely  replied  that  she  was  quite 


THE   GRANTS   AND   THE   LINCOLNS.  359 

satisfied  with  her  present  position;  it  was  far  greater  than 
she  had  ever  expected  to  attain.  But  Mrs.  Lincoln  exclaimed ; 
"  Oh !  you  had  better  take  it  if  you  can  get  it.  'Tis  very 
nice."  Then  she  reverted  to  Mrs.  Ord,  while  Mrs.  Grant 
defended  her  friend  at  the  risk  of  arousing  greater  vehemence. 

When  there  was  a  halt  Major  Seward,  a  nephew  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  and  an  officer  of  General  Ord's  staff,  rode 
up,  and  tried  to  say  something  jocular.  "The  President's 
horse  is  very  gallant,  Mrs.  Lincoln,"  he  remarked ;  "  he  insists 
on  riding  by  the  side  of  Mrs.  Ord."  This  of  course  added 
fuel  to  the  flame.  "What  do  you  mean  by  that,  sir?"  she 
cried.  Seward  discovered  that  he  had  made  a  huge  mistake, 
and  his  horse  at  once  developed  a  peculiarity  that  compelled 
him  to  ride  behind,  to  get  out  of  the  way  of  the  storm. 

Finally  the  party  arrived  at  its  destination  and  Mrs.  Ord 
came  up  to  the  ambulance.  Then  Mrs.  Lincoln  positively 
insulted  her,  called  her  vile  names  in  the  presence  of  a  crowd 
of  officers,  and  asked  what  she  meant  by  following  up  the 
President.  The  poor  woman  burst  into  tears  and  inquired 
what  she  had  done,  but  Mrs.  Lincoln  refused  to  be  appeased, 
and  stormed  till  she  was  tired.  Mrs.  Grant  still  tried  to 
stand  by  her  friend,  and  everybody  was  shocked  and  horrified. 
But  all  things  come  to  an  end,  and  after  a  while  we  returned 
to  City  Point. 

That  night  the  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  entertained 
General  and  Mrs.  Grant  and  the  General's  staff  at  dinner  on 
the  steamer,  and  before  us  all  Mrs.  Lincoln  berated  General  Ord 
to  the  President,  and  urged  that  he  should  be  removed.  He 
was  unfit  for  his  place,  she  said,  to  say  nothing  of  his  wife. 
General  Grant  sat  next  and  defended  his  officer  bravely.  Of 
course  General  Ord  was  not  removed. 

During  all  this  visit  similar  scenes  were  occurring.  Mrs. 
Lincoln  repeatedly  attacked  her  husband  in  the  presence  of 
officers  because  of  Mrs.  Griffin  and  Mrs.  Ord,  and  I  never 
suffered  greater  humiliation  and  pain  on  account  of  one  not  a 


360  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

near  personal  friend  than  when  I  saw  the  Head  of  the  State, 
the  man  who  carried  all  the  cares  of  the  nation  at  such  a 
crisis  —  subjected  to  this  inexpressible  public  mortification. 
He  bore  it  as  Christ  might  have  done;  with  an  expression  of 
pain  and  sadness  that  cut  one  to  the  heart,  but  with  supreme 
calmness  and  dignity.  He  called  her  "mother,"  with  his 
old-time  plainness ;  he  pleaded  with  eyes  and  tones,  and 
endeavored  to  explain  or  palliate  the  offenses  of  others,  till 
she  turned  on  him  like  a  tigress ;  and  then  he  walked  away, 
hiding  that  noble,  ugly  face  that  we  might  not  catch  the  full 
expression  of  its  misery. 

General  Sherman  was  a  witness  of  some  of  these  episodes 
and  mentioned  them  in  his  memoirs  many  years  ago.  Cap 
tain  Barnes,  of  the  navy,  was  a  witness  and  a  sufferer  too. 
Barnes  had  accompanied  Mrs.  Ord  on  her  unfortunate  ride 
and  refused  afterward  to  say  that  the  lady  was  to  blame. 
Mrs.  Lincoln  never  forgave  him.  A  day  or  two  afterward  he 
went  to  speak  to  the  President  on  some  official  matter  when 
Mrs.  Lincoln  and  several  others  were  present.  The  Presi 
dent's  wife  said  something  to  him  unusually  offensive  that  all 
the  company  could  hear.  Lincoln  was  silent,  but  after  a 
moment  he  went  up  to  the  young  officer,  and  taking  him 
by  the  arm  led  him  into  his  own  cabin,  to  show  him  a  map  or 
a  paper,  he  said.  He  made  no  remark,  Barnes  told  me,  upon 
what  had  occurred.  He  could  not  rebuke  his  wife ;  but  he 
showed  his  regret,  and  his  regard  for  the  officer,  with  a  touch 
of  what  seemed  to  me  the  most  exquisite  breeding  imaginable. 

Shortly  before  these  occurrences  Mrs.  Stanton  had  visited 
City  Point,  and  I  chanced  to  ask  her  some  question  about  the 
President's  wife.  "  I  do  not  visit  Mrs.  Lincoln,"  was  the 
reply.  But  I  thought  I  must  have  been  mistaken ;  the  wife 
of  the  Secretary  of  War  must  visit  the  wife  of  the  President ; 
and  I  renewed  my  inquiry.  "  Understand  me,  sir  ? "  she 
repeated ;  "I  do  not  go  to  the  White  House  ;  I  do  not  visit 
Mrs.  Lincoln."  I  was  not  at  all  intimate  with  Mrs.  Stanton, 


262  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

and  this  remark  was  so  extraordinary  that  I  never  forgot  it ; 
but  I  understood  it  afterward. 

Mrs.  Lincoln  continued  her  conduct  toward  Mrs.  Grant, 
who  strove  to  placate  her,  and  then  Mrs.  Lincoln  became 
more  outrageous  still.  She  once  rebuked  Mrs.  Grant  for 
sitting  in  her  presence.  "How  dare  you  be  seated,"  she 
said,  "until  I  invite  you."  Altogether  it  was  a  hateful 
experience  at  that  trernendous  crisis  in  the  nation's  history, 
for  all  this  was  just  before  the  army  started  on  its  last 
campaign. 

But  the  war  ended  and  the  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln 
had  already  returned  to  Washington  when  General  Grant 
arrived  from  Appomattox,  bringing  Mrs.  Grant  with  him. 
On  the  1 3th  of  April,  Washington  was  illuminated  in  honor 
of  the  victories,  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  invited  General  Grant 
to  drive  about  the  streets  with  her  and  look  at  the  demonstra 
tion  ;  but  she  did  not  ask  Mrs.  Grant.  The  next  night, 
April  1 4th,  was  the  saddest  in  American  history.  Not  only 
General  and  Mrs.  Grant,  but  the  Secretary  of  War  and 
Mrs.  Stanton,  were  invited  to  accompany  the  President  and 
his  wife  to  the  theatre.  No  answer  had  yet  been  sent  when 
Mrs.  Stanton  called  on  Mrs.  Grant  to  inquire  if  she  meant  to 
be  of  the  party.  "  For,"  said  Mrs.  Stanton,.  "  unless  you 
accept  the  invitation,  I  shall  refuse.  I  will  not  sit  without 
you  in  the  box  with  Mrs.  Lincoln."  Mrs.  Grant  also  was 
tired  out  with  what  she  had  endured,  and  decided  not  to  go  to 
the  play,  little  dreaming  of  the  terrible  experience  she  was 
thus  escaping.  She  determined  to  return  that  night  to 
Burlington,  in  New  Jersey,  where  her  children  were  at  school, 
and  requested  the  General  to  accompany  her.  Accordingly  a 
note  of  apology  was  sent  to  Mrs.  Lincoln,  and  Mrs.  Stanton 
also  declined  the  invitation.  These  ladies  thus  may  both  have 
saved  their  husband's  lives. 

After  the  murder  of  the  President,  the  eccentricities  of 
Mrs.  Lincoln  became  more  apparent  than  ever,  and  people 


THE   GRANTS   AND   THE   LINCOLNS.  363 

began  to  wonder  whether  her  mind  had  not  been  affected  by 
her  terrible  misfortune.  Mr.  Seward  told  me  that  she  sold 
the  President's  shirts  with  his  initials  marked  on  them,  before 
she  left  the  White  House ;  and  learning  that  the  linen  was 
for  sale  at  a  shop  in  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  he  sent  and 
bought  it  privately.  She  lingered  at  the  Executive  Mansion 
a  long  while  after  all  arrangements  should  have  been  made 
for  her  departure,  keeping  the  new  President  out  of  his 
proper  residence.  Afterward  she  made  appeals  to  public 
men  and  to  the  country  for  pensions  and  other  pecuniary  aid, 
though  there  was  no  need  for  public  application.  She  went 
abroad  doing  strange  things  and  carrying  the  honored  name 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  into  strange  and  sometimes  unfit  com 
pany,  for  she  was  greatly  neglected,  and  felt  the  neglect. 
While  I  was  Consul-General  at  London,  I  learned  of  her 
living  in  an  obscure  quarter,  and  went  to  visit  her.  She  was 
touched  by  the  attention,  and  when  I  invited  her  to  my  house, 
for  it  seemed  wrong  that  the  widow  of  the  man  who  had  done 
so  much  for  us  all,  should  be  ignored  by  any  American 
representative,  she  wrote  me  a  note  of  thanks,  betraying 
how  rare  such  courtesies  had  become  to  her  then. 

The  next  I  heard  of  the  poor  woman  was  the  scandal 
of  the  courts  in  Chicago,  when  the  fact  was  made  clear  that 
she  was  insane.  It  was  a  great  relief  to  many  to  learn  it,  and 
doubtless  the  disclosure  of  the  secret  which  her  son  must 
have  long  suspected  —  though  like  the  Spartan  boy,  he 
cloaked  his  pain  —  was  to  him  a  sort  of  terrible  satisfaction. 
It  vindicated  his  conduct ;  it  told  for  him  what  he  had  con 
cealed  ;  it  proved  him  a  worthy  son  of  that  great  father  who 
also  bore  his  fate  so  heroically. 

The  revelation  not  only  showed  these  two  as  noble  suffer 
ers,  but  redeemed  the  unfortunate  woman  herself  from  the 
odium  for  which  she  was  not  responsible.  The  world  had 
known  that  she  seemed  to  defy  and  malign  her  son,  that  she 
had  appeared  to  do  things  unworthy  of  the  wife  or  widow  of 


364  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

the  great  martyr  of  our  history,  and  even  seemed  to  blot  the 
nation's  fame ;  but  the  pitiful  story  of  Miramar  casts  no 
reflection  on  Maximilian's  Empress,  and  the  shadow  of 
insanity  thrown  across  the  intelligence  of  Mrs.  Lincoln, 
relieves  her  from  reproach  or  blame.  Instead  of  a  mocking 
figure,  disgracing  her  name  and  station  and  country,  she  too 
becomes  an  object  of  commiseration,  not  knowing  the  purport 
of  her  own  words  or  the  result  of  her  own  deeds,  or  perhaps 
vainly  struggling  to  restrain  them  both,  and  regretting  in  her 
saner  intervals  the  very  acts  she  was  at  other  times  unable  to 
control.  And  Lincoln  —  who  that  reveres  and  loves  his 
memory  will  not  respect  his  character  more  profoundly,  and 
feel  that  he  has  another  and  a  tenderer  claim  upon  our  sympa 
thy  and  honor,  since  we  know  that  even  this  cup  did  not  pass 
from  him.  Amid  the  storms  of  party  hate  and  rebellious 
strife,  amid  agonies  —  not  irreverently  be  it  said,  like  those 
of  the  Cross  —  for  he  also  suffered  for  us  —  the  hyssop  of 
domestic  misery  was  pressed  to  his  lips,  and  he  too  said: 
"  Father,  forgive  :  they  know  not  what  they  do." 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

GRANT  AND    LOGAN. 

THE  relations  of  Grant  and  Logan  began  almost  with  the 
war.  Grant  tells  in  his  "  Memoirs"  of  his  anxiety  about 
Logan's  position  in  the  early  days  of  the  great  struggle.  The 
future  General-in-Chief  was  commanding  a  regiment  which 
had  yet  not  marched  to  the  front,  when  he  was  approached 
by  important  people  who  wished  him  to  allow  Logan  and 
McClernand  to  address  his  troops.  As  both  these  orators  had 
been  prominent  Democrats,  Grant  hesitated  at  first  to  give 
the  permission ;  but  he  found  Logan's  speech  full  of  fiery 
patriotism,  and  Logan's  action  at  this  crisis,  Grant  often 
declared,  had  prodigious  influence  with  the  people  of  the 
southern  portion  of  Illinois.  His  personal  popularity  un 
doubtedly  contributed  to  keep  "  Egypt,"  as  the  region  is 
called,  loyal  to  the  Union.  The  occasion  of  Logan's  speech 
was  the  first  meeting  between  these  two  men,  destined  after 
ward  to  be  so  closely  associated  in  politics  as  well  as  war. 

When  I  first  went  to  Grant  the  praises  of  Logan  were 
constantly  on  his  lips.  I  had  never  met  the  great  volunteer 
general  at  the  time,  and  Grant  never  tired  of  telling  me  his 
history.  So,  too,  when  I  wrote  a  volume  on  Grant's  early 
campaigns,  I  got  all  my  information  in  regard  to  Logan,  first 
hand  from  Grant.  He  traced  for  me  Logan's  entire  career,  by 
his  own  side  at  Belmont,  Donelson,  Corinth,  and  in  the  Vicks- 
burg  campaign ;  and  always  said  that  Logan  and  Crocker 
were  the  two  best  generals  from  civil  life  that  the  war 
produced. 

(365) 


366  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

On  the  death  of  McPherson,  Sherman  nominated  Howard, 
the  junior  of  Logan,  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee,  which  Logan  was  holding  temporarily.  Grant  did 
not  agree  with  Sherman's  estimate  of  the  relative  ability  of 
Logan  and  Howard,  but  he  refused  to  interfere  with  Sher 
man's  choice.  Logan  was  bitterly  disappointed,  yet  he  re 
mained  and  served  with  unflinching  zeal  under  the  man  who 
had  been  his  junior,  though  Hooker  at  the  same  time,  and  for 
the  same  cause,  requested  to  be  relieved. 

This  was  not  the  only  instance  of  magnanimity  in  Logan's 
career.  In  December,  1864,  when  Grant  became  impatient 
at  what  he  thought  the  needless  delay  of  Thomas  at  Nash 
ville,  Logan  was  directed  to  take  command  of  the  Army  of 
the  Cumberland,  and  started  to  obey  the  order.  This  was  the 
greatest  promotion  he  had  yet  received  and  offered  that 
opportunity  for  separate  distinction  which  every  soldier  covets ; 
but  when  he  arrived  at  Louisville,  on  his  way  from  City  Point, 
he  received  the*news  of  Thomas's  great  victory,  and  instantly 
telegraphed  to  Grant,  proposing  that  he  should  now  himself 
return  to  his  subordinate  command.  Such  greatness  of  soul 
always  recommended  itself  to  Grant. 

But  Logan  was  also  capable  of  intense  bitterness,  and  on 
one  or  two  occasions  his  course  was  very  different  from  what 
Grant  could  either  indorse  or  admire.  In  General  Sherman's 
"  Memoirs  "  he  described  Logan  and  Blair  as  political  gen 
erals,  and  assigned  that  as  the  reason  why  he  had  nomi 
nated  neither  to  command  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 
His  language  was  unfortunate  and  gave  great  offense  to 
both  those  officers.  I  have  no  doubt  that  Sherman  himself 
afterward  regretted  its  use ;  but  once  uttered,  the  mischief 
could  not  be  undone.  Logan  was  as  firm  in  his  enmities 
as  his  friendships,  and  he  never  forgave  Sherman  this  slur 
upon  his  military  reputation.  In  the  course  of  time  he  be 
came  a  member  of  the  Senate,  and  in  all  military  matters 
his  influence  was  almost  controlling.  It  was  his  voice 


GRANT  AND   LOGAN.  367 

which  decided  that  Sherman  should  be  retired  from  the  com 
mand  of  the  army  at  the  age  of  sixty-four,  though  Sherman's 
friends,  and  many,  or  rather  all,  who  were  simply  grateful  for 
his  transcendent  services,  strove  earnestly  for  his  retention. 
But  Logan  prevailed.  It  was  a  bitter  revenge  to  set  aside  so 
eminent  a  man,  his  old  commander,  in  the  prime  of  his 
powers,  and  in  the  face  of  the  world,  as  punishment  for  a  few 
hasty  words  of  ill-judged  criticism.  I  talked  with  Grant 
more  than  once  on  this  subject ;  he  differed  entirely  with 
Logan,  and  although  he  considered  Sherman's  language  injudi 
cious,  he  was  still  more  earnest  in  condemning  Logan's  course. 

So,  too,  Logan  was  unrelenting  in  his  pursuit  of  Fitz 
John  Porter.  He  came  nearer  quarreling  with  Grant  on  this 
point  than  at  any  other  stage  of  their  long  intimacy.  I  hap 
pened  to  be  in  Washington  a  day  or  two  after  Grant's  first 
letter  in  behalf  of  Porter  was  made  public,  and  Logan  spoke 
to  me  very  bitterly  on  the  subject ;  more  harshly  indeed  than 
I  ever  cared  to  repeat  to  Grant,  though  doubtless  what  was 
said  was  meant  for  repetition.  But  I  did  not  wish  to  be  the 
means  of  creating  a  rupture,  and  merely  told  Grant  that  Logan 
felt  very  sore.  Each  maintained  what  he  thought  the  proper 
course,  and  after  a  while  Logan's  asperity,  at  least  towards 
Grant,  was  softened,  though  he  never  ceased  to  condemn 
Grant's  action.  But  their  relations  were  hardly  interrupted, 
and  finally  became  as  warm  again  as  ever.  On  Grant's  side 
there  had  never,  indeed,  been  any  coolness,  nor  perhaps  is 
coolness  the  word  for  Logan's  feeling;  it  was  heat;  heat 
towards  Porter,  that  boiled  over  even  on  Grant.  There  was 
also  a  time  while  Grant  was  President,  when  a  difference  arose 
between  them  that  threatened  to  provoke  antagonism,  but 
this  was  no  difference  of  principle,  it  was  personal  purely; 
and  when  the  occasion  passed,  the  temper  of  each  was  ap 
peased,  and  they  became  better  friends  than  ever. 

Grant,  indeed,  was  very  grateful  to  Logan  for  his  political 
as  well  as  military  services.  In  the  final  effort  for  a  "  third 


268  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

term,"  Logan's  action  was  as  important  and  as  steadfast  as 
that  of  any  other  man  ;  and  Grant  never  forgot  those  who 
stuck  by  him  in  this  critical  emergency. 

When  he  wrote  his  "  Memoirs,"  he  took  unusual  pains  to 
say  what  he  thought  would  gratify  Logan ;  he  enlarged  the 
passages  that  described  Logan's  excellences,  and  was  de 
termined  to  paint  him  in  the  liveliest  colors.  His  heart  was 
in  the  tribute  that  he  paid  his  friend,  and  all  the  more  because 
of  the  shade  of  difference  that  had  passed  across  their  life- 
time  intimacy.  Logan  in  return  was  loyal  to  Grant  when 
business  misfortune  and  calumny  came.  Grant  would  have 
preferred  Logan  to  succeed  Hayes,  to  any  other  man ;  and  in 
the  last  months  of  his  life  he  often  spoke  of  Logan,  always 
with  warmth  and  admiration  and  affection. 

Logan,  like  Grant,  attempted  to  write  his  "Memoirs," 
and  he,  like  Grant,  was  mortified  at  his  political  failures;  he 
too  was  tortured  by  financial  troubles ;  and  he  too  was  cut  off 
before  he  reached  old  age.  He  did  not  stay  long  behind  after 
Grant  had  departed.  He  had  followed  his  chief  in  his  cam 
paigns  of  conquest,  in  his  political  life,  in  his  literary  attempts, 
and  kept  step  with  him  at  last  in  that  great  march  from  which 
there  is  no  return. 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

GRANT  AND    HANCOCK. 

HANCOCK  and  Grant  were  at  West  Point  together. 
They  were  good  friends  there,  and  Hancock  used  to 
call  his  future  chief  by  the  familiar  nick-name  of  "  Sam 
Grant."  Long  afterward,  during  the  Wilderness  campaign 
—  it  was  the  day  after  the  great  attack  at  Spottsylvania,  when 
Hancock  reported :  "  I  have  finished  up  Johnson  and  am  now 
going  into  Early  "  —  Grant  nominated  Hancock  for  brigadier- 
general  in  the  regular  Army.  Hancock  remembered  the  old 
relationship  of  the  cadet  time,  and  said  to  the  brother-in-law 
of  the  General-in-Chief,  who  told  him  the  news  :  "  I  love  Sam 
Grant." 

The  regard  was  mutual.  At  one  moment  in  the  battle  of 
the  Wilderness  things  looked  very  dark ;  Warren  had  been 
driven  back  at  the  center,  and  a  rush  of  stragglers  came  hur* 
rying  in  towards  Grant's  headquarters  with  the  news  that 
Hancock  was  routed.  Grant  was  seated  on  the  ground  whit 
tling  a  stick ;  he  simply  turned  the  stick  around  and  whittled 
the  other  end ;  and  when  it  was  again  reported  that  Hancock 
had  been  driven,  he  said  grimly,  "  I  don't  believe  it."  In  a  few 
moments  word  came  directly  contrary  to  the  earlier  rumor. 
Instead  of  retreating,  Hancock  had  pushed  the  enemy.  Then 
Grant  looked  up  and  said  with  as  much  enthusiasm  as  I  ever 
knew  him  betray  :  "  Hancock's  a  glorious  soldier." 

He  never  changed  this  opinion.  Hancock  was  always 
given  the  advance,  or  the  exposed  position.  He  bore  the 
brunt  of  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness  ;  he  made  three  terrible 
24  (369) 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

assaults  at  Spottsylvania ;  he  led  the  march  to  the  North 
Anna ;  he  was  in  the  thickest  at  Cold  Harbor.  His  troops 
were  the  first  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  come  up  before 
Petersburg,  and  in  the  subsequent  movements  on  both  sides 
of  the  James,  at  Deep  Bottom,  and  at  the  explosion  of  Burn- 
side's  mine  —  always,  until  the  opening  of  an  old  wound  com 
pelled  him  to  leave  the  field,  Hancock  was  given  the  command 
which  required  the  most  superb  daring,  the  clearest  head,  the 
most  sustained  military  ability.  More  than  once  I  heard 
General  Grant  say  that  if  Meade  were  removed  he  should 
give  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  Hancock. 

In  the  march  from  Cold  Harbor  to  the  James,  Grant's 
headquarters  came  up  with  Hancock  at  the  point  where  Long 
Bridge  had  once  crossed  the  Chickahominy.  While  the 
troops  were  passing,  the  commanders  dismounted,  and  Grant, 
Hancock,  and  Meade  were  stretched  on  the  grass  together 
with  their  officers  around.  Never  were  three  great  soldiers 
more  in  complete  personal  accord.  There  was  no  assumption 
on  the  part  of  Grant,  and  the  feeling  of  camaraderie  was  per 
fect.  They  chaffed  each  other;  they  told  stories  of  West 
Point  and  the  frontier ;  they  discussed  the  movement  in 
which  they  were  engaged  ;  and  finally  Meade  referred  to  some 
resolutions  of  a  Pennsylvania  convention  nominating  Hancock 
for  the  Presidency.  Both  Grant  and  Meade  poked  fun  at 
Hancock  for  this,  and  he  good-naturedly  received  it  all. 
Indeed,  it  rather  tickled  him. 

He  was  not  appointed  a  brigadier  in  the  regular  army  for 
Spottsylvania,  but  Grant  was  persistent  and  in  August  nomi 
nated  him  again.  This  time  the  promotion  was  conferred. 

In  1866  the  grade  of  general  was  created  for  Grant.  This 
made  Sherman  lieutenant-general  and  left  a  vacancy  among 
the  major-generals,  to  which  Grant  promptly  nominated 
Hancock,  who  thus  received  both  his  promotions  from  his  old 
cadet  comrade. 

But  during  the  Reconstruction  period,  they  took  different 


GRANT  AND   HANCOCK.  37! 

sides.  Grant  believed  that  Congress  was  right  in  the  long 
struggle  with  Andrew  Johnson,  but  Hancock  espoused  the 
views  of  the  President.  Grant  at  first  had  no  suspicion  of 
the  leaning  of  Hancock,  and  when  it  became  apparent  that 
Johnson  was  determined  to  remove  Sheridan  from  command 
at  New  Orleans  and  substitute  Hancock,  the  General-in- 
Chief  sent  a  staff  officer  to  warn  him  of  the  purpose  of  the 
President,  and  of  what  he  considered  its  mischievous  tendency. 
Hancock,  however,  was  ordered  by  Johnson  to  report  at 
Washington  before  he  went  to  New  Orleans,  and  Grant,  who 
was  now  convinced  that  Johnson's  course  was  full  of  danger 
to  the  country,  went  in  person  to  visit  Hancock  at  his  rooms 
in  Willard's  Hotel  to  put  him  on  his  guard.  But  Hancock 
had  already  determined  on  his  conduct,  and  was  not  to  be 
affected  by  Grant's  advice  or  urging. 

From  this  time  their  relations  were  strained.  Hancock 
proceeded  to  New  Orleans  against  the  wish  of  Grant,  deter 
mined  to  carry  out  Johnson's  policy,  which  the  General-in- 
Chief  believed  to  be  almost  treasonable,  and  which  he  had  been 
directed  by  Congress  to  thwart.  Hancock  constantly  issued 
orders  in  conformity  with  the  views  of  the  President,  which 
Grant  as  constantly  overruled.  Finally  Hancock  asked  to  be 
relieved,  and  the  request  was  granted. 

There  never  again  was  any  pleasant  intercourse  between 
them,  and  there  were  times  when  each  supposed  the  other  had 
been  discourteous.  Grant  was  told  that  Hancock  came  to  his 
headquarters  and  wrote  his  name  without  paying  the  General- 
in-Chief  the  courtesy  of  a  further  visit ;  and  remarks  of  each 
were  repeated  to  the  other,  not  calculated  to  encourage 
amiable  sentiments.  But  there  was  no  positive  hostility. 

When  Hancock  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  Grant, 
in  the  privacy  of  his  own  house  at  Galena,  uttered  some 
caustic  criticisms  to  an  indiscreet  visitor,  which  the  same  day 
were  telegraphed  to  the  entire  world.  Among  other  things 
he  said  that  Hancock  was  "ambitious,  vain,  and  weak." 


372  GRANT   IN  PEACE. 

Hancock  at  first  refused  to  believe  that  Grant  had  used  the 
words ;  but,  though  they  had  not  been  meant  for  the  public, 
Grant  could  not  and  would  not  disavow  them  when  the 
reporters  rushed  for  confirmation  or  denial.  Then  Hancock 
was  very  much  hurt,  and  I  doubt  whether  a  reconciliation 
could  ever  have  been  effected. 

In  his  last  days  General  Grant  more  than  once  spoke  to 
me  of  this  circumstance  and  regretted  the  pain  he  had  given 
Hancock.  He  was  generous  in  his  praise,  and,  though  he 
criticised  what  he  thought  foibles  and  even  graver  faults,  he 
declared  that  he  ought  not  to  have  used  the  words  which 
Hancock  disliked.  This  Hancock  never  knew;  but  with 
equal  nobility  he  bore  his  part  in  the  great  funeral  over  his 
ancient  chief  and  comrade.  The  majestic  character  of  those 
rites  that  attracted  the  attention  of  the  world  was  greatly 
due  to  the  tender  care  and  chivalrous  punctilio  of  him  who 
thought  the  dead  chieftain  had  wounded  him.  The  soldiers 
had  fought  their  last  fight  and  ended  every  difference.  Each 
at  the  last  was  full  of  soldierly  and  brotherly  generosity  for 
the  other. 


CHAPTER   XLIV. 

GRANT  AND    CATACAZY. 

IN  the  first  year  of  Grant's  Presidency,  Mr.  Constantine 
de  Catacazy  was  appointed  Minister  from  Russia  to  the 
United  States.  I  was  a  Secretary  of  Legation  at  London 
at  the  time,  and  Andrew  J.  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania,  had  just 
been  made  Minister  of  the  United  States  to  St.  Petersburg. 
The  new  American  plenipotentiary  passed  through  London, 
and  when  I  called  on  him  he  said  he  was  not  ready  to  pro 
ceed  direct  to  his  post,  and  asked  me  to  signify  to  Baron 
Brunnow,  the  Russian  Ambassador  in  London,  whom  I  knew, 
that  the  delay  was  not  occasioned  by  any  disrespect  or  dis 
courtesy. 

Accordingly,  I  called  on  the  Ambassador,  who  was  a  per 
sonage  of  distinction  in  European  diplomacy.  He  was  then 
full  seventy  years  of  age,  had  participated  in  the  negotiations 
and  discussions  that  preceded  the  Crimean  War,  and  been 
prominent  in  all  the  international  affairs  of  the  Continent 
afterward;  a  courtly,  stately,  wily,  clever  old  diplomatist. 
He  received  me  cordially,  and,  when  I  made  known  my 
errand,  promised  at  once  to  advise  his  Government  of  what 
Curtin  had  desired.  He  knew  that  I  had  been  the  private 
secretary  of  Grant,  for  it  is  the  business  of  diplomatists  to 
know  everything  that  relates  to  governments  or  their  mem 
bers,  or  even  subordinates ;  and  he  seemed  to  think  at  once, 
"  I  may  make  use  of  this  young  man ;  I  can  say  things  to 
him  I  could  not  say  to  his  Minister."  Perhaps,  also,  he 
thought  he  could  extract  things  from  the  young  man  which 

(373) 


374  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

he  could  not  extract  from  the  Minister ;  but  this  design  was 
not  so  conspicuous  as  the  apparent  desire  to  be  confidential. 

He  evidently  wanted  to  convey  certain  information  to  the 
American  Government.  He  first  told  me  that  Russia  was 
about  sending  a  new  envoy  to  the  United  States,  and  then 
the  crafty  old  fox  of  an  Ambassador,  full  of  his  diplomatic 
and  aristocratic  pride,  took  the  arm  of  the  democratic  secre 
tary,  and  walked  up  and  down  the  long  rooms  of  Chesham 
House,  giving  what  he  hoped  I  would  report, —  his  opinions 
of  Catacazy.  He  did  not  like  his  colleague,  that  was  clear. 
He  said  Catacazy  was  not  high-born,  was  even  of  obscure 
origin,  but  clever,  after  a  fashion,  had  led  a  somewhat  scan 
dalous  life,  though  that  didn't  hurt  him  in  Brunnow's  esti 
mation,  and  that  he  was  a  favorite  and  protege  of  Gortchakoff, 
at  that  time  the  Russian  Prime  Minister;  all  of  which  in 
formation  I  carefully  garnered  up  and  forwarded  to  Washing 
ton  in  advance  of  the  arrival  of  the  plenipotentiary.  This 
was  in  the  summer  of  1869. 

In  the  autumn  I  returned  to  Washington  and  found  Cata 
cazy  already  established.  He  was  a  man  of  effusive  manners, 
professing  great  friendship  and  admiration  for  most  of  those 
he  met,  saying  the  most  agreeable  things,  but  without  the  art 
to  make  his  hearers  believe  that  his  utterances  were  sincere. 
His  flatteries  were  too  fulsome,  his  falsehoods  too  plain.  He 
was  easy,  but  not  elegant  in  behavior,  smirked  too  much  to 
be  dignified,  and  there  were  few  who  admired,  though  many 
perceived,  his  phase  of  cleverness.  He  tried  to  make  himself 
acceptable  to  everybody,  entertained  liberally,  paid  all  his 
visits  and  social  duties  punctiliously,  yet  was  unmistakably 
vulgar. 

His  wife,  though  long  past  the  freshness  of  youth,  was 
still  beautiful, —  a  tall,  golden-haired,  graceful  German  woman; 
while  he  was  short,  ugly,  and  scrubby.  Madame  Catacazy 
had  been  sold — married  they  call  it  in  Europe — when  she 
was  the  merest  girl,  to  an  Italian  prince,  who  was  in  diplo- 


GRANT  AND   CATACAZY. 

macy,  a  man  of  fortune  as  well  as  rank,  and  old  enough  to  be 
her  grandfather.  She  was  very  averse  to  the  bargain,  but 
that  mattered  little  to  those  who  made  it,  and  she  became  a 
princess  and  an  Ambassadress.  After  a  while  the  diplomatic 
pair  appeared  in  Brazil,  where  the  young  Catacazy  was  then 
a  Secretary  in  the  Russian  Legation.  He  pleased  the  eye  or 
the  fancy  of  the  unwilling  wife,  and  one  day  there  was  a 
great  scandal  in  Rio  Janeiro.  The  Italian  Ambassadress 
was  missing,  and  no  one  could  account  for  her  disappearance. 
Search  was  made  in  every  direction,  for  it  was  feared  she 
had  been  kidnapped  or  had  committed  suicide.  In  the  con 
fusion  which  so  great  a  social  event  created  the  simultaneous 
absence  of  the  Russian  Secretary  was  not  at  first  observed, 
they  had  concealed  their  liaison  so  cleverly.  But,  in  a  week 
or  two,  the  couple  were  discovered  living  in  a  cottage  in  the 
outskirts  of  the  Brazilian  capital.  Catacazy  was  recalled 
from  the  court  of  Dom  Pedro,  and  his  princess  went  with 
him.  In  due  time  there  was  a  divorce  or  a  death,  I  forget 
which,  and  madame  was  free,  and  married  the  Russian 
Secretary. 

Such  little  episodes  do  not  affect  the  diplomatic  career  of 
a  rising  Russian,  especially  if  he  has  a  Prime  Minister  for  a 
patron,  and  Catacazy  was  pushed  in  his  profession.  He 
went  about  to  various  courts  and  countries,  and  was  at  one 
time  Secretary  of  Legation  at  Washington.  But  his  chief 
forbade  him  to  bring  his  partner  to  the  capital,  and  the  lady 
was  not  at  that  time  introduced  into  American  society. 
After  twenty  years,  however,  Catacazy  was  made  Minister  to 
the  United  States.  It  was,  perhaps,  supposed  that  his  his 
tory  had  been  forgotten.  But  the  ladies  remembered  it,  and 
those  who  were  in  power  held  a  consultation  as  to  whether 
the  envoy's  wife  should  be  received.  Of  course,  none  of  the 
austere  would  have  dreamed  of  visiting  her  had  they  and  she 
been  in  private  station ;  but  in  public  life  things  are  differ 
ent,  and  it  was  decided  to  ignore  her  past,  lest  to  notice  it 


376  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

might  complicate  international  relations.  So  Madame  was 
visited.  It  was  not  the  only  time  in  the  history  of  the  Repub 
lic  when  diplomatic  women  have  obtained  a  position  or  an 
absolution,  which  as  private  persons  they  might  have  failed 
to  secure.  There  have  been  cabinet  councils  of  the  ladies 
under  other  Administrations  on  similar  points,  and  with  the 
same  result,  and  doubtless  there  will  be  again,  so  long  as 
women  are  frail  and  men  betray. 

The  newcomer  was  declared  fascinating  by  the  men.  She 
dressed  with  gorgeous  taste,  and  her  superb  neck  and  arms, 
long,  golden  hair,  and  melting  eyes  made  many  think  that 
Catacazy's  sin  had  not  been  without  its  provocation.  Their 
house  was  attractive,  after  a  fashion ;  gay,  but  not  elegant. 
There  was  high  play,  and  the  tone  was,  as  might  have  been 
expected  from  the  rank  and  antecedents  of  its  mistress, 
courtly,  but  not  gene.  Catacazy's  colleagues  complained  that 
the  Minister  and  his  wife  played  against  each  other.  She 
staked  high,  and  he  low,  and  Madam e's  partners  always  lost. 
They  do  such  things  in  Paris,  too,  but  not,  as  a  rule,  in  di 
plomatic  circles. 

Catacazy  once  thought  it  worth  his  while  to  attempt  to 
win  my  good  will,  and  asked  for  a  copy  of  my  History  of 
Grant,  which  he  wanted  to  have  translated  into  Russian.  I 
am  ashamed  to  confess  that  I  was  elated  at  this  proof  of  the 
popularity  of  my  book,  and  told  it  to  General  Grant. 

"  Why,  Badeau,"  said  the  President,  "  do  you  believe 
him  ?  "  From  which  it  may  be  judged  that  Grant  had  begun 
to  fathom  the  character  of  the  plenipotentiary.  I  never 
heard  any  more  about  the  translation ;  but  Catacazy  was  not 
the  only  foreign  minister  who  wanted  to  translate  Grant's  his 
tory  when  he  was  President,  and  afterwards  forgot  to  carry 
out  the  plan. 

The  next  summer  I  returned  to  Europe,  and  remained 
abroad  for  several  years,  so  that  I  can  only  tell  this  part  of 
my  story  at  second-hand.  Catacazy  being  a  born  intriguer, 


GRANT  AND   CATACAZY. 


377 


soon  got  into  complications  of  a  personal  character  with  the 
State  Department.  It  is  an  intricate  story ;  there  was  a  claim 
of  Americans  against  the  Russian  Government,  on  account  of 
arms  furnished  during  the  Crimean  war.  The  claim  was  not 
pressed  very  earnestly  by  the  State  Department,  yet  Catacazy 
seemed  very  much  concerned ;  it  was  the  only  important 
business  intrusted  to  him  by  his  Government.  At  any  rate, 
he  resorted  to  the  newspapers,  and  published  attacks  on  the 
State  Department,  and  even  on  the  President  and  his  family, 
which  were  traced  directly  to  his  pen.  Sworn  affidavits 
proved  the  authorship.  When  he  was  called  to  account,  his 
denials  were  so  lame,  and  his  excuses  so  transparent  that  they 
could  not  be  received.  Still  he  persisted  in  annoying  and 
even  maligning  the  Government  to  which  he  was  accredited, 
and  finally  the  American  Minister  at  St.  Petersburg  was 
directed  to  procure  his  recall.  In  the  meantime,  both  the 
President  and  the  Secretary  of  State  refused  to  receive  him 
at  their  houses. 

But  Gortchakoff  was  his  patron,  and  Catacazy  was  unwill 
ing  to  be  removed  in  disgrace.  Just  at  this  time  the  Grand 
Duke  Alexis,  son  of  the  Czar,  was  about  visiting  America, 
and  it  would  have  been  inconvenient  to  insist  on  a  change  of 
ministers  at  such  a  juncture.  The  Russian  Ministry  was 
fully  aware  how  disagreeable  Catacazy 's  presence  was  to  the 
American  Government,  and  nothing  is  better  established 
than  the  right  of  a  Government  to  refuse  to  receive  an 
unacceptable  Minister ;  in  private  life  gentlemen  may  decline 
communications  borne  by  unwelcome  messengers,  and  for 
Gortchakoff  to  persist  in  retaining  an  envoy  displeasing  to 
another  Government,  was  in  itself  a  discourtesy.  At  any 
other  time  the  objectionable  representative  would  have  been 
peremptorily  dismissed.  But  the  Administration  was  unwill 
ing  to  take  this  step  on  the  arrival  of  the  son  of  the  Czar. 
The  conduct  of  Russia  during  our  civil  war  had  not  been 
forgotten,  and  the  Government  shared  the  grateful  feeling 


3/8  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

which  the  entire  country  entertained.  It  was  a  personal  feel, 
ing,  too,  for  the  Autocrat  directs  the  policy  of  his  empire 
absolutely ;  and  the  obligation  was  to  the  Emperor  himself. 
So  Catacazy  was  allowed  to  remain. 

The  Grand  Duke  arrived,  and  Catacazy  presented  him  to 
the  President.  But  the  Secretary  of  State  first  informed  the 
Minister  explicitly  that  his  words  and  actions  must  be  limited 
to  the  most  formal  ceremony.  He  was  not  to  offer  his  hand 
to  the  President,  for  it  would  be  refused ;  he  must  merely 
say :  "  Mr.  President,  I  have  the  honor  to  present,  etc.,  etc." 
If  he  attempted  any  further  conversation,  Mr.  Fish  assured 
the  Russian  he  would  himself  interrupt  and  expose  the  situa 
tion  to  the  company.  Thus  warned,  the  envoy  submitted ; 
he  did  not  deviate  from  his  instructions,  but  performed  his 
ignoble  role  to  the  letter. 

It  was  also  signified  to  the  suite  of  the  Grand  Duke  that 
although  rather  than  offend  the  majesty  of  friendly  Russia,- 
the  President  had  tolerated  the  presence  of  Catacazy  on  this 
occasion,  it  would  be  impossible  to  invite  the  envoy  to  dinner. 
-The  President  would  be  very  glad  to  entertain  the  Prince  in 
this  way,  and  to  offer  him  every  courtesy,  but  he  could  not  in 
clude  the  offensive  Minister.  The  invitation  was  declined, 
doubtless  through  the  influence  of  Catacazy.  In  this  way  the 
son  of  the  greatest  Imperial  friend  that  America  ever  had  was 
precluded  from  receiving  the  hospitalities  which  the  Govern 
ment  was  most  anxious  to  extend ;  and  while  the  whole  country 
was  preparing  him  banquets  Alexis  quitted  Washington  with 
out  dining  with  either  the  President  or  the  Secretary  of  State. 

Immediately  after  the  Grand  Duke's  departure  Catacazy 
was  recalled.  He  had  produced  a  diplomatic  embarrass 
ment  and  was  therefore  in  disgrace  with  his  own  Government. 
The  Emperor  exiled  him  for  a  time;  he  was  ordered  to 
remain  in  Paris,  and  not  to  write  to  the  newspapers; 
but  he  disobeyed  and  published  an  open  letter  in  this 
country  on  the  subject  of  his  difficulties  with  the  State 


GRANT  AND   CATACAZY. 

Department ;  for  this  his  pension  was  stopped  by  his  Gov 
ernment. 

The  sons  of  Czars,  however,  are  not  used  to  any  circum 
stances  but  those  that  are  agreeable,  and  the  memory  of  the 
Grand  Duke's  visit  rankled.  A  year  and  a  half  afterward, 
Marshall  Jewell  was  appointed  Minister  of  the  United  States 
at  St.  Petersburg.  He  himself  described  to  me  his  reception. 
Upon  his  arrival  at  the  capital,  it  was  much  longer  than 
usual  before  any  arrangements  were  made  for  his  presenta 
tion  to  the  Czar.  The  delay  was  so  marked,  and  the  bearing 
of  the  courtiers  so  constrained,  that  neither  could  have  been 
accidental.  Finally,  the  Minister  was  informed  that  the  Czar 
would  receive  him.  He  was  kept  waiting  half  an  hour  in  the 
ante-chamber,  before  His  Majesty  appeared,  with  his  gloves 
on,  and  ready  for  a  drive  or  a  ride.  The  Minister  was  taken 
up  to  him,  and  Alexander,  without  extending  his  hand,  simply 
halted  for  a  moment,  as  he  was  passing,  and  exclaimed  "  Your 
Government  did  not  treat  my  son  Alexis  well;"  and  then 
moved  on;  and  this  was  the  greeting  from  the  majesty  of 
Russia  to  the  representative  of  the  United  States. 

Years  after  this  when  General  Grant  went  to  Europe,  it 
was  thought  that  the  feeling  of  the  Imperial  family  had  still 
not  been  dispelled ;  and  the  American  Minister  of  that  day, 
Mr.  Boker,  was  anxious  that  the  ex-President  should  not 
visit  Russia,  lest  unpleasant  circumstances  might  occur.* 

*On  the  4th  of  May,  1887,  Mr.  Boker  wrote  to  me: 
"  I  did  advise  General  Grant  against  going  to  Russia,  because 
on  my  presentation  to  the  Emperor,  he  used  this  language ;  '  I  am 
grateful  to  the  American  people  for  their  treatment  of  my  son 
Alexis ;  but  not  to  your  Government,  not  to  your  Government, 
Sir.'  These  words  Alexander  uttered  in  a  towering  passion.  I 
asked  Prince  Gortchakoff,  as  was  my  simple  duty,  for  an  explana 
tion  of  these  words ;  but  from  him  I  obtained  more  words  than 
satisfaction. 

"  You  may  remember  that  I  saw  General  Grant  in  London 
while  you  were  there.  He  informed  me  that  he  intended  to  visit 


380 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


General  Grant  often  talked  the  matter  Over  with  me,  and 
always  said  that  he  was  not  going  to  Russia  for  the  pur 
pose  of  visiting  the  Emperor.  If  his  Majesty  chose  to 
welcome  him,  he  should  be  happy  to  receive  his  courtesies, 
but  if  otherwise,  he  would  not  be  uncomfortable.  He  wanted 
to  see  the  country,  and  study  the  people  and  their  institutions. 
Accordingly  he  determined  to  go. 

Upon  his  arrival  the  successor  of  Mr.  Boker  waited 
upon  Prince  Gortchakoff,  and  was  informed  that  the  Czar 
would  be  happy  to  receive  General  Grant.  An  interview 
was  arranged;  the  General  went  to  the  palace  accompanied 
by  the  Minister,  and  was  met  by  Prince  Gortchakoff,  who 
ushered  him  into  a  room  where  the  Czar  awaited  him.  Alex 
ander  at  once  came  forward,  gave  General  Grant  his  hand 
and  led  him  to  a  sofa,  where  they  sat  for  half  an  hour  discuss 
ing  the  politics  and  characteristics  of  the  two  countries. 
The  Czar  spoke  tolerable  English,  and  when  he  was  at  a 
loss  for  a  word,  Gortchakoff,  who  stood  behind  the  sofa, 
came  to  his  master's  aid.  Alexander  seemed  very  curi 
ous,  General  Grant  told  me,  to  know  how  an  American 
President  made  his  Cabinet,  and  how  he  dealt  with  trouble 
some  subordinates,  and  the  two  exchanged  experiences.  The 


Russia,  and  I  then  advised  him  against  doing  so,  fearing  that  he 
might  be  coldly  received,  or  not  received  at  all  by  the  Emperor. 
From  London  I  returned  to  St.  Petersburg ;  and  on  mentioning  to 
Prince  Gortchakoff  General  Grant's  proposed  visit,  Gortchakoff 
advised  against  it  in  a  manner  that  was  almost  menacing.  Before 
General  Grant  reached  St.  Petersburg,  I  was  on  my  way  home,  and 
I  was  glad  to  read  in  the  newspapers  that  his  visit  passed  off  with 
out  any  serious  result. 

"  On  public  occasions  it  was  the  custom  of  the  Emperor  to  ask 
the  Ambassadors  and  the  Ministers  after  the  health,  etc.,  of  the 
Heads  of  their  respective  Governments.  These  questions  the 
Emperor  never  asked  me,  although  I  as  regularly  said,  before  the 
Emperor  could  get  away  from  me  :  '  I  am  happy  to  inform  your 
Majesty  that  the  President  is  in  excellent  health.' " 


GRANT  AND   CATACAZY.  381 

Czar  evidently  desired  to  show  the  greatest  respecc  to  the 
ex-President  of  the  United  States.  He  treated  him  with  a 
freedom  from  forms  which  showed  that  he  thought  Grant's 
position  almost,  if  not  quite,  on  a  level  with  his  own;  but 
there  was  no  subsequent  invitation.  The  palaces  and  gal 
leries  were  thrown  open  to  the  General,  but  he  was  not 
invited  to  dinner. 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

GRANT   AND    SICKLES. 

THE  career  of  Sickles  came  in  contact  with  that  of 
Grant  on  several  interesting  occasions.  They  met  for 
the  first  time  when  Grant  visited  Washington  to  receive  his 
commission  as  Lieutenant-General.  It  was  at  a  levee  at  the 
White  House.  Lincoln,  Stanton,  and  Grant  stood  in  a 
group  at  the  south  end  of  the  great  East  Room ;  and  Grant, 
all  suffused,  looked  like  a  lion  at  bay,  as  the  crowd  pressed 
up  and  passed  him,  shaking  his  hand.  The  experience  was 
new  to  him  then,  and  it  was  his  first  visit  to  the  capital. 
"Besieged  by  friends,  even  you  must  surrender,  General," 
said  Sickles,  as  he  was  presented  by  Stanton.  "Yes,"  re 
plied  Grant,  "  I  have  been  surrendering  for  two  hours,  until 
I  have  no  arms  left."  He  could  be  humorous  in  his  way, 
though  he  did  not  often  attempt  a  pun. 

Prior  to  Grant's,  arrival  at  the  East,  the  reorganization  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  been  determined  by  Stanton, 
Halleck,  and  Meade,  and  among  the  cjianges  which  then 
occurred  was  the  consolidation  of  the  Third  corps  with  the 
Second.  It  was  a  cruel  and  unnecessary  act,  wounding  the 
pride  of  the  members  of  the  corps,  and  striking  at  the  very 
basis  of  soldierly  enthusiasm ;  for  the  Third  corps  had  a 
brilliant  record,  and  it  was  hard  to  lose  its  identity  in  that  of 
another  organization.  Sickles,  the  commander  of  the  corps 
at  Chancellorsville  and  Gettysburg,  had  lost  a  leg  in  the 
last-named  battle,  and  was  of  course  unfitted  to  return  to  the 
field;  but  he  went  at  once  to  the  new  General-in-Chief  to 
protest  against  the  absorption  of  his  old  command. 

(382) 


GRANT  AND   SICKLES.  383 

Grant,  however,  thought  it  wise  not  to  interfere  in  the 
organization  of  the  Eastern  army,  for  he  had  determined  to 
leave  matters  of  administration  to  Meade.  He  was  always 
careful  to  commit  as  much  executive  power  as  possible  to  his 
immediate  subordinates;  and  to  overrule  both  Halleck  and 
Meade  in  this  matter  would  have  provoked  ill-feeling  at  the 
moment  of  assuming  his  own  new  functions,  besides  being 
contrary  to  all  his  usual  course.  Sickles  appreciated  the 
situation,  and  though  he  would  have  been  glad  to  procure  a 
re-institution  of  his  historic  corps,  he  bore  no  malice  to 
Grant  because  he  was  unsuccessful. 

In  September,  1865,  Sickles  was  placed  in  command  in 
South  Carolina.  He  had  been  a  Democratic  Congressman 
before  the  Rebellion,  and  intimate  with  many  Southern  poli 
ticians,  as  well  as  conversant  with  important  civil  affairs. 
His  appointment  to  supervise  this  portion  of  the  conquered 
territory  was  therefore  appropriate.  When  Grant  visited  the 
South  by  Johnson's  orders  in  the  first  winter  after  the  war, 
he  found  Sickles  with  his  headquarters  at  Charleston,  busily 
engaged  in  the  endeavor  to  build  up  the  prosperity  of  the 
State.  Grant  at  this  time  hoped  that  pacification  would 
proceed  with  rapid  steps,  and  was  in  favor  of  manifesting  the 
most  lenient  spirit  toward  the  fallen  enemy.  He  had  long 
discussions  with  Sickles,  that  lasted  late  into  the  night, 
receiving  the  opinions  of  his  lieutenant,  and  basing  his  own 
directions  upon  them,  for  the  two  were  in  complete  accord. 
I  accompanied  Grant  on  this  tour  and  remember  well  with 
what  warm  approval  he  spoke  of  Sickles' s  course. 

Sickles  gave  General  Grant  a  dinner  during  his  stay  and 
asked  many  important  Southerners  to  his  table  to  meet  the 
Commander  of  the  Union  armies ;  among  them  ex-Governor 
Aiken ;  Orr,  who  had  been  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  and  an  intimate  friend  of  Sickles  in  other  times ; 
Trenholm,  the  Confederate  Secretary  of  the  Treasury; 
Magraw,  the  last  of  the  rebel  Governors  of  South  Carolina, 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

and  Trescot,  the  rebel  diplomatist.  All  were  animated  by  a 
grateful  feeling  toward  the  hero  of  Appomattox;  all  were 
submissive,  and  anxious  to  conform  to  the  terms  which  he  had 
proposed;  and  Grant  himself  was  still  in  harmony  with  the 
President.  There  were  stanch  Union  men  also  present  and 
several  prominent  soldiers  of  the  command,  among  whom  I 
remember  General  Devens,  afterward  Attorney-General  under 
President  Hayes.  Altogether  it  was  a  remarkable  company. 

One  little  circumstance  connected  with  the  dinner  be 
trayed  the  straits  to  which  the  most  important  Southerners 
had  been  reduced  by  the  war.  When  Aiken  received  his 
invitation  he  at  once  called  on  Sickles  and  said  he  should  be 
happy  to  avail  himself  of  the  courtesy,  but  his  wardrobe 
would  not  allow  him  to  show  proper  respect  to  the  General- 
in-Chief.  He  did  not  possess  a  coat  such  as  gentlemen  wear 
at  dinner;  he  had  nothing  indeed  but  the  homespun  suit 
made  in  the  Confederacy  during  the  Rebellion ;  for  all  sup 
plies  from  abroad  had  been  intercepted  by  the  blockade ;  and 
thus  one  of  the  greatest  landholders  at  the  South,  the  owner 
once  of  a  thousand  slaves,  a  man  at  the  very  head  of  the 
aristocracy  of  South  Carolina,  was  unable  to  appear  at  dinner, 
without,  as  he  feared,  displaying  disrespect  to  the  illustrious 
guest,  by  his  attire. 

Sickles,  however,  assured  the  Governor  that  General 
Grant  would  be  happy  to  meet  him  in  his  every-day  suit; 
and  the  courtly  gentleman  came  in  gray  and  discussed  with  the 
Union  Chief  the  affairs  of  the  country,  the  prospects  of  the 
South,  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  blacks  and 
whites.  The  table  and  the  fare  were  both  impromptu  and 
smacked  of  the  camp  and  the  results  of  war  almost  as  much 
as  the  garb  of  the  company.  Grant  was  never  punctilious 
in  dress,  and  at  this  time  in  his  career  even  less  so  than 
afterward ;  he  wore  no  epaulettes  and  his  uniform  coat 
was  unbuttoned;  but  the  interest  and  grace  of  the  occasion 
and  the  importance  of  the  conversation  equaled  any  of  the 


GRANT  AND   SICKLES.  385 

later  entertainments  offered  him  abroad,  surrounded  by  the 
elegance  and  glitter  of  a  court. 

Sickles  carried  out  his  instructions  faithfully.  He  was,  as 
I  have  said,  fully  inspired  with  Grant's  own  desire  to  treat 
the  conquered  with  magnanimity;  but  as  time  wore  on,  and 
the  policy  of  Johnson  was  developed,  with  all  its  unfortunate 
results  upon  the  temper  and  ambition  of  the  South,  he,  like 
every  other  Union  soldier  of  importance  on  the  ground, 
determined  to  do  what  he  could  to  enforce  the  measures 
enacted  by  Congress.  He  shared  the  sentiment  of  Grant  and 
Sheridan  and  Pope  and  Meade  and  Halleck  and  Canby,  all  of 
whom  believed  that  the  law  was  to  be  obeyed.  Efforts  were 
made  by  the  Administration  to  obtain  his  support.  It  was 
remembered  that  he  had  been  a  Democrat  before  the  Rebel 
lion,  and  when  it  was  perceived  that  he  seemed  inclined  to 
follow  Congress  rather  than  the  President,  he  was  offered 
first  the  collectorship  of  New  York,  and  then  various  diplo 
matic  positions,  which  would  of  course  take  him  from  South 
Carolina  and  leave  his  place  to  be  filled  by  an  adherent  of 
the  Administration.  The  mission  to  the  Netherlands  was 
proposed  to  him  with  the  suggestion  that  after  a  while  he 
should  be  sent  to  France.  But  Sickles  before  replying  to 
the  proposition  wrote  to  Grant,  and  declared  that  unless  the 
General-in-Chief  desired  a  change  he  would  prefer  to 
remain  in  his  military  command.  Gra*rit  had  no  wish  to 
supersede  Sickles  by  any  successor,  and  so  informed  him,  and 
Sickles  declined  the  diplomatic  appointment. 

As  the  difference  between  Grant  and  Johnson  ripened,  he 
became  a  still  more  active  coadjutor  of  Grant  in  carrying  out 
the  Congressional  policy.  Though  not  offensive  in  conduct 
or  language,  he  made  it  apparent  that  he  considered  the  de 
clared  will  of  Congress  the  law  of  the  land,  and  when  Con 
gress  had  definitely  pronounced  and  been  endorsed  by  the 
people,  there  was  no  one  more  resolute  or  efficient  than  he  in 
his  obedience  both  to  the  law  and  to  Grant  to  whom  the  en- 
25 


GRANT  IN  PEACE. 

forcement  of  the  law  was  especially  committed  by  the  Legis 
lature.  In  consequence  the  President  became  as  hostile  to 
Sickles  as  to  Sheridan  or  Pope.  Sickles  had  been  appointed  a 
Colonel  in  the  regular  army  by  Johnson  on  the  recommenda 
tion  of  Stanton  and  Grant,  after  the  visit  of  the  General-in- 
Chief  to  his  command ;  and  he  was  one  of  the  District  Com 
manders  under  the  Reconstruction  system ;  but  he  was  also 
one  of  those  removed  by  the  President  during  the  period 
when  Sheridan  and  Stanton  became  the  objects  of  Johnson's 
hostility. 

But  Grant  stood  by  Sickles  as  he  did  by  Sheridan.  When 
the  two  generals  arrived  in  Washington  from  their  commands, 
the  General-in-Chief  held  a  reception  at  his  house  to  mark 
his  approval  of  their  course.  The  party  was  largely  attended 
by  officers  of  the  army  and  navy  and  the  diplomatic  corps, 
and  was  almost  the  first  public  expression  of  Grant's  antag 
onism  to  President  Johnson.  But  he  did  not  confine  his 
demonstrations  to  social  courtesies.  One  of  the  first  execu 
tive  acts  of  Grant  as  President  was  to  offer  to  re-instate  both 
Sheridan  and  Sickles  in  the  positions  from  which  his  prede 
cessor  had  removed  them.  In  the  meantime,  however,  the 
situation  had  changed.  The  Congressional  policy  was  trium 
phant,  and  there  was  no  need  for  Sickles's  return,  while  Canby, 
his  successor,  had  proved  as  faithful  as  he,  and  a  re-instate- 
ment  might  seem  a  reflection  on  one  who  rather  deserved 
reward.  Sickles,  therefore,  did  not  desire  to  be  restored. 
Grant  did  not  insist  and  the  ex-Congressman  was  made  a  full 
Major-General  on  the  retired  list  of  the  regular  army, —  one 
of  the  highest  honors  paid  to  any  soldier  after  the  war, 
whether  a  graduate  of  West  Point  or  from  the  Volunteers. 

The  relations  of  the  United  States  with  Mexico,  I  have 
already  shown,  were  always  a  matter  of  keen  interest  to 
Grant ;  and  when  he  entered  upon  his  Presidential  functions 
he  hoped  to  negotiate  a  cession  of  territory  from  the  sister 
Republic.  With  a  view  to  accomplishing  this  design,  the 


GRANT  AND    SICKLES.  387 

mission  to  Mexico  was  tendered  to  Sickles  through  the  State 
Department  in  the  first  month  of  Grant's  Administration.  It 
is  within  my  personal  knowledge  that  Grant  particularly 
desired  that  Sickles  should  accept  the  post,  for  he  had  a  high 
idea  of  his  intelligence  and  of  his  dexterity  in  dealing  with 
political  problems  ;  but,  after  deliberate  consultation,  in  which 
Sickles  was  included,  it  was  decided  that  no  effort  should  be 
made  at  that  time  for  an  extension  of  territory  in  the  direction 
of  Mexico.  The  independence  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  and 
the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  in  the  Antilles,  both  Sickles  and 
Rawlins  held,  were  worthier  objects  of  Grant's  foreign  policy. 

Rawlins,  indeed,  not  only  advocated  intervention  in  the 
dispute  between  Cuba  and  the  Mother  Country,  but  was  anx 
ious  to  acquire  the  Island,  and  Grant  himself  was  by  no 
means  averse  to  the  idea.  With  these  views,  Rawlins  sug 
gested  to  Sickles  the  position  of  Minister  to  Spain,  and  the 
Secretary  of  War  even  went  in  person  to  New  York  to  urge 
the  proposition,  which,  according  to  etiquette,  should  have 
proceeded  from  the  State  Department.  Sickles,  however, 
was  unwilling  to  give  up  his  rank  in  the  army ;  and  it  was 
arranged  that  he  should  be  retired  for  the  purpose  of  receiv 
ing  the  diplomatic  appointment.  Officers  on  the  active  list 
were  at  that  time  prohibited  from  holding  diplomatic  posi 
tions,  but  the  law  did  not  apply  to  retired  officers.  This 
point  was  very  fully  discussed  by  the  President,  the  Secre 
tary  of  State,  and  the  Secretary  of  War ;  and  finally  Sickles 
consented  to  be  retired  and  to  accept  a  leave  of  absence  from 
the  War  Department,  which  would  enable  him  to  serve  under 
the  Department  of  State  as  Minister  to  Spain.  In  all  this 
arrangement  Grant  took  the  liveliest  interest. 

I  have  explained  in  earlier  chapters  the  difference  of  opin 
ion  between  Secretary  Fish  and  General  Rawlins  in  regard 
to  the  policy  that  Grant  should  pursue  toward  Spain.  While 
Rawlins  was  for  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Cuba 
and  the  speedy  acquisition  of  the  Island  by  the*  United 
States,  Fish  thought  the  difficulties  with  England  should 


388 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


have  precedence.  Nevertheless,  a  negotiation  was  begun 
under  Sickles  at  Madrid  that  promised  to  accomplish  the 
peaceful  purchase  of  Cuba  while  Prim  was  Prime  Minister  of 
Spain.  A  document  was  forwarded  by  Sickles  to  the  State 
Department  —  not  as  a  part  of  the  public  archives,  but  for 
the  confidential  knowledge  of  the  Government,  in  which 
Prim  declared  himself  ready  to  treat  for  the  sale  of  the  Island 
to  the  Cubans,  the  United  States  to  become  security  for  the 
purchase  bonds,  and  to  take  a  mortgage  on  the  Island  in 
return.  This,  it  was  supposed  by  all  concerned,  would  result 
in  the  transfer  of  Cuba  to  this  country.  Prim  especially 
stipulated  with  Sickles  that  his  part  in  the  agreement  should 
not  be  made  known  during  his  lifetime  ;  the  proposition  must 
seem  to  proceed  from  other  sources;  for  he  declared  that  not 
only  his  political  position  and  influence,  but  his  very  life, 
would  be  endangered  if  the  jealous  Spaniards  discovered  pre 
maturely  that  he  was  arranging  for  the  cession  of  Cuba  under 
any  circumstances.  He  saw,  however,  that  Cuba  was  a  drag 
upon  Spain,  that  both  the  Island  and  the  Mother  Country 
would  be  benefited  by  the  arrangement,  and  that  it  was  only 
the  stupid  pride  of  Andalusia  and  Castile  that  stood  in  the 
way.  But  his  assassination  put  an  end  to  all  these  schemes. 
Rawlins  also  died  in  the  first  year  of  Grant's  Administration, 
and  the  loss  of  his  influence  and  advocacy  was  fatal  to  the 
policy  he  had  so  much  at  heart.  There  was  no  one  in  the 
Cabinet  to  uphold  his  views  with  equal  energy,  and  Grant 
conformed  to  those  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  Cuba  was  not 
acquired;  and  when  Sickles  perceived  that  the  object  pro 
posed  for  his  mission  was  not  to  be  attained,  he  resigned. 
But  General  Grant  told  me  during  the  last  months  of  his  life 
that  if  Rawlins  had  lived,  he  believed  Cuba  would  have  been 
acquired  by  the  United  States  during  his  Administration. 

While  Grant  was  in  Europe  circumstances  again  brought 
Sickles  into  peculiar  relations  with  his  former  chief  in  war 
and  politics.  The  ex-Minister  was  living  in  Paris  after  his 
departure  from  Spain,  and  had  become  interested  in  French 


GRANT   AND    SICKLES.  389 

affairs  and  intimate  with  Thiers,  the  famous  ex-President  of 
the  re-established  Republic.  Thiers,  however,  had  fallen 
before  Grant  went  abroad,  and  McMahon  was  President, 
with  a  strong  leaning  toward  legitimacy.  In  June,  1877, 
the  situation  in  France  was  complicated.  The  real  Repub 
licans  were  out  of  power,  and  an  election  was  approaching 
which  might  overthrow  McMahon's  allies.  Upon  General 
Grant's  arrival  in  London  it  was  at  once  seen  that  his  pres 
ence  in  Paris  might  be  used  by  the  McMahon  party  as  an 
opportunity  to  pose  as  friends  of  the  great  republican  general 
of  America,  and  the  more  radical  Frenchmen  became  very 
anxious  that  his  visit  should  be  postponed  until  after  the 
elections. 

Washburne,  once  the  intimate  friend  of  Grant,  was  then 
Minister  to  France,  and  he  wrote  to  the  ex-President  advising 
that  he  should  not  make  his  visit  at  this  juncture.  But  the 
counsel  made  little  impression,  and  was  not,  indeed,  very  ur 
gent.  The  relations  of  the  two  had  not  of  late  been  close,  and 
whether  the  French  politicians  had  learned  this  fact  or  no, 
Thiers  addressed  Sickles  and  asked  him  to  proceed  in  person 
to  London  and  explain  the  situation  to  Grant.  For  Thiers 
took  it  as  certain  that  Grant's  sympathies  would  be  with  the 
Republicans,  and  that  he  would  conform  to  their  wish  and 
delay  his  visit  to  Paris  if  he  understood  the  circumstances. 

Sickles  at  once  undertook  the  mission.  He  traveled  to 
London,  and  explained  to  Grant  the  belief  of  the  French 
republicans  that  his  presence  might  be  made  a  weapon  in 
favor  of  the  re-actionists.  Mrs.  Grant  was  present  at  the 
interview.  It  was  she  who  had  hitherto  been  anxious  to 
visit  Paris  at  this  time,  but  she  at  once  consented  to  defer 
her  shopping  and  her  sight-seeing,  so  as  to  spend  the  sum 
mer  in  Switzerland  and  Germany.  General  Grant  accord 
ingly  changed  his  plans,  and  in  a  day  or  two  left  London  for 
Belgium.  His  visit  to  Paris  took  place  some  months  later. 
The  elections  had  occurred  in  the  meantime,  and  the  Liberal 


3QO  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

party  had  triumphed.  If  McMahon  cherished  any  of  those 
intentions  which  afterward  brought  about  his  downfall,  they 
were  postponed ;  and  it  is  possible  that  General  Grant's 
action  contributed  to  the  stability  of  the  Republic  in  France. 
At  least,  the  greatest  of  French  statesmen  at  that  epoch 
thought  it  worth  while  to  commit  the  mission  to  Sickles 
which  I  have  described. 

Sickles  returned  to  Paris,  arriving  late  in  the  day,  and 
as  soon  as  possible  made  his  way  to  the  residence  of  Thiers 
to  communicate  the  result  of  his  embassy.  The  ex-Presi 
dent  was  living  at  the  mansion  rebuilt  for  him  by  the 
Government  after  the  destruction  of  his  house  by  the  Com 
mune.  He  dined  early,  and  later  in  the  evening  was  accus 
tomed  to  receive  the  world  in  a  stately  salon  of  this  building 
in  the  Rue  George.  But  there  was  always  an  interval  after 
his  simple  dinner  before  the  crowd  arrived,  and  often  the  old 
statesman  seized  this  moment  to  snatch  a  little  sleep.  Thus, 
when  Sickles  was  announced,  Thiers  was  lying  on  a  sofa 
behind  a  screen  at  the  further  end  of  the  salon,  sleeping  ;  but 
Madame  Thiers  received  the  envoy.  She  wished  at  once  to 
waken  the  ex-President,  but  this  Sickles  would  not  allow,  and 
he  remained  in  conversation  with  the  old  lady,  until  Madame 
Doche,  her  famous  sister-in-law,  entered.  Of  course,  he  paid 
his  compliments  to  this  lady,  and  while  they  were  talking, 
Madame  Thiers  also  dozed.  Then  came  in  Barthelemy 
Saint  Hilaire,  once  the  private  secretary  of  Thiers,  and  after 
ward  a  member  of  his  cabinet.  He  also  wished  to  waken 
Thiers;  but  still  Sickles  said,  "Let  him  sleep";  and  during 
this  discussion  Madame  Doche  fell  into  a  doze.  The  three 
old  people  were  used  to  this  little  refreshment  before  the 
entrance  of  the  general  company ;  and  thus  the  American 
plenipotentiary,  entrusted  with  a  political  errand  that  was 
thought  important  to  the  peace  of  France,  found  the  ex-Presi 
dent  and  his  venerable  family  all  asleep  when  he  went  to 
communicate  the  result  of  his  journey. 


CHAPTER   XLVI. 

GRANT  AND  ROMERO. 

NO  account  of  General  Grant's  career  would  be  complete 
that  left  out  a  relation  of  his  intimacy  with  Mathias 
Romero,  so  long  the  Mexican  Minister  to  the  United  States ; 
— an  intimacy  that  began  in  public  and  international  affairs 
of  the  highest  consequence  to  their  respective  countries,  and 
reached  into  their  private  relations,  that  connected  them  in 
business  and  diplomacy,  that  was  marked  by  instances  of 
generous  feeling  and  personal  appreciation  on  both  sides, 
and  lasted  till  death  broke  the  bonds  which  had  attached 
them  for  more  than  twenty  years.  Their  friendship  was  the 
more  remarkable  because  Grant,  as  a  rule,  was  not  fond  of 
foreigners ;  in  the  early  part  of  his  prominence  he  was  not  at 
all  a  cosmopolitan,  and  with  rare  exceptions  all  through  life 
he  confined  his  intimacies  to  men  of  his  own  nationality. 
His  own  peculiarities  were  so  marked  and  his  identity  with 
his  country-people  so  strong  that  he  could  not  readily  share 
the  feeling  of  those  of  an  entirely  different  race,  nor  throw 
himself  into  the  situation  of  men  bred  under  entirely  differ 
ent  institutions.  But  Romero,  though  of  the  Latin  blood, 
was  an  American  and  a  republican,  the  representative  of  a 
country  that  had  been  attacked  at  the  same  time,  and,  as 
Grant  believed,  in  the  same  interest  as  the  Union ;  and  these 
circumstances  first  created  and  then  fostered  a  very  genuine 
sympathy  between  them. 

General  Grant  first  met  Romero  in  the  autumn  of  1864, 
while  the  national  armies  were  lying  at  City  Point  investing 

(391) 


392  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Richmond.  The  Mexican  Minister  arrived  at  the  headquar 
ters  with  his  countryman,  General  Doblado,  bringing  letters 
from  the  Secretary  of  State;  and  the  two  foreigners  spent 
several  days  in  the  camp  of  the  General-in-Chief.  Grant  paid 
them  every  courtesy  and  sent  me  with  them  to  visit  first 
General  Meade  at  the  front  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and 
afterward  General  Butler,  who  commanded  the  Army  of  the 
James.  The  peculiar  interest  which  Grant  had  always  felt 
in  the  success  of  the  Republic  in  Mexico  made  him  especially 
glad  to  receive  these  representatives  of  the  Republic.  He 
assured  them  of  his  sympathy  and  good  wishes,  discussed 
the  situation  in  their  country  very  fully,  and  interchanged 
views  upon  the  steps  that  should  be  taken  to  hasten  the 
expulsion  of  the  French  and  Maximilian. 

After  this  Grant  and  Romero  were  not  thrown  together 
until  four  or  five  months  later,  when  the  end  of  the  Southern 
Rebellion  enabled  the  victorious  general  to  convert  some  of 
his  views  in  regard  to  Mexico  into  action.  When  Grantf* 
arrived  in  Washington,  after  the  surrender  of  Lee,  Romero 
promptly  called  on  him,  and  Grant  informed  the  Minister  of 
the  purport  of  his  orders  to  Sheridan,  for  the  cavalry  general 
had  been  sent  at  once  to  the  Rio  Grande  to  watch  the 
Mexican  frontier.  From  this  time  the  Northern  soldier  and 
the  Southern  diplomatist  worked  in  harmony.  Grant,  as 
I  have  earlier  shown,  was  extremely  annoyed  at  the  delay 
in  the  action  of  our  own  Government  and  thought  the  French 
Emperor  should  have  been  notified  at  once  to  withdraw  his 
troops  from  Mexico.  He  had  many  conferences  with  the 
Mexican  Minister  on  the  subject;  even  expressing  a  desire 
to  go  at  the  head  of  an  army  himself  and  assist  the  Mexicans 
in  driving  out  the  invader.  Doubtless  the  patriots  got  new 
courage  when  they  heard  through  their  representative  how 
stanch  a  friend  they  had  in  the  head  of  the  Union  armies, 
and  their  efforts  were  redoubled  with  the  knowledge  of  his 
sympathy  and  the  hope  of  his  support. 


GRANT  AND   ROMERO.  293 

I  was  present  at  many  of  the  conversations  of  these  allies, 
and  had  especial  charge  of  those  of  their  papers  which  Grant 
was  unwilling  to  expose  to  ordinary  official  inspection.  Some 
of  them  it  would  hardly  be  proper  even  now  to  make  public. 
Romero  furnished  Grant  with  constant  information  from  his 
'  own  Government  and  country,  and  many  an  intercepted  dis 
patch  have  I  translated,  predicting  or  discussing  events  in 
Europe  as  well  as  in  Mexico  that  were  thought  likely  to 
affect  the  destiny  of  the  neighboring  State ;  letters  describing 
the  failing  health  of  Napoleon  III,  the  anxieties  of  Carlotta, 
the  manoeuvres  of  Maximilian,  and  even  the  intrigues  in  the 
United  States  which  complicated  our  own  politics  with  those 
of  Mexico. 

When  at  last  the  end  of  the  feeble  empire  came  Grant 
often  told  me  his  views.  He  was  very  stern,  and  thought 
that  the  pretender  to  a  throne  should  be  punished  'as  severely 
as  any  other  traitor.  Because  Maximilian  was  of  royal  blood 
did  not  lessen  his  offense,  and  that  he  was  of  foreign  origin 
intruding  his  ambitions  into  a  country  where  he  was  unwel 
come  heightened  in  Grant's  eyes  the  enormity  of  his  crime. 
He  more  than  once  said  in  my  hearing  that  Maximilian  ought 
to  die ;  and  he  told  me  that  he  made  the  opinion  known  to 
Romero,  who  he  supposed  found  means  to  communicate  it  to 
his  Government;  not  of  course  in  official  documents,  for 
diplomatists  are  not  in  the  habit  of  entrusting  such  secret 
matters  to  public  dispatches ;  they  have  other  channels  than 
those  accessible  to  Congressional  resolutions.  But  although 
neither  Grant  nor  Romero  chose  to  commit  himself  by 
recorded  expressions,  Grant  always  believed  that  his  tacit 
condemnation  of  the  invader  had  its  weight.  It  is  certain 
that  had  he  raised  a  finger  Maximilian  would  have  been 
saved.  But  it  was  pollice  verso ;  the  thumb  was  turned 
breastward. 

This  apparent  harshness,  however,  was  due  to  public 
considerations,  not  to  hostility  toward  an  individual.  Grant 


394 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


believed  it  necessary  to  show  European  monarchists  that 
they  could  not  with  impunity  attempt  to  set  up  institutions 
on  this  continent  menacing  to  our  own ;  he  thought  the  blow 
offered  to  Mexico  was  in  reality  meant  for  this  country ;  and 
he  considered  that  no  such  effectual  lesson  could  be  taught 
imperial  enemies  of  this  republic  and  of  all  republics,  as  the 
punishment  of  a  princely  offender.  He  had  been  lenient,  as 
the  world  knows,  to  his  own  countrymen  when  they  had 
rebelled,  and  never  in  his  career  was  he  cruel  with  any  per 
sonal  reason ;  but  now,  as  in  the  Wilderness  and  in  the 
Valley  of  Virginia,  grave  public  considerations  overcame  the 
natural  softness  of  his  nature.  Such  action  may  be  as  truly 
magnanimous  in  the  original  meaning  cf  the  word,  as  the 
clemency  that  is  more  admired ;  and  had  Grant  not  pos 
sessed  the  quality  of  a  Brutus  he  would  not  have  achieved 
what  he  did  for  his  country  and  his  own  renown.  But  there 
are  few  Americans  with  whom  it  is  necessary  to  defend  his 
action  toward  the  unfortunate  Maximilian. 

When  the  Mexican  Republic  was  reestablished,  Romero 
was  recalled  to  a  place  in  the  Home  Government  —  a  fitting 
reward  of  his  services,  which  were  indeed  the  most  arduous, 
and  perhaps  the  most  effectual  rendered  to  his  country  in  her 
time  of  trial.  For  this  representative  had  the  true  diplomatic 
talent ;  he  perceived  the  influence  of  General  Grant  at  this 
crisis,  as  well  as  his  sympathies,  and  did  his  best  to  increase 
the  one  and  avail  himself  of  the  other.  The  intimacy  he 
established  with  the  victorious  General  was  of  vast  import 
ance  to  his  own  country,  and  the  use  he  made  of  it  was  both 
patriotic  and  legitimate.  General  Grant  not  only  shared  but 
enjoyed  the  intimacy,  and  was  anxious  that  it  should  be  turned 
to  the  account  of  Mexico.  Romero  had  been  constantly 
recognized  as  the  Mexican  representative  by  our  own  Govern 
ment,  but  of  course  he  exchanged  no  courtesies  with  the 
Ministers  of  France  and  Austria  and  England ;  his  diplomatic 
consequence  was  therefore  lessened,  but  Grant  took  every 


GRANT  AND   ROMERO.  395 

opportunity  to  show  him  deference  and  attention,  and  thus 
enhance  his  consequence ;  and  Grant's  own  position  was  so 
peculiar  at  this  time  that  any  civilities  from  him  possessed 
unusual  importance.  Before  Romero  left  the  United  States 
he  had  the  gratification  of  presenting  the  family  of  the 
Mexican  President,  Juarez,  at  Grant's  house.  The  French 
Minister,  with  his  wife,  was  present  on  this  occasion,  and 
Grant  took  pains  to  treat  his  republican  guests  with  signifi 
cant  distinction ;  a  fact  doubtless  reported  to  the  Tuileries 
by  the  imperial  envoy. 

As  soon  as  Grant  was  elected  President  he  opened  a 
correspondence  through  me  with  Romero,  who  had  now 
returned  to  his  own  country ;  the  nature  of  this  I  have  else 
where  described ;  but  during  the  period  of  Grant's  two 
administrations  Romero  remained  in  Mexico,  and  each  was 
engaged  in  the  affairs  of  his  own  nation.  They  exchanged 
no  direct  communications  for  eight  years. 

Subsequently,  however,  the  Mexican  was  again  sent  to 
the  United  States  as  Minister,  and  then  resumed  his  inti 
macy  with  General  Grant.  In  1880  the  ex-President  paid  a 
visit  to  Mexico  and  Romero  took  pains  to  ensure  him  such 
a  reception  as  it  was  fitting  the  re-established  Republic 
should  pay  to  the  man  who  had  been  its  stanch  and  power 
ful  friend  when  it  most  needed  friends.  While  in  that  coun 
try  General  Grant  conceived  the  idea  of  developing  the 
resources  of  Mexico  in  her  own  interest  and  that  of  the 
United  States,  and  on  his  return  to  the  North  Romero 
naturally  became  interested  in  such  views  and  plans.  At 
this  time  General  Grant  organized  a  company  in  New  York 
for  the  purpose  of  building  a  railroad  from  the  City  of  Mexico 
to  the  frontier  of  Guatemala,  with  branches  both  to  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  and  the  Pacific ;  he  even  returned  to  Mexico 
to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  with  the  Government 
there.  Romero  was  connected  with  this  enterprise.  His 
relations  at  home  enabled  him  to  procure  important  conces- 


396  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

sions  from  the  Governor  of  one  of  the  Mexican  States,  and 
these  he  transferred  to  the  company  of  which  Grant  was 
President.  But  neither  the  General  nor  the  Envoy  was  im 
properly  interested  in  the  business.  Their  connection  was 
patriotic  and  public,  and  pure  in  every  way.  The  enterprise 
proved  unsuccessful  at  the  time,  but  I  never  heard  that  any 
one  was  injured  financially  by  the  temporary  failure. 

During  this  period,  while  General  Grant  was  pressing 
upon  the  business  community  and  upon  statesmen  the  im 
portance  of  developing  both  political  and  commercial  rela 
tions  with  Mexico,  President  Arthur  appointed  him  Commis 
sioner  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  that  country. 
Romero  was  appropriately  designated  by  the  Mexican  Gov 
ernment  to  meet  him,  and  the  two  were  thus  associated  in  a 
work  conceived  in  the  fairest  spirit  to  both  countries,  and 
which  both  believed  would  result  in  large  benefits  to  the 
United  States  and  Mexico.  The  treaty,  however,  met  with 
opposition  from  parties  in  each  country  who  thought  their 
own  prospects  would  not  be  benefited  by  the  prosperity  of  all. 
Accusations  were  made  of  personal  and  illicit  advantages 
sought  by  both  Grant  and  Romero,  which  both  repudiated. 
Indeed  it  is  within  my  personal  knowledge  that  the  ap 
pointment  of  Commissioner  was  unexpected  to  Grant,  and 
for  a  while  he  hesitated  whether  to  accept  or  refuse  the 
position.  His  relations  with  Arthur  were  not  agreeable  at 
the  time ;  he  was  displeased  with  the  President's  course,  and 
had  criticized  his  Administration  freely.  He  always  thought 
the  offer  was  made  to  please  or  placate  him  at  a  time  when 
he  was  indignant  at  other  actions  of  the  President.  He 
accepted  the  appointment  from  public  motives  purely. 

The  Government,  however,  showed  scanty  interest  in  the 
treaty,  and  exerted  itself  only  feebly  to  procure  its  confirma 
tion,  while  the  opposition  from  interested  quarters  was 
persistent ;  General  Grant  himself  had  no  longer  power 
or  patronage  to  exert  or  offer  to  stimulate  support,  and  the 


GRANT   AND    ROMERO. 

treaty  never  became  international  law.  Its  failure  was  a 
source  of  disappointment  and  mortification  to  Grant.  He 
was  pained  to  find  that  his  influence  was  so  insufficient  and 
his  views  so  unimportant  with  those  who  controlled  affairs ; 
and  that  neither  the  weight  of  his  past  services  nor  the 
gravity  of  his  arguments,  enforced  by  so  wide  and  varied  an 
experience,  could  bring  his  country  to  approve  the  policy 
that  he  proposed.  He  had  many  notions  in  regard  to  an 
American  system  on  the  American  continent  which  one 
would  suppose  would  have  attracted  the  approbation  both  of 
statesmen  and  the  country.  His  desire  to  increase  the  influ 
ence  of  the  United  States,  to  extend  her  territory,  and  to 
develop  relations  with  all  the  sister  republics  was  incessant : 
but  the  time  seemed  not  ripe.  He  was  not  destined  to 
achieve  so  much  additional  renown  as  the  inauguration  of  a 
Continental  policy  would  have  insured.  It  was  enough  for 
one  man  to  play  the  most  important  part  in  the  salvation  and 
reconstruction  of  the  Union.  But  in  the  future,  when  some 
other  statesman  shall  elaborate  and  carry  out  his  views  and 
accomplish  the  unity  of  relation  and  interest  of  all  the 
American  republics,  it  should  be  remembered  that  Grant 
foresaw  the  result  and.  was  anxious  to  bring  it  about  in 
his  time.  Those  who  belittle  his  statesmanship  will  then, 
perhaps,  recognize  its  far-reaching  character  and  lofty  in 
tentions. 

In  all  this  Continental  policy  Romero  was  the  worthy 
colleague  of  Grant.  No  diplomatist  has  ever  been  accredited 
to  this  country  who  established  more  intimate  relations  with 
the  important  personages  of  the  State ;  who  appreciated  bet 
ter  the  national  institutions  and  character ;  who  played 
the  legitimate  rdle  of  a  foreign  minister  with  greater  skill 
or  success.  For  he  had  everything  against  him ;  even 
for  a  while,  it  seemed,  the  indifference  of  our  own  State 
Department,  certainly  the  listlessness  of  the  people,  the 
antipathy  of  race,  and  the  difference  of  creed  and  language. 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

But  he  conquered  some  of  these  prejudices  first  in  Grant 
himself,  and  then  with  Grant's  aid  was  able  to  do  a  great 
work  for  his  own  country  and  to  attempt  the  binding  of  the 
two  republics  with  closer  ligaments  of  mutual  prosperity. 

When  General  Grant  fell  into  misfortune  and  for  a  while 
even  his  good  name  was  assailed  in  many  mouths,  when  he 
was  tortured  by  the  apprehension  of  absolute  want,  and 
hosts  of  rich  and  powerful  and  intimate  friends  of  his  pros 
perous  hours  forgot  to  enquire  if  he  needed  money — the 
man  of  another  race  was  the  first  and  almost  the  only  one  to 
offer  pecuniary  assistance.  Those  who  had  benefited  by 
Grant's  success  —  not  only  the  men  who  like  the  whole 
country  owed  the  existence  of  their  wealth  to  the  triumph 
of  his  arms,  but  others  whose  individual  advancement  and 
fortune  were  directly  traceable  to  their  connection  with  him 
—  neglected  to  say,  "General,  can  we  help  you?"  But 
Romero,  the  Mexican,  came  to  him  at  once  and  insisted  on 
lending  him  a  thousand  dollars.  If  he  had  not  so  insisted, 
General  Grant  would  have  suffered  for  want  of  money. 

After  this  their  relations  became  almost  tender.  Grant 
accepted  the  temporary  assistance,  and  was  grateful.  Romero 
was  much  with  him  in  the  last  summer  the  General  spent  at 
Long  Branch,  and  when  Grant  became  seriously  ill,  Romero 
was  one  of  the  first  to  whom  he  confided  his  situation. 
After  this  the  latter  was  frequently  by  the  side  of  the  friend 
of  his  nation.  He  sat  quietly  by  the  sufferer  for  hours, 
anxious  to  indicate  his  sympathy,  and  Grant  was  always 
pleased  to  have  him  there.  Romero  even  visited  the  dying 
General  at  Mount  McGregor,  and  in  the  midst  of  his  suffer 
ings  and  anxieties  the  hero  turned  from  his  pains  or  his  liter 
ary  labor,  to  write  when  he  could  not  talk,  on  Mexican  affairs, 
and  to  manifest  his  interest  even  then  in  that  country  for 
which  they  had  striven  so  earnestly  together. 

The  faithful  diplomatist  followed  his  great  coadjutor  in 
the  procession  that  conveyed  the  remains  of  Grant  to  their 


GRANT  AND   ROMERO.  309 

last  resting-place  at  Riverside.  Nothing  in  the  entire  and 
varied  story  of  the  soldier-President  is  more  characteristic, 
although  exceptional,  than  this  friendship  begun  in  public  and 
international  affairs,  continued  into  a  personal  intimacy,  and 
lasting  through  disasters  and  successes  alike  unexampled  in 
American  history,  down  to  the  moment  when  the  great  shadow 
fell  that  divides  in  one  moment  the  closest  friends  and  leaves 
of  the  warmest  affection  nothing  but  a  memory. 


CHAPTER  XLVII. 

GRANT    AND    HIS    FRIENDS. 

ENERAL  GRANT'S  friendships  were  like  everything 
else  in  his  life  —  various  in  character  and  result,  some 
times  adding  to  his  dignity  and  happiness  and  renown,  some 
times  unfortunate  in  the  last  degree.  He  was  the  friend  of 
General  Sherman  and  of  Ferdinand  Ward,  of  Dr.  Newman 
and  Hamilton  Fish,  of  George  Child  and  the  King  of  Siam, 
of  Rawlins,  Belknap,  Babcock,  Sheridan  ;  of  a  man  named 
Hillyer,  now  forgotten,  and  of  Abraham  Lincoln ;  of  Roscoe 
Conklin,  Fitz-John  Porter  and  John  A.  Logan. 

Many  of  his  early  friendships  were  not  with  distinguished 
people,  but  the  manner  in  which  he  adhered  to  these  was 
characteristic  of  the  man,  and  explains  some  of  the  circum 
stances  in  his  career  that  have  been  most  criticised.  Grant, 
as  every  one  knows,  stepped  very  low  in  his  fortunes  after 
leaving  the  army.  He  bought  a  farm,  but  did  not  succeed  in 
farming ;  he  cut  wood  and  drove  it  to  St.  Louis  ;  he  tried 
collecting  money  ;  he  sought  petty  office  and  failed  to  obtain 
it ;  and  altogether  was  more  unsuccessful  than  most  men 
who  have  had  the  advantages  of  education  and  position  which 
a  graduate  of  West  Point  enjoys.  Yet  at  this  time  he  must 
have  displayed  some  very  lovable  qualities  ;  for  among  the 
ordinary  men  with  whom  he  associated  there  were  many  who 
did  him  kindnesses.  Hillyer  was  especially  able,  and  willing, 
to  befriend  him  ;  he  lent  him  small  sums  of  money ;  and 
others  stuck  to  him  when  the  world  looked  askant. 

In  Galena  a  year  or  two  later  his  friends  were  also  numer- 

(400) 


GRANT  AND   HIS   FRIENDS. 

ous,  though  he  was  still  obscure.  They  were  themselves  of 
the  plainer  Western  sort,  but  not  like  some  of  those  whose 
company  he  fell  into  at  St.  Louis.  They,  perhaps,  had  not 
the  opportunity  to  do  him  the  same  service ;  indeed,  at  this 
period  he  did  not  need  the  same  assistance,  for  he  had  become 
a  clerk  for  his  father  and  brother,  with  the  prospect  of  part 
nership  in  a  somewhat  prosperous  business. 

Earlier  than  these  associations  of  St.  Louis  and  Galena 
was  his  army  life ;  not  perhaps  very  different  from  that  led 
by  most  young  soldiers  at  that  time,  in  California,  Oregon, 
Mexico,  among  the  Indians,  and  on  the  Canada  frontier.  As 
an  army  officer  he  was  of  course  thrown  among  the  better 
class  of  citizens  everywhere,  and  in  the  army  itself  he  met 
most  of  the  men  who  afterward  became  famous  on  the  North 
ern  or  Southern  side  in  the  great  war. 

When  Grant  grew  into  fame,  and  importance  —  after  he 
had  led  the  armies  that  destroyed  the  Rebellion,  when  he 
became  prominent  as  an  almost  certain  candidate  for  the 
Presidency  —  most  of  these  earlier  associates  of  every  sort 
revived,  or  sought  to  revive,  their  relations  with  him.  Some 
of  his  firmest  friendships  were  with  his  former  West  Point 
comrades.  Though  he  was  absolutely  free  from  the  pedantry 
of  West  Point,  I  have  never  known  a  man  whose  associations 
there  affected  afterward  his  relations  with  men  more  remark 
ably.  A  chum  at  the  Academy,  a  tent-mate  in  Louisiana  or 
Mexico,  always  had  a  claim  upon  him  that  he  recognized. 
He  preferred  West  Point  men  as  soldiers,  he  loved  them  as 
friends.  Whether  it  was  prejudice  or  partiality,  or  what  not, 
he  thought  higher  even  of  Sherman  and  Sheridan  because 
they  were  graduates  of  the  Academy;  and  all  through  the 
war  and  afterward  men  like  Ingalls  and  Wallen  and  Dent  had 
peculiar  relations  with  him  because  of  this  earlier  intimacy. 
Some  richly  deserved  the  retention  of  the  tie  ;  others  not  at 
all ;  but  whether  they  deserved  it  or  not  the  camaraderie  of 
the  cadet  life  and  of  camp  lasted  with  Grant  to  the  end.  In 
26 


402 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


the  concluding  months  of  his  life  General  Tower,  whom  he 
had  seldom  met  during  the  war,  and  not  very  often  afterward, 
went  to  his  house  and  discussed  the  Mexican  campaigns,  and 
Grant  at  once  mellowed  toward  him  in  an  unusual  way. 

The  St.  Louis  friends  of  the  inferior  sort  were  among  his 
worst  enemies.  These  men  traded  deliberately  on  the  little 
services  they  had  been  able  to  render  him  when  he  was  in 
need ;  they  reminded  him  of  those  services,  not  always  in 
words,  but  by  their  presence  :  sometimes  they  went  further, 
to  my  knowledge,  and  he  was  not  willing  when  he  became 
prominent  to  turn  his  back  on  those  who  had  befriended  him 
in  his  adversity  and  obscurity.  He  did  not  say  this  in  words, 
but  it  was  very  evident.  Men  and  sometimes  women  came 
to  him  for  benefits  who  did  not  deserve  what  they  asked  for, 
who  did  discredit  to  him  and  to  the  country  if  they  were 
thrust  into  important  positions  ;  but  he  refused  to  forget  their 
former  conduct,  and  unfortunately  the  association  did  not 
always  prove  creditable  in  his  new  position.  There  was  a 
certain  nobility  in  this  gratitude,  although  it  might  perhaps 
have  been  better  shown  in  another  way.  But  he  would  not 
consent  to  thrust  aside  the  people  who  once  had  done  him 
kindnesses ;  and  they  being  mean,  or  being  human,  and 
discovering  his  feeling,  availed  themselves  of  it  fully. 

I  do  not  think,  however,  this  was  always  gratitude  in 
Grant,  so  much  as  a  pride  in  not  doing  the  ordinary  ignoble 
thing  of  turning  away  in  the  hour  of  success  from  those 
whose  friendship  he  had  once  been  glad  to  claim.  This  he 
could  not  stoop  to.  The  burden  of  the  obligation  seemed 
heavier  in  these  instances  than  for  far  greater  services  ren 
dered  afterward.  Later  in  his  career  he  felt,  I  think,  that  the 
distinction  of  association  with  him  and  the  benefits  he  was 
able  to  confer,  compensated  for  any  service  his  friends  per 
formed  for  him.  He  was  glad  to  aid  or  advance  his  friends, 
as  the  world  knows,  but  he  was  fully  conscious  of  all  the 
advantages  or  honors  he  bestowed.  He  never  spoke  of  these ; 


GRANT  AND    HIS   FRIENDS.  403 

but  in  his  inmost  soul  he  felt  the  full  weight  of  every  obliga 
tion  he  imposed,  and  after  his  greatness  became  conspicuous 
I  am  not  sure  that  he  thought  what  was  done  for  him  was 
any  more  than  he  deserved,  whether  from  the  country  or  from 
individual  friends.  Of  course,  he  made  no  display  of  such  a 
sentiment,  and  there  are  many  who  will  not  consider  it  a  fault 
or  even  a  failing  in  a  man  like  him  to  be  conscious  of  the 
importance  of  his  own  services,  whether  to  the  State  or  to 
his  friends. 

Grant's  friendships  were  divided  and  distributed  in  a  very 
peculiar  way.  He  had  military  friends,  political  friends,  per 
sonal  friends,  and  did  not  confound  the  different  varieties. 
He  gave  one  man  his  entire  confidence  in  one  phase  of  life, 
but  kept  him  utterly  aloof  in  another.  He  used  one  man's 
qualities  in  a  certain  direction,  but  ignored  them  altogether 
in  a  different  business.  Sherman  was  certainly  during  the 
war  his  most  intimate  military  friend,  and  very  dear  to  him 
personally,  but  he  and  Sherman  differed  constantly  on  politi 
cal  subjects,  sometimes  almost  to  the  brink  of  dispute.  When 
the  third  term  movement  was  at  its  height,  Sherman  refused 
to  say  one  word  in  favor  of  Grant  and  thought  Grant  felt 
the  silence ;  yet  neither  Sherman's  silence  nor  Grant's  feeling 
affected  their  relations  one  particle. 

Then,  Grant  had  political  intimates  who  never  got  near  to 
him  at  all  as  a  man  ;  he  acted  with  his  Cabinet,  he  consulted 
them,  he  kept  often  from  others  the  secrets  he  shared  with 
these,  but,  except  with  Rawlins,  he  had  no  personal  relations 
with  any  of  them,  such  as  he  maintained  with  several  other 
friends ;  perhaps  I  should  except  Borie  from  this  category  ; 
and  certainly  Grant  had  a  profound  personal  regard  for  Fish, 
but  he  never  confided  to  his  Secretary  of  State,  details  of 
intimate  thought  and  feeling  such  as  Rawlins  and  possibly 
Borie  shared.  Borie  was  very  close  to  Grant  personally.  He 
played  cards,  and  whoever  of  Grant's  intimates  did  this,  had 
a  peculiar  hold  upon  him.  For  cards  had  a  singular  fascina- 


404  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

tion  for  him,  He  was  extremely  fond  of  all  games  in  which 
skill  and  chance  are  combined  ;  perhaps  they  suggested  war  ; 
and  when  a  man  whom  he  liked  in  other  affairs  or  for  other 
reasons  played  with  him,  that  man  could  become  very  intimate. 
But  very  few  of  his  important  or  personal  associates  liked 
cards  as  he  did  ;  so  that  most  of  his  comrades  at  the  whist 
or  poker  table  were  men  to  whom  his  political  or  military  or 
personal  secrets  were  unknown.  The  fellowship  in  one  direc 
tion  was  dropped  entirely  in  another. 

I  think  that  after  the  death  of  Rawlins  I  knew  Grant  as 
closely  as  any  one  except  Mrs.  Grant ;  but  there  were  whole 
phases  of  his  life  if  not  sides  of  his  character  that  were 
rarely  revealed  to  me  ;  some,  it  may  be,  I  never  learned.  He 
never  discussed  his  business  relations  with  me,  though  I  saw 
much  of  him  in  the  years  in  which  he  was  a  business  man. 
He  used  to  tell  me  what  enormous  profits  he  drew  as  a 
member  of  "Grant  &  Ward"  ;  how  rich  he  thought  his  son 
Ulysses  had  become ;  how  much  money  Ferdinand  Ward 
was  making ;  but  he  never  described  the  details  or  the 
ventures  by  which  and  in  which  the  money  was  accumulated ; 
and  I  never  asked.  He  even  invited  me  to  invest  with  the 
firm,  and  promised  unusual  interest,  but  how  the  interest 
was  derived  he  did  not  disclose.  We  know  now  that  he  did 
not  know  himself ;  but  I  thought  it  strange  at  the  time  that 
he  was  so  reticent.  I  fancied  he  was  silent  because  he 
doubted  my  business  judgment.  Alas!  if  he  had  had  more 
business  judgment  of  his  own  there  would  have  been  no  need 
for  silence. 

So,  too,  there  were  many  details  of  his  family  affairs  of 
which  I  was  unapprised.  It  is  true  I  avoided  the  knowledge ; 
after  his  sons  became  grown  men  I  did  not  desire  to  intrude 
upon  either  their  or  his  affairs,  and  even  while  I  lived  at  his 
house  and  was  working  with  him  on  his  "  Memoirs  "  I  sought  to 
keep  aloof  from  the  minutiae  of  his  business  and  of  that  of  his 
family.  All  mention  of  the  Vanderbilt  correspondence  was 
thus  at  first  withheld  from  me ;  but  finally  the  General  him- 


GRANT  AND   HIS   FRIENDS. 


405 


self  took  me  into  his  confidence  on  this  subject,  though  the 
family  very  naturally  had  not  desired  to  do  so. 

There  were,  on  the  other  hand,  matters  which  he  confided 
to  me  that  he  did  not  disclose  to  Mrs.  Grant  or  to  his  sons, 
though  at  times  I  begged  him  to  impart  to  them  the  intelli 
gence  which  only  I  had  shared ;  but  he  still  declined.  He 
never,  I  believe,  gave  all  his  confidence  on  every  subject  to 
any  human  being.  Of  course,  however,  his  wife  and  family 
and  his  closest  friends  saw  more  in  him  than  he  supposed 
they  observed ;  and  perhaps  discovered  points  in  his  charac 
ter  which  were  less  apparent  to  himself  than  to  those  whose 
eyes  were  sharpened  by  affection  and  lifelong  intercourse. 

But  though  General  Grant  had  the  apparent  wisdom  to 
select  the  side  that  he  wished  to  show  to  any  man,  he  was 
not  always  wise  in  selecting  the  individual  to  whom  he 
showed  it.  The  greatest  mistakes  in  his  career,  the  greatest 
misfortunes  of  his  life,  came  from  his  mischoice  of  friends. 
He  sometimes  seemed  to  know  men  marvelously  well ;  he 
detected  the  aims  and  wishes  and  characters  of  many  who 
were  close  or  sought  to  be  close  associates ;  but  at  other 
times  he  was  absolutely  blind  to  arts  and  traits  that  were 
apparent  to  many  lookers  on.  Those  who  professed  admira 
tion  and  devotion  could  win  their  way  very  far,  and  some 
times  very  easily  with  him  ;  and  many  of  these  used  him  for 
their  own  purposes  and  to  his  harm.  Ferdinand  Ward  is,  of 
course,  the  conspicuous  example.  I  remember  telling  Horace 
Porter  of  the  enormous  sums  that  Grant  thought  he  was 
making  in  business,  and  Porter,  as  a  business  man,  replied 
that  it  was  impossible  to  make  them  legitimately ;  that  there 
must  be  something  wrong  of  which  the  General  was  ignorant. 
He  told  me  afterward  that  he  went  once  to  Grant's  house  to 
warn  him  against  Ward,  whose  conduct  seemed  to  him 
dangerous  if  not  suspicious,  but  that  while  he  was  there 
Ward  was  announced  and  the  manner  of  the  General  to  his 
partner  was  such  that  Porter,  Grant's  former  secretary  and 
aide-de-camp,  did  not  feel  warranted  in  uttering  what  he 


406  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

feared.  It  would  probably  have  been  useless  to  attempt  to 
interfere.  Mrs.  Grant  herself  had  her  anxieties  and  suspi 
cions  in  regard  to  Ward,  but  was  unable  to  insinuate  them. 
More  than  once,  indeed,  she  cautioned  General  Grant  against 
his  intimates,  but  in  vain.  He  was  the  most  steadfast  man 
imaginable  when  his  friends  were  assailed.  If  this  was  a 
fault,  how  rare,  how  noble  a  failing ! 

Grant's  friends  or  professed  adherents  often  failed  him. 
He  lost  many  absolutely  in  his  long  career.  Soldiers  who 
had  once  served  him,  as  well  as  the  country  and  the  cause, 
with  hearty  fidelity ;  political  champions,  early  followers,  fell 
away.  Others  injured  him  more  because  they  professed  to 
adhere.  His  political  career  was  blighted  by  those  whom  he 
sustained  in  evil  report  and  good  report ;  his  Presidency  was 
less  brilliant  than  it  might  have  been  because  of  the  mistakes 
and  misdeeds  of  others ;  though  there  were  some,  doubtless, 
who  suffered  unjustly  because  ignominy  cast  on  them 
reflected  odium  on  Grant.  His  business  fortunes  of  course 
were  ruined  by  those  whom  he  trusted  absolutely. 

Yet  Grant  had  also  as  stanch  and  loyal  friends  as  any 
man  in  history ;  men  who  worked  for  him  steadily,  and 
sacrificed  or  subordinated  their  own  interests  to  him  and  his 
fame.  Of  course  it  may  be  said  that  they  were  rewarded,  for 
at  one  time  he  had  the  power  to  reward  nearly  every  service 
that  could  be  rendered  him ;  and  who  can  say  that  service 
rendered  to  such  a  man  is  absolutely  pure  ?  But  men  have 
fallen  away  from  others  as  great  in  station  and  power  as  he ; 
and  many  adhered  to  Grant  in  his  adversity.  There  were 
eras  in  his  life  when  he  needed  all  his  friends  and  all  their 
efforts ;  all  through  his  military  career,  in  the  Johnson 
imbroglio,  during  his  two  Presidential  terms,  in  the  struggle 
for  a  third,  in  the  frightful  financial  disaster  toward  the  end, 
under  the  cloud  that  for  a  while  threatened  to  obscure  even 
his  fame — God  knows  he  needed  friends,  and  he  always 
found  them  as  stanch  as  he  deserved.  No  man  has  such 
friends  and  keeps  them  unless  he  earns  them. 


CHAPTER   XLVIII. 

GRANT    IN    HIS    FAMILY. 

I  FIRST  saw  Grant  at  Nashville  soon  after  the  battle  of 
Chattanooga ;  his  wife  and  his  youngest  child  were  with 
him,  and  this  was  typical  of  all  I  knew  of  him.  It  is  hard 
for  me  to  think  of  him  apart  from  his  family.  All  through 
the  war,  Mrs.  Grant  visited  him  whenever  he  remained  for  a 
while  in  a  town,  and  even  in  the  field  she  often  shared  his 
tent  or  cabin  when  the  armies  were  not  engaged  in  active 
operations.  In  1877  I  wrote  to  him  asking  for  information 
in  regard  to  her  visits,  for  my  history  of  his  campaigns,  and 
he  answered  from  Paris : 

"  I  cannot  give  you  definite  information  as  to  dates  when  Mrs. 
Grant  visited  me  at  City  Point.  She  went  there,  however,  soon 
after  my  headquarters  were  established  there.  She  returned  to 
Burlington,  N.  J.,  after  a  short  visit,  to  arrange  for  the  children's 
schooling,  and  went  back  to  City  Point,  where  she  remained  with 
the  exception  of  two  short  visits  to  New  Jersey  until  Lee's  sur 
render  and  my  return  to  the  national  Capital.  Mrs.  Grant  made 
a  short  visit  to  me  —  the  first  time  after  leaving  Cairo  —  at  Cor 
inth,  next  at  Jackson,  Tenn.,  then  at  Memphis,  where  I  left  her 
when  I  went  to  Young's  Point,  one  or  two  days  before  running  the 
Vicksburg  batteries,  and  at  Vicksburg  after  the  surrender.  She 
again  visited  me  at  Nashville." 

I  venture  to  add  what  I  wrote  after  this  in  my  history.  It 
was  submitted  to  General  Grant  and  read  to  his  wife,  and 
approved  by  both.  Indeed,  every  line  in  my  history  was  read 
by  him  before  it  finally  went  to  the  printer,  and  had  his  sanc- 

(407) 


4o8  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

tion  as   completely  as  any  portion   of   his   more  "Personal 

Memoirs."     With  this  knowledge  the  following  passage  has 

a  peculiar  significance.  It  is  what  he  was  willing  should  be 
said  to  the  world : 

"  The  wife  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  had  often  spent  a  few 
weeks  with  him  in  camp  or  siege  or  when  he  was  quartered  in  a 
captured  town.  At  Memphis,  Vicksburg,  Chattanooga,  Nashville, 
she  had  joined  him,  and  now  again  in  front  of  Petersburg.  His 
children,  too,  visited  him,  the  eldest  only  fourteen  years  of  age  at 
this  time  [1864],  the  youngest  seven ;  and  the  man  who  directed 
the  destinies  of  armies,  and  was  unalterable  in  his  decisions  when 
he  believed  them  right,  who  ordered  the  devastation  of  the  Valley 
of  Virginia,  and  went  unshrinking  through  the  Wilderness  cam 
paign,  was  as  bland  and  playful  with  his  wife  and  children  as  the 
humblest  soldier  in  the  ranks  before  he  went  to  war.  All  the 
simplicity  and  gentleness  of  his  nature  came  out  in  this  compan 
ionship.  He  had  been  married  sixteen  years,  and  still  seemed  to 
find  his  greatest  solace  in  the  domestic  relations,  while,  like  a  true 
woman,  the  wife  was  interested  in  whatever  concerned  him,  anx 
ious  to  relieve  him  from  petty  cares,  proud  of  his  success,  but 
never  trenching  beyond  her  proper  sphere,  exercising  all  her 
woman's  influence  to  soothe  and  support,  never  to  vex,  or  annoy, 
or  disturb." 

I  have  no  word  to  withdraw  from  this  picture  now.  It 
was  written  ten  years  ago,  and  I  spent  many  hours  in  close 
companionship  with  its  subjects  afterward,  in  a  still  greater 
intimacy  with  each  than  I  had  then  enjoyed.  I  saw  them  in 
all  the  pageantry  of  their  European  tour;  I  accompanied 
them  to  palaces  and  arranged  their  invitations  and  their 
travels;  I  was  with  them  in  America  amid  the  aspirations 
after  a  third  term,  in  the  defeat  of  those  desires,  and  in  the 
retirement  to  comparative  privacy;  I  was  their  frequent 
guest  both  at  Long  Branch  and  in  New  York.  Mrs.  Grant 
said  to  me  more  than  once  that  the  General  wished  me  to 
consider  his  house  one  of  my  homes.  I  went  to  them  in  the 


GRANT  IN  HIS  FAMILY. 


409 


first  distress  after  the  failure  of  Grant  &  Ward,  and  I  spent 
seven  months  under  their  roof  in  the  last  year  of  General 
Grant's  existence,  when  the  terrible  shock  of  the  cancer 
came,  during  the  prolonged  suspense,  and  when  we  all 
thought  that  the  end  had  arrived;  so  that  at  the  crises  of 
their  double  life  for  nearly  twenty  years  I  was  a  witness,  as 
close  and  intimate,  when  all  the  circumstances  are  consid 
ered,  as  that  life  ever  knew;  and  I  venture — I  trust  without 
indelicacy,  for  General  Grant's  private  life  is  a  matter  of 
importance  to  mankind — I  venture  to  testify. 

There  is  nothing  that  the  survivor  should  be  unwilling  to 
disclose  or  that  I  need  shrink  to  reveal.  No  more  beautiful 
domestic  life  can  ever  be  known.  General  Grant's  regard 
for  his  wife  was  constant,  tender,  true ;  the  worthy  love  of  a 
worthy  nature;  trustful,  absolute,  unceasing;  in  great  things 
and  small  anxious  for  the  happiness  of  its  object.  He  would 
do  anything  to  gratify  his  wife  in  her  merest  fancy  or  most 
momentary  whim ;  while,  in  important  affairs,  Mrs.  Grant  did 
not  overstep  the  line  which  both  perceived,  though  possibly 
neither  ever  indicated  it  to  the  other.  She  did  not  strive  to 
affect  or  change  her  husband's  judgment  in  matters  of  strat 
egy  or  public  policy.  She  never  dreamed  of  influencing  his 
military  decisions  or  his  political  ones,  except  in  regard  to 
individuals. 

Like  all  women,  she  was  full  of  personal  feeling,  but  it 
was  feeling  about  and  for  her  husband.  If  she  wanted  a 
man  deposed  or  supported,  it  was  because  she  believed  him 
true  or  false  to  Grant;  and  her  instincts  were  sometimes 
nearer  right  than  his  judgment.  She,  of  course,  may  have 
erred,  but  her  motive  was  pure.  In  personal  matters,  up  to 
a  certain  point,  her  influence  was  undoubtedly  great ;  but 
after  the  point  was  reached,  even  in  personal  matters,  Grant 
was  immovable.  Mrs.  Grant  wanted  many  things  done  which 
she  was  unable  to  accomplish.  There  came  times  when  the 
General  distrusted  her  judgment,  thought  her  prejudices  or 


4IO  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

partialities  affected  her  unreasonably,  and  then  he  did  not 
yield,  at  least  ever  to  do  injustice.  He  may  sometimes  have 
gratified  her  by  advancing  a  friend  whom  she  favored  higher 
than  he  would  otherwise  have  done,  but  he  also  supported 
others  whom  he  believed  that  Mrs.  Grant  unjustly  dis 
approved.)  He  would  not  overthrow  a  man  in  whom  he 
trusted,'^though  there  were  occasions  when  it  would  have 
been  better  for  him  had  she  succeeded. 

In  greater  than  personal  matters  she  always  simply  urged 
him  to  follow  his  own  judgment  and  conscience.  I  know  of 
more  than  one  instance  when  political  or  other  important 
influences  were  brought  to  bear,  and  almost  warped  his  judg 
ment,  and  she  simply  but  strongly  advised  him  to  do  what  he 
thought  right,  and  perhaps  induced  him  to  do  it ;  though  he, 
as  little  as  any  man,  I  believe,  required  such  inducement. 

Mrs.  Grant  shared  many  of  her  husband's  secrets,  but  not 
all ;  and  never  those  of  others  which  were  meant  for  him 
alone.  He  more  than  once  spoke  tojne  of  matters  which  he 
said  he  had  not  disclosed  to  her.  He  used  to  say,  to  tease 
her,  that  after  his  first  election  to  the  Presidency,  he  had  to 
get  up  in  the  night  and  examine  the  waistcoat  he  had  put 
under  his  pillow,  lest  she  should  have  discovered  the  list  of 
his  Cabinet  that  he  kept  in  the  pocket.  But  this  was  only  to 
tease  her ;  he  had  as  much  confidence  in  his  wife  as  any  man 
that  ever  lived.  In  nearly  every  letter  he  wrote  to  me,  he 
sent  a  message  from  her,  who  was  indeed  my  faithful  friend. 
He  read  to  her  every  page  of  my  history  that  I  used  to  send 
him  in  advance,  and  many  a  time  has  he  written  that  she 
commended  lines  about  which  he  would  only  say,  "They  are 
so  personal  that  I  can  make  no  comment."  She  shared  his 
interest  in  my  work  and  his  approval  of  its  character. 

In  the  first  years  of  my  intercourse  with  Grant  I  was 
greatly  impressed  with  this  influence  of  his  wife,  and  the 
impression  deepened  until  the  last.  Nobody  can  understand 
his  character  or  career  who  fails  to  appreciate  this ;  no  one 


GRANT  IN  HIS  FAMILY. 


411 


who  did  not  know  him  intimately  can  ever  say  how  much 
Mrs.  Grant  helped  him ;  how  she  comforted  him,  and  enabled 
him  to  perform  his  task,  which,  without  that  help  and  solace, 
I  sometimes  thought  might  never  have  been  performed.  She 
deserved  of  the  country  all  the  honor  and  deference  it  ever 
paid  her,  and  all  the  comforts  it  ever  bestowed.  She  soothed 
him  when  cares  oppressed  him,  she  supported  him  when  even 
he  was  downcast  (though  he  told  so  few) ;  she  served  him 
and  nerved  him  at  times  when  he  needed  all  she  did  for  him. 

But  in  those  early  years  during  the  war  and  the  firstf 
portion  of  his  Presidency,  indeed  during  all  the  period  in 
which  General  Grant  achieved  his  greatness,  his  children 
were  only  playmates  and  objects  of  affection  for  him.  They 
were  too  young  to  understand  his  efforts  and  duties  and  anxie 
ties.  Jesse,  the  only  one  whom  I  ever  saw  much  with  him 
in  the  field,  was  a  child  of  only  seven  years,  a  toy,  a  delight 
to  his  father,  and  of  course  was  cherished  deeply,  but  that 
was  all ;  the  others  were  at  school ;  he  hardly  saw  them,  and 
when  he  did,  of  course  they  could  not  influence  his  action  or 
perceive  its  object  or  results.  In  Washington,  all  through 
the  terrible  anxieties  of  the  Andrew  Johnson  time,  they  were 
still  children.  He  was  fond  of  them,  but  he  did  not  then 
impress  me  as  more  tender  than  many  other  fathers,  though 
deficient  in  no  parental  duty  or  sentiment. 

I  left  his  side  after  the  first  months  of  his  Presidency, 
and  saw  little  of  him  for  the  next  seven  years,  but  I  met  all 
of  his  children  in  Europe  —  the  daughter  first.  She  was  then 
just  seventeen,  the  sweetest,  most  natural,  most  delightful  of 
American  maidens.  She  was  received  almost  as  a  princess  in 
England.  General  Schenck  was  American  Minister  at  London 
at  the  time,  and  he  determined  that  the  daughter  of  the  Presi 
dent  should  be  treated  with  respect  according  to  English 
rules.  He  called  on  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  and 
announced  that  the  daughter  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  had  arrived  in  London.  In  a  day  or  two  the  Foreign 


412  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

Secretary  replied  that  the  Lord  Chamberlain  had  informed 
him  Her  Majesty  would  be  happy  to  receive  Miss  Grant  at  a 
private  audience  at  Buckingham  Palace,  together  with  the 
lady  who  accompanied  her,  and  the  Minister  of  the  United 
States. 

Now  "  Nellie  Grant,"  as  the  country  called  her,  had  been 
sent  abroad  by  her  mother  to  take  her  out  of  the  way  of  half- 
grown  admirers  ;  she  had  never  worn  a  long  gown  in  her  life 
till  she  arrived  in  England,  but  as  the  President's  daughter 
she  was  the  object  of  a  very  natural  attention.  Mr.  Borie, 
Grant's  former  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  was  sailing  for  Europe 
with  his  wife,  and  Mrs.  Grant  requested  Mrs.  Borie  to  take 
"  Nellie "  with  her.  It  was  a  great  favor  on  Mrs.  Bone's 
part,  but  she  was  happy  to  consent.  She  thought,  however, 
that  she  was  to  take  a  schoolgirl,  and  she  found  she  had 
a  half-fledged  princess  on  her  hands.  She  did  not  want 
to  go  to  Buckingham  Palace,  and  inquired  if  the  daughters  of 
the  Minister  could  not  accompany  Miss  Grant.  But  the 
Queen  had  not  invited  those  young  ladies,  and  they  could 
not  propose  themselves.  Then,  too,  Mrs.  Borie  had  no  gown 
to  wear  to  court,  but  this  difficulty  was  overcome,  and  she 
went  to  the  palace,  like  a  lady  "in  attendance"  on  the  little 
girl  she  had  expected  to  chaperone. 

I  gave  Mademoiselle  a  garden  party  while  she  was  in 
London  and  was  delighted  with  her  ease  and  self-possession. 
She  stood  by  my  side  and  smiled  with  democratic  grace 
on  duchesses  and  marchionesses  as  they  made  her  the  same 
curtesy  they  made  to  royalty ;  for  the  higher  their  own  rank 
the  more  profound  the  prostration  they  performed. 

On  the  return  voyage,  the  young  lady  met  her  fate.  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Borie  were  both  ill  and  kept  their  staterooms  while 
Miss  Nellie  remained  on  deck.  There  she  fell  in  with  a 
young  Englishman,  Algernon  Sartoris,  and  before  they 
reached  America  the  mischief  had  been  done  that  she  was 
sent  to  Europe  to  avoid.  "  Nellie  Grant "  was  engaged  — 


GRANT  IN  HIS  FAMILY. 


413 


and  to  an  Englishman.  Sartoris  told  me  how  he  asked 
General  Grant  for  ,the  young  lady's  hand.  With  all  the  awe 
of  an  Englishman  for  the  Head  of  a  State,  he  was  invited  to 
dinner  at  the  White  House,  knowing  what  was  expected 
of  him.  After  dinner  the  President  led  the  way  to  the 
billiard-room  and  offered  him  a  cigar.  "Then,"  said  Sartoris. 
"  I  knew  my  time  had  come.  I  waited  and  hoped  the  Presi 
dent  would  help  me,  but  not  a  word  did  he  say.  He  sat 
silent,  looking  at  me.  I  hesitated,  and  fidgetted,  and  coughed, 
and  thought  I  should  sink  through  the  floor.  Finally,  I 
exclaimed  in  desperation  —  '  Mr.  President,  I  want  to  marry 
your  daughter.'  ':  It  took  a  bold  man  to  say  that  to  General 
Grant,  but  doubtless  the  boldness  recommended  him,  for 
Sartoris  carried  away  the  prize. 

His  mother,  Adelaide  Kemble  Sartoris,  said  something  to 
me  once  which,  as  she  is  no  longer  living,  I  may  repeat  ; 
it  shows  the  English  notions  so  completely.  I  paid  the 
young  couple  a  visit  soon  after  their  marriage.  They  were 
living  with  the  father  of  Sartoris,  in  the  south  of  England; 
and  one  afternoon  when  the  pair  were  together  in  the  garden, 
for  the  honeymoon  lasted  a  long  while,  Mrs.  Sartoris,  the 
elder,  was  telling  me  how  much  she  liked  her  daughter-in-law. 
"  Nellie  is  not  at  all  bumptious,"  she  said.  "  Soon  after  her 
arrival  we  were  making  five  o'clock  tea,  and  Nellie  asked 
to  help.  I  consented,  of  course,  and  she  exclaimed  :  '  1  never 
made  tea  before  in  my  life.'  "  Then  Mrs.  Sartoris  gravely 
remarked,  "  It  had  not  occurred  to  me  before,  but  of  course 
a  President's  daughter  had  never  made  tea  !  "  I  said,  "  Cer 
tainly  not  !  I  suppose  she  had  never  before  made  tea  "  ;  but 
I  didn't  explain  that  five  o'clock  tea  was  unknown  in  America 
at  that  time.  I  was  not  going  to  take  down  my  princess  a 


Another  of  General  Grant's  children  visited  England 
while  I  was  there.  "Buck,"  as  we  called  Ulysses  junior, 
was  a  law  clerk  in  New  York,  and  went  to  London  with  one 


414  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

of  the  firm  with  whom  he  was  studying.  The  lawyer  had 
business  in  England  and  took  Ulysses  to  (Jo  the  copying,  but 
when  they  arrived  he  was  worse  off  than  Mrs.  Borie.  The 
son  of  the  President  and  "the  gentleman  who  accompanied 
him  "  were  invited  everywhere.  When  they  drove  out  "  Mr. 
Grant"  was  put  on  the  front  seat,  and  "the  gentleman" 
behind ;  when  they  were  announced  at  dinners  and  parties  in 
English  fashion,  it  was  Mr.  Grant  who  preceded ;  and  their 
real  relations  were  reversed  in  the  most  ridiculous  manner. 
I  was  having  a  holiday  at  the  time,  and  they  took  my  house 
off  my  hands  for  a  month  or  two.  They  went  about  a  great 
deal  in  London,  I  was  told,  and  were  both  more  than  popular, 
and  "  the  gentleman  who  accompanied  Mr.  Grant "  made  the 
most  of  his  opportunities. 

But  all  this  passed  away.  The  children  of  General  Grant 
had  their  day.  Then  came  sorrow  and  humiliation.  Every 
one  knows  that  the  beloved  chief  went  into  business  and  was 
wronged ;  that  he  and  his  lost  their  all ;  that  the  sense  of  his 
disgrace  rather  than  the  loss  of  fortune,  struck  to  the  soul 
the  man  who  had  been  honored  by  the  world.  The  long  and 
terrible  story  has  been  told.  The  nation  is  familiar  with  it. 
And  then  in  the  sorrow  that  was  worse  than  a  cancer, 
General  Grant  clung  to  his  family.  Then  I  —  and  I  believe 
even  they  —  first  fully  discovered  how  dear  they  were  to  him. 
His  love  for  his  wife  remained  what  it  had  always  been ;  all 
that  the  love  of  a  husband  could  be  for  the  partner  of  his 
greatness  and  his  poverty,  his  joys  and  his  griefs,  during 
more  than  thirty  years ;  a  beautiful  spectacle  of  domestic 
affection  in  as  great  and  striking  vicissitudes  as  earth  can 
ever  know.  But  the  passion  for  his  children  was  now 
developed  into  something  exceptional  and  almost  unreason 
ing.  He  admired  the  talent  of  his  sons  as  if  it  had  been 
extraordinary ;  he  declared  Ulysses  had  a  marvelous  business 
capacity ;  that  Colonel  Grant  was  fit  to  command  armies ; 
that  Jesse  was  a  mathematical  genius.  All  the  world  knows 


GRANT  IN   HIS   FAMILY. 

how  he  labored  for  them  after  he  had  been  given  up  for  dead  ; 
how  he  revived  to  struggle  on  their  account.  His  passion 
was  pathetic.  It  reached  out  almost  from  the  grave  toward 
those  children  for  whom  he  was  suffering.  He  never  believed 
for  a  moment  aught  against  their  good  name  any  more  than 
against  his  own.  He  lived  for  them  ;  he  died  for  them. 

All  this  was  revealed  in  those  last  months  of  his  existence, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  the  feeling  was  heightened  by  his  ill 
ness  ;  the  protracted  parting  not  only  aggravated  his  sufferings 
but  intensified  his  affection,  until  one  was  as  harrowing  as  the 
other.  He  not  only  did  not  know  until  the  last  how  profound 
his  feeling  was,  but  while  he  lingered,  the  feeling  grew  from 
day  to  day,  as  the  cancer  did,  downward  and  inward  into  his 
nature,  till  at  last  it  consumed  him.  At  the  end  he  forgot 
fame  ;  he  was  past  even  patriotism  ;  but  his  last  glances  and 
thoughts  and  heartbeats  were  for  her  with  whom  he  had 
become  one  flesh,  and  for  those  who  were  bone  of  his  bone. 
After  his  death  a  paper  was  found  on  his  body  addressed  to 
his  wife  and  containing  his  last  injunctions  to  her  regarding 
their  children. 


CHAPTER    XLIX. 

THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT. 

ON  Christmas  Eve,  1883,  General  Grant  seemed  to  him 
self  and  to  the  world  a  healthy  and  prosperous  man. 
He  was  sixty-one  years  of  age,  full  of  mental  vigor,  and 
physically  as  strong,  if  not  as  active,  as  he  had  ever  been. 
He  was  engaged  in  business  that  brought  him  in  an  ample 
income,  and  he  told  his  intimate  friends  that  he  was  worth  a 
million  of  dollars.  He  passed  that  evening  at  the  house  of 
an  acquaintance  and  went  home  in  a  cab  about  midnight. 
As  he  alighted  he  turned  to  hand  the  driver  a  fare,  and  in 
doing  this  his  foot  slipped  on  the  ice,  for  the  weather  was 
cold  and  wet,  and  the  rain  froze  on  the  pavement.  He  fell 
to  the  ground  and  was  unable  to  rise.  The  driver  got  down 
from  the  box  to  assist  him,  but  the  General  was  suffering 
acutely,  and  the  man  was  obliged  to  call  for  help  from  within 
doors.  A  servant  came  out,  and  General  Grant  was  carried 
up  the  steps  into  his  house,  which  he  was  never  to  leave 
again  a  well  man. 

The  family  at  the  time  consisted  only  of  Mrs.  Grant  and 
a  young  niece,  with  the  servants.  Mrs.  Grant  was  naturally 
very  much  alarmed,  but  the  General  declared  that  the  injury 
was  not  serious,  and  although  he  was  almost  senseless  from 
pain  he  refused  to  allow  a  medical  man  to  be  summoned.  In 
the  morning  his  son  Ulysses,  who  lived  near,  was  brought, 
and  he  at  once  sent  for  Dr.  Fordyce  Barker,  the  family  phys- 
cian,  who  pronounced  the  case  one  that  required  surgical 
treatment,  and  called  in  Dr.  Lewis  A.  Stimson.  The  injury 


FALLING  ON   THE   ICE. 


THE   LAST   DAYS   OF   GENERAL  GRANT, 

was  thought  to  be  the  rupture  of  a  muscle  in  the  upper  part 
of  the  thigh,  and  although  after  the  first  few  days  the  suffer 
ing  was  less,  any  quick  or  sudden  movement  of  the  limb  was 
so  painful  that  the  General  was  unable  to  move  in  his  bed 
without  assistance;  he  did  not  leave  it  for  weeks.  A  few 
days  after  the  fall  he  suffered  an  attack  of  pleurisy,  which 
also  at  first  occasioned  excruciating  pain,  but  was  not  abso 
lutely  dangerous. 

The  effects  of  this  accident  detained  General  Grant  in 
the  house  many  weeks,  but  after  a  while  he  was  able  to 
hobble  about  on  crutches,  and  in  March  he  went,  by  the 
advice  of  his  physicians,  to  Washington  and  Fortress  Monroe. 
By  this  time  his  general  health  was  greatly  improved,  but  the 
weakness  in  his  leg  and  hip  continued,  and  the  unusual  con 
finement  somewhat  affected  his  spirits,  though  not  his  temper 
or  his  intellect.  He  was  the  most  patient  of  sufferers,  the 
most  equable  of  prisoners.  Hosts  of  friends  among  the 
most  distinguished  people  of  the  country  gathered  about  him 
wherever  he  went,  and  their  society,  always  one  of  his  great 
est  delights,  now  cheered  the  tedium  and  allayed  the  suffer 
ing  of  the  invalid.  In  April  he  returned  to  New  York  and 
was  able  to  drive  his  own  horse  and  to  attend  army  reunions. 
He  went,  however,  fo  no  private  entertainments.  His  affairs 
seemed  still  very  prosperous,  and  he  hoped  soon  to  recover 
entirely  from  the  effects  of  his  fall. 

I  had  been  absent  from  the  country  during  the  winter, 
but  returned  late  in  April,  and  at  once  saw  much  of  my  old 
chief.  I  found  him  cheerful  and  uncomplaining,  going  to  his 
office  daily  on  business,  interested  in  politics  and  affairs. 
The  Presidential  election  was  approaching,  and  although  he 
never  spoke  of  such  a  possibility,  many  of  his  political  friends 
thought  the  prospect  of  his  nomination  very  bright.  Every 
day  revealed  apparently  irreconcilable  differences  among  the 
adherents  of  other  candidates,  and  the  party  and  the  country, 
not  a  few  believed,  were  turning  again  to  him  who  had  twice 
27 


4i  8  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

been  the  Head  of  the  State.  He,  however,  responded  to  no 
such  intimations,  and  never  said  even  to  his  family  that  he 
desired  or  expected  a  return  to  public  station.  Any  expres 
sion  that  ever  fell  from  him  on  the  subject  was  to  repress  or 
repel  the  suggestion.  He  was  resting  from  national  cares, 
and  in  the  unwonted  enjoyment  of  a  private  competence. 
He  told  me  that  in  December  for  the  first  time  in  his  life  he 
had  a  bank  account  from  which  he  could  draw  as  freely  as  he 
desired.  He  was  generous  in  gifts  to  his  children,  but  never 
luxurious  in  his  personal  habits.  He  had  only  two  expenses 
of  his  own, —  his  horses  and  his  cigars. 

When  General  Grant  returned  from  Europe  in  1879,  n^s 
entire  fortune  amounted  to  one  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
and  the  income  of  this  sum  just  paid  his  expenses  at  the 
hotel  where  he  and  Mrs.  Grant  occupied  two  rooms.  He 
kept  no  carriage.  Finding  that  he  could  not  live  in  New 
York  suitably  to  his  position,  he  began  to  consider  what 
other  residence  he  should  select  or  what  means  of  support. 
His  son  Ulysses  was  engaged  in  the  banking  business  with 
Ferdinand  Ward  and  James  D.  Fish,  and  supposed  he  had 
accumulated  four  hundred  thousand  dollars.  He  offered  to 
receive  his  father  as  a  partner  in  his  profits.  General  Grant 
would  not  consent  to  this,  but  proposed  to  invest  his  hundred 
thousand  dollars  in  the  business  and  become  an  actual  part 
ner.  Ward  and  Fish  concurred,  and  in  1880,  General  Grant 
was  admitted  as  a  special  partner  in  the  firm  of  "  Grant  and 
Ward." 

He  was  never,  however,  actively  engaged  in  its  affairs. 
He  lent  his  name  and  he  gave  his  money,  but  others  did  the 
business.  Ward  in  reality  acted  for  the  firm,  made  the 
investments,  drew  the  cheques,  received  the  deposits,  and 
disposed  of  them.  General  Grant  was  assured  that  the 
investments  were  proper,  and,  utterly  unaccustomed  as  he 
was  to  business,  he  inquired  little  further.  Once  or  twice  he 
thought  he  had  reason  to  say  that  the  firm  must  have  no 


THE   LAST  DAYS   OF  GENERAL  GRANT. 

dealings  in  Government  contracts,  and  he  said  so  promptly. 
He  declared  that  his  position  as  ex-President  made  it  im 
proper  and  impossible  for  a  firm  of  which  he  was  a  member 
to  have  such  dealings ;  and  Ward  assured  him  that  there  were 
none.  The  apparent  returns  from  the  business  were  enor 
mous,  but  General  Grant  knew  that  scores  of  bankers  and 
brokers  around  him  had  made  as  rapid  fortunes  as  he,  and 
was  not  surprised.  He  put  all  his  available  capital  into  the 
bank,  and  induced  many  of  his  friends  and  relatives  to  invest 
or  deposit  with  it.  One  of  his  sons  was  a  partner,  another 
had  become  an  agent  of  the  firm,  and  their  father  had  all 
confidence  in  their  integrity  and  capacity. 

But  suddenly  out  of  the  clear  sky  came  the  thunderbolt. 
On  Tuesday  morning,  the  6th  of  May,  1884,  General  Grant 
went  from  his  house  in  Sixty-sixth  street,  supposing  himself 
a  millionaire.  When  he  arrived  at  his  place  of  business  in 
Wall  street  he  found  that  he  was  ruined.  As  he  entered  his 
office  he  was  met  by  his  son  Ulysses,  who  said  at  once : 
*'  Father,  you  had  better  go  home.  The  bank  has  failed  "  ; 
but  the  General  went  in  and  waited  awhile.  I  happened  to 
visit  him  that  day  about  noon,  and  found  him  alone.  After  a 
moment  he  said  to  me  gravely  enough,  but  calmly  :  "  We  are 
all  ruined  here."  I  was  astounded  at  the  news,  and  he  con 
tinued  :  "  The  bank  has  failed.  Mr.  Ward  cannot  be  found. 
The  securities  are  locked  up  in  the  safe,  and  he  has  the  key. 
No  one  knows  where  he  is." 

He  could  not  at  that  time  have  known  the  event  more 
than  half  an  hour.  In  a  few  moments  he  got  into  a  carriage 
and  was  driven  home.  He  never  returned  to  Wall  street. 

The  world  knows  that  he  gave  up  all  that  was  his.  The 
story  of  the  debt  to  Mr.  Vanderbilt  into  which  he  was 
inveigled  is  pitiful.  Ferdinand  Ward  went  to  his  house  on 
Sunday  the  4th  of  May  and  represented  that  the  Marine 
Bank,  where  Grant  and  Ward  had  large  deposits,  was  in 
danger,  but  that  speedy  assistance  would  enable  it  to  over- 


420  GRANT   IN   PEACF 

come  tne  difficulty.  The  assistance,  however,  must  be 
immediate  if  they  would  save  themselves.  He  urged  General 
Grant  to  obtain  at  once  a  loan  of  $150,000  for  this  purpose ; 
and  Sunday  though  it  was,  the  old  warrior  sallied  out  at  the 
instance  of  the  partner,  who  knew  at  that  moment  that  all 
the  fortunes  of  General  Grant  had  been  lost  through  his 
means.  He  went  first  to  Mr.  Victor  Newcomb,  who  was  not 
at  home,  and  then  to  William  H.  Vanderbilt,  who  at  once 
agreed  to  let  General  Grant  have  his  cheque  for  $150,000 
without  security.  He  said  that  he  had  never  done  such  a 
thing  before,  but  he  would  do  it  for  General  Grant.  The 
General  expected  to  return  the  money  immediately ;  he 
wanted  it  only  to  enable  the  Marine  Bank  to  find  time  to  col 
lect  its  loans.  Ward  had  assured  him,  and  he  repeated  to 
Vanderbilt,  that  there  were  securities  for  more  than  a  million 
of  dollars  in  the  vaults  of  Grant  and  Ward. 

The  first  thing  General  Grant  did  when  the  failure  was 
known  was  to  make  over  all  his  individual  property  to 
Vanderbilt.  In  this  act  Mrs.  Grant  afterwards  joined,  waiv 
ing  her  right  of  dower.  The  house  in  which  they  lived 
belonged  to  Mrs.  Grant.  Three  years  before  a  hundred 
thousand  dollars  had  been  subscribed  to  purchase  her  a  home, 
and  the  building  in  Sixty-sixth  street  was  selected ;  but  there 
was  a  mortgage  on  the  property  which  the  holders  refused  to 
cancel.  It  was  a  good  investment,  and  they  preferred  to 
retain  it.  The  price  of  the  house  was  $98,000,  and  the 
mortgage  was  for  $50,000  ;  so  $48,000  only  was  paid,  and  the 
remainder  of  the  sum  subscribed  was  deposited  with  Grant 
and  Ward,  to  be  applied  to  the  purchase  of  bonds.  Ward,  as 
the  active  member  of  the  firm,  was  commissioned  to  make 
the  purchase.  He  reported  having  done  so,  he  received  the 
money,  and  the  interest  was  regularly  paid.  But  after  the 
failure  it  was  discovered  that  the  purchase  had  never  been 
made.  There  was  therefore  a  mortgage  on  the  property 
which  could  not  be  redeemed.  The  library  and  the  rare  con 
tents  of  the  house  were,  however,  made  over  to  Vanderbilt. 


THE   LAST   DAYS   OF   GENERAL   GRANT.  42I 

But  this  was  not  all.  The  Trust  Fund  of  $2 50,000  raised 
for  General  Grant,  the  interest  of  which  was  devoted  to  his 
benefit,  had  been  invested  in  the  bonds  of  a  company  which 
at  this  juncture  suspended  payment.  The  fund  was  guar 
anteed  by  the  E.  D.  Morgan  estate,  but  from  some  tech 
nicality  of  the  law  the  guarantors  could  not  pay  the  deficient 
interest  until  the  company  had  been  six  months  in  default ; 
this  resource  therefore  failed  entirely  for  the  time.  The  last 
payment  had  been  deposited  with  Grant  and  Ward,  and  of 
course  was  lost. 

General  Grant  was  as  brave,  however,  as  under  all  cir 
cumstances,  and  though  regretting  the  loss  of  fortune  for 
himself  and  his  sons,  as  well  as  for  those  who  had  suffered 
through  their  means,  he  was  as  yet  free  from  any  acute 
humiliation.  He  himself  was  ruined  ;  one  son  was  a  partner 
in  the  wreck  and  the  liabilities ;  another  the  agent  of  the 
firm,  was  bankrupt  for  half  a  million ;  his  youngest  son  on 
the  3d  of  May  had  deposited  all  his  means,  about  $80,000,  in 
the  bank  of  his  father  and  brother,  and  the  bank  suspended 
payment  on  the  6th  ;  his  daughter  had  made  a  little  invest 
ment  of  $12,000  with  the  firm  ;  one  sister  had  put  in  $5,000, 
another  $25,000;  a  nephew  had  invested  a  few  thousands, 
the  savings  of  a  clerkship ;  and  other  personal  friends  had 
been  induced  by  Grant's  name  and  advice  to  invest  still  more 
largely.  It  was  painful  and  mortifying  that  all  these  should 
lose  from  their  confidence  in  him,  but  still  there  was  no 
thought  of  personal  disgrace. 

But  after  a  day  or  two  came  out  the  shameful  story  of 
craft  and  guile  in  all  its  horrible  proportions,  and  it  was  seen 
that  his  honored  name  had  been  used  to  entice  and  decoy 
hosts  of  friends  and  acquaintances,  to  their  own  injury  and 
General  Grant's  discredit.  Imputations  were  even  cast  on 
the  fame  that  belonged  to  the  country ;  and  this  blow  was 
the  most  terrible  that  General  Grant  ever  endured.  The 
shock  of  battle  was  less  tremendous,  the  mortal  agony  was 
less  acute. 


422 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


There  seemed,  too,  under  the  circumstances,  to  be  noth 
ing  to  do,  nothing  to  say.  He  was  indeed  through  life 
always  able  to  remain  silent,  but  the  task  was  harder  now 
than  amid  the  abuse  directed  against  him  during  the  war,  or 
the  detraction  and  calumnies  of  political  campaigns.  His 
own  fair  fame,  his  honor  as  a  man,  the  honor  of  his  children, 
—  all  were  assailed ;  all  discussed,  doubted,  denied  by  the 
tongues  of  a  careless  and  censorious  world.  The  glory 
which  had  been  likened  to  that  of  Washington  was  obscured. 
He  never  spoke  of  this  even  to  those  closest  and  dearest, 
but  none  the  less  they  knew  that  the  wound  was  eating  into 
his  soul.  This  sorrow  was  a  cancer  indeed. 

After  a  time  the  clouds  were  lifted  a  little,  and  the  world 
seemed  satisfied,  at  least  in  part,  that  his  honor  was  untar 
nished.  He  breathed  freer  now;  but  still  the  accusations 
were  hurled  against  his  children ;  and  for  him,  for  whom  the 
family  relations  were  absolutely  the  profoundest  and  most 
intimate  of  his  nature,  this  was  anguish  intolerable. 

His  bodily  health  was  soon  affected,  though  not  yet 
conspicuously.  He  did  not  gjtow  openly  worse,  but  he 
ceased  to  grow  better.  His  lameness  did  not  mend.  His 
strength  did  not  increase.  He  was  not  morose,  but  hardly 
so  cheerful  as  was  his  wont,  although  too  brave  to  be  willing 
to  seem  cast  down.  But  he  was  indignant  to  the  core  at 
those  who  had  injured  him  and  his  fame  and  his  sons. 

At  first  he  was  distressed  even  for  money  for  household 
expenses.  Eighty  dollars  in  his  pocket-book  and  one  hun 
dred  and  thirty  dollars  in  cash  belonging  to  Mrs.  Grant  were 
all  he  had  to  live  on.  If  two  friends,  one  a  man  he  had 
never  seen  and  the  other  a  foreigner,  had  not  come  to  his 
relief,  General  Grant  must  have  suffered  actual  want  for  a 
while.  The  very  cheques  paid  out  to  tradesmen  a  few  days 
before  the  failure  were  dishonored.  He  was  penniless  in  the 
house. that  was  crowded  with  his  trophies. 

But  four  days  after  the  6th  of  May,  an  unknown  country- 


THE   LAST   DAYS    OF   GENERAL   GRANT.  423 

man,  Mr.  Charles  Wood,  of  Lansingburg,  New  York,  wrote 
to  General  Grant  and  offered  to  lend  him  $1,000  on  his  note 
for  twelve  months,  without  interest,  with  the  option  of 
renewal  at  the  same  rate.  He  inclosed  a  cheque  for  $500, 
"on  account/'  he  said,  "of  my  share  for  services  ending 
April,  1865,"  and  General  Grant  gratefully  accepted  the  offer. 

About  the  same  time  Mathias  Romero,  the  Mexican 
Minister,  his  valued  friend  from  the  time  when  the  French 
were  driven  from  Mexico,  came  on  from  Washington,  and 
insisted  on  lending  him  $1,000.  At  first  the  General 
declined  the  offer,  but  Romero  suddenly  quitted  the  room, 
leaving  his  cheque  for  $1,000  on  the  table.  But  for  these 
succors  the  man  who  had  dined  with  half  the  kings  of  the 
earth  would  have  wanted  money  to  buy  bread  for  himself  and 
his  children. 

For  it  was  not  only  himself  and  Mrs.  Grant  who  were  to 
be  supported,  but  two  of  his  sons  and  their  families.  Ulysses 
went  to  live  with  his  father-in-law,  the  Hon.  J.  B.  Chaffee, 
who  was  a  man  of  means ;  but  General  Grant  must  maintain 
the  others,  for,  until  released  by  their  creditors,  they  could 
not  even  go  into  business.  Mrs.  Grant,  however,  owned  two 
little  houses  in  Washington,  and  she  wrote  at  once  to  Mr. 
W.  McLean,  of  Cincinnati,  who  she  knew  was  buying 
property  at  the  capital.  McLean  was  a  stanch  personal 
friend  of  General  Grant,  although  a  political  opponent,  and 
Mrs.  Grant  asked  him  at  this  crisis  to  purchase  her  houses, 
telling  him  that  she  needed  money  for  the  absolute  living 
expenses  of  the  family.  McLean  at  once  directed  his  agent 
to  purchase  the  houses,  whether  they  were  needed  or  not, 
and  to  pay  the  market  price.  This  timely  act  relieved  the 
family  from  their  immediate  anxieties.  The  generous  loan 
of  Romero  was  repaid ;  the  dishonored  cheques  for  house 
hold  expenses  were  redeemed,  and  enough  was  left  to  live  on 
during  the  summer. 

As  early  as  December    1883,  the  editors  of   TJie  Century 


424  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

Magazine  had  informed  me  of  a  series  of  articles  they  were 
planning  about  the  civil  war,  and  asked  whether  I  could  not 
induce  General  Grant  "to  contribute  either  direct  or  through 
my  assistance  a  paper,  say  on  Shiloh  or  the  Wilderness." 
I  laid  the  matter  before  the  General,  but  he  was  disinclined  to 
attempt  the  unfamiliar  task.  The  editors,  however,  renewed 
their  solicitations.  After  the  failure  of  Grant  and  Ward  they 
addressed  me  another  letter,  in  which  they  said:  "The  coun 
try  looks  with  so  much  regret  and  sympathy  upon  General 
Grant's  misfortune  that  it  would  gladly  welcome  the  an 
nouncement  and  especially  the  publication  of  material  relat 
ing  to  him  or  by  him,  concerning  a  part  of  his  honored 
career  in  which  every  one  takes  pride.  It  would  be  glad," 
they  continued,  "  to  have  its  attention  diverted  from  his 
present  troubles,  and  no  doubt  such  diversion  of  his  own 
mind  would  be  welcome  to  him." 

He  was  touched  by  the  tone  of  the  communication,  but 
shrank  at  first  from  presenting  himself  to  the  public  at  this 
juncture,  preferring  absolute  withdrawal  and  retirement. 
When  I  conveyed  his  reply,  I  spoke  of  the  complete  financial 
ruin  that  had  overtaken  him.  The  editors  at  once  inquired 
whether  a  pecuniary  inducement  might  not  have  weight,  and 
made  him  an  offer  through  me  for  two  articles  on  any  of  his 
battles  which  he  might  select  as  themes.  His  necessities 
decided  him.  The  modern  Belisarius  did  not  mean  to  beg. 

In  June  he  went  to  Long  Branch  for  the  summer,  and 
soon  afterward  sent  for  me  and  showed  me  a  few  pages  he 
had  written  and  called  an  article.  The  fragment  was  terse 
and  clear,  of  course,  like  almost  everything  he  wrote,  but  too 
laconic  and  compact,  I  knew,  to  suit  the  editorial  purpose ;  it 
would  not  have  filled  three  pages  of  the  magazine.  I  begged 
him  to  expand  it. 

"  But  why  write  more  ? "  he  asked.  "  I  have  told  the  story. 
What  more  is  there  to  say  ?  " 

I  urged  him  to  go  into  detail,  to  explain  his  purposes  and 


THE   LAST   DAYS   OF   GENERAL   GRANT. 


425 


movements,  to  describe  the  commanders,  to  give  pictures  of 
the  country  ;  and  he  seized  the  idea,  and  developed  the  sketch 
into  a  more  protracted  effort.  It  was  copied  by  his  eldest 
son,  who  carried  it  to  the  editors,  one  of  whom  came  at  once  to 
see  General  Grant,  and  asked  for  more.  What  the  General  had 
given  was  so  good  that  it  made  them  greedy  and  they  begged 
him  to  extend  his  article,  suggesting  one  or  two  points  for 
further  treatment.  He  consented,  and  the  paper  became  the 
elaborate  one — elaborate  for  its  author  —  which  appeared  in 
The  Century  for  February,  1885.  This  was  General  Grant's 
first  attempt  at  anything  like  literary  or  historical  composition. 

He  at  once  became  interested  in  the  work.  The  occupa 
tion  distracted  him  from  the  contemplation  of  his  misfortunes, 
and  the  thoughts  of  his  old  companions  and  campaigns 
brought  back  pleasanter  recollections.  He  agreed  to  prepare 
still  another  article.  His  first  theme  had  been  the  battle  of 
Shiloh  ;  the  second  was  the  Vicksburg  Campaign.  If  he  had 
been  too  concise  at  the  start,  he  was  now  inclined  to  be  more 
than  full,  and  covered  two  hundred  pages  of  manuscript  in  a 
few  weeks.  As  soon  as  it  became  known  that  he  had  begun 
to  write,  the  story  spread  that  he  was  preparing  his  "  Memoirs," 
and  half  the  prominent  publishers  in  the  country  made  him 
offers.  Again  he  sent  for  me,  and  said  he  felt  inclined  to 
write  a  book  ;  but  that  as  my  own  history  of  his  campaigns 
had  been  composed  with  his  concurrence,  and  with  the  expec 
tation  that  it  would  take  the  place  of  all  he  would  have  to  say 
on  the  subject,  he  thought  it  right  to  consult  me.  He  wanted 
also  to  employ  the  material  I  had  collected  and  arranged  in 
my  work,  and  to  use  it  as  authority  for  figures  and  for  such 
facts  as  his  own  memory  would  not  supply.  Besides  this,  he 
wanted  my  assistance  in  various  ways ;  all  of  which  was 
arranged.  In  October  I  went  to  live  at  his  house,  to  help 
him  in  the  preparation  of  his  book. 

At   this   time   he  seemed   in   tolerable  health.     He  was 
crippled  and  unable  to  move  without  crutches,  but  he  walked 


426  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

out  alone,  and  he  had  driven  me  once  or  twice  at  Long  Branch 
behind  his  own  horse.  He  gave  up  driving,  however,  after 
his  return  to  town.  But  he  was  cheerful ;  his  children  and 
grandchildren  were  a  great  solace  to  him ;  many  friends  came 
in  to  see  him  and  to  testify  their  undiminished  respect.  His 
evenings  were  spent  in  their  society  at  his  own  house,  for  he 
never  visited  again ;  and  his  days  were  devoted  to  his  literary 
labor.  He  worked  often  five,  and  six,  and  sometimes  even 
seven  hours  a  day,  and  he  was  a  man  not  inclined  to  sedentary 
occupation.  By  October  he  thought  he  had  completed  his 
articles  on  Shiloh  and  Vicksburg,  and  had  begun  the  prepara 
tion  of  two  others  on  the  Chattanooga  and  Wilderness  Cam 
paigns.  These  four  he  had  promised  to  The  Century  Maga 
zine,  but  he  intended  to  incorporate  them  afterward,  with 
some  modifications,  into  his  "  Memoirs."  To  this  the  editors 
agreed.  Thus  General  Grant's  book  grew  out  of  his  articles 
for  The  Centiiry. 

In  October  he  complained  constantly  of  pains  in  his 
throat.  He  had  suffered  during  the  summer  from  the  same 
cause,  but  paid  no  attention  to  the  symptoms  until  toward 
the  end  of  his  stay  at  Long  Branch,  when  Dr.  Da  Costa  of 
Philadelphia,  who  was  paying  him  a  call,  examined  his  throat. 
This  gentleman  urged  General  Grant  to  consult  the  most 
eminent  physicians  immediately  on  his  return  to  New  York. 
But  General  Grant  never  nursed  himself,  and  it  was  nearly  a 
month  before  he  acted  on  the  advice.  His  pains  finally 
became  so  frequent  and  so  acute  that  Mrs.  Grant  persuaded 
him  to  see  Dr.  Fordyce  Barker,  who  instantly  said  if  the  case 
were  his  own  or  that  of  one  of  his  family,  he  should  consult 
Dr.  J.  H.  Douglas  ;  and  General  Grant  went  the  same  day  to 
Dr.  Douglas.  This  was  on  the  22d  of  October. 

When  he  returned  he  said  the  physician  had  told  him  that 
his  throat  was  affected  by  a  complaint  with  a  cancerous  tend 
ency.  He  seemed  serious  but  not  alarmed,  though  it  was 
afterward  learned  that  he  had  pressed  Dr.  Douglas  for  close 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT.       427 

information,  and  had  detected  a  greater  apprehension  on  the 
part  of  the  physician  than  the  family  at  first  discovered. 
Still  there  was  disquietude  and  even  alarm,  —  the  terrible 
word  cancer  was  itself  almost  a  knell. 

It  was  now  November,  and  all  through  this  month  he 
went  regularly  to  the  physician's  house,  about  two  miles  from 
his  own,  taking  the  street-car.  At  first  he  went  alone,  but 
after  a  while  he  was  persuaded  to  take  a  man-servant  with 
him.  One  or  two  of  the  family  called  on  Dr.  Douglas  to 
make  further  inquiry,  and  the  response  awakened  further  so 
licitude.  The  pains  did  not  decrease,  and  the  extraction  of 
four  teeth  greatly  aggravated  his  nervous  condition.  He 
went  to  a  dentist  to  have  one  tooth  taken  out,  but  his  forti 
tude  was  such  that  the  operator  was  doubtless  deceived,  and 
proposed  the  extraction  of  three  others,  and  the  shock  to  the 
General's  system  was  one  from  which  he  did  not  recover  for 
weeks. 

As  the  weather  became  colder  the  disease  was  further 
aggravated  by  the  exposure  to  which  he  was  subjected  in  the 
street-car ;  yet  for  a  long  time  he  refused  to  go  by  the  car 
riage.  Mrs.  Grant  and  his  children  tried  in  vain  to  persuade 
him.  One  morning  he  announced  his  intention  of  going 
again  in  the  cars.  It  was  at  breakfast,  and  I  implored  him 
not  to  do  so.  I  declared  he  was  taking  his  life  in  his  hands 
and  that  he  had  no  right  to  risk  what  was  so  precious  to 
others.  But  he  was  obstinate,  and  I  got  up  from  the  table 
very  much  agitated,  and  said  I  had  rather  he  would  stick  a 
knife  into  me  than  have  him  go  in  the  street-car.  He  was 
silent,  but  after  a  little  he  ordered  the  carriage. 

In  December  his  pains  became  still  more  excruciating ;  he 
could  not  swallow  without  torture,  and  his  sufferings  at  table 
were  intense.  He  was  obliged  to  use  liquid  food  and  to  avoid 
acids  altogether.  I  shall  always  recall  his  figure  as  he  sat  at 
the  head  of  the  table,  his  head  bowed  over  his  plate,  his  mouth 
set  grimly,  his  features  clinched  in  the  endeavor  to  conceal 


428  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

the  expression  of  pain,  especially  from  Mrs.  Grant,  who  sat  at 
the  other  end.  He  no  longer  carved  or  helped  the  family, 
and  at  last  was  often  obliged  to  leave  before  the  meal  was 
over,  pacing  the  hall  or  the  adjoining  library  in  his  agony. 

At  this  time  he  said  to  me  that  he  had  no  desire  to  live  if 
he  was  not  to  recover.  He  preferred  death  at  once  to  linger 
ing,  hopeless  disease.  He  made  the  same  remark  to  several 
of  his  family.  For  a  while  he  seemed  to  lose,  not  courage, 
yet  a  little  of  his  hope,  almost  of  his  grip  on  life.  He  did 
not  care  to  write,  nor  even  to  talk ;  he  made  little  physical 
effort,  and  often  sat  for  hours  propped  up  in  his  chair,  with 
his  hands  clasped,,  looking  at  the  blank  wall  before  him, 
silent,  contemplating  the  future ;  not  alarmed,  but  solemn,  at 
the  prospect  of  pain  and  disease,  and  only  death  at  the  end. 
It  was  like  a  man  gazing  into  his  open  grave.  He  was  in  no 
way  dismayed,  but  the  sight  was  to  me  the  most  appalling  I 
have  ever  witnessed  : — the  conqueror  looking  at  his  inevita 
ble  conqueror ;  the  stern  soldier  to  whom  so  many  armies 
had  surrendered,  watching  the  approach  of  that  enemy  before 
whom  even  he  must  yield. 

But  his  apathy  was  not  long-lived ;  the  indifference  to  his 
work  was  soon  over.  I  had  been  used  for  twenty  years  to 
speak  to  him  with  the  greatest  freedom,  although  only  at 
rare  intervals.  He  was  not  a  man  whom  any  one  could 
approach  unless  he  permitted,  but  there  came  moments  and 
crises  when  he  allowed  me  to  say  things  to  him  -such  as  few 
men  ever  say  to  each  other ;  and  I  ventured  now  to  beg  him 
to  throw  aside  this  strange  depression  —  the  result  of  his 
illness;  to  be  himself;  not  to  give  way,  even  to  fate.  I 
urged  him  to  try  to  recover ;  not  to  let  the  world  say  that  he 
was  crushed  by  misfortune,  or  put  an  end  to  by  Ferdinand 
Ward  ;  to  think  of  the  immense  achievement  his  book  would 
be  if  he  could  himself  tell  the  story  of  his  own  motives  and 
purposes  and  plans.  I  pleaded  with  him  to  live  and  work, 
not  only  for  his  fame,  but  for  his  family,  whose  fortune  his 


THE  LAST   DAYS   OF  GENERAL  GRANT.  429 

book  would  secure.  He  did  not  say  much,  from  which  I 
knew  that  my  words  would  be  considered ;  I  was  sure  that 
he  appreciated  their  motive  and  did  not  resent  their  freedom. 
The  only  utterance  I  can  recall  in  reply  was,  "  I  am  not 
going  to  commit  suicide."  But  I  changed  the  subject  and 
he  spoke  cheerfully  and  very  kindly  to  me  on  other  themes. 
We  were  driving  together  from  the  doctor's  house  when  this 
conversation  occurred,  and  on  our  return  he  went  to  work 
with  renewed  vigor.  I  told  Mrs.  Grant  what  I  meant  to 
do  in  advance,  and  reported  the  result  afterward,  and  she 
approved  it  all. 

He  enjoyed  his  labors  now,  and  quite  got  the  literary 
fever  for  a  while.  He  liked  to  have  his  pages  read  aloud  to 
the  family  in  the  evening,  so  that  he  might  hear  how  they 
sounded  and  receive  their  comments.  He  worked,  however, 
for  the  most  part  from  ten  or  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning 
until  two  or  three  in  the  afternoon,  and  sometimes  again 
later  in  the  day.  Once  in  a  while  General  Tower,  a  comrade 
in  the  Mexican  War,  came  in  and  discussed  the  chapters 
describing  the  capture  of  Vera  Cruz  or  the  march  on  Mexico. 
Sometimes  Mr.  Chaffee  listened  to  the  political  passages,  and 
begged  the  General  not  to  emasculate  them,  but  to  say  all  he 
thought  without  fear  or  favor. 

Daily  about  one  o'clock  he  was  interrupted  by  his  grand 
children,  who  stopped  as  they  passed  to  their  lunch,  and 
looked  in  at  the  open  door,  not  entering  till  he  saw  them  and 
summoned  them.  Their  prattle  and  kisses  were  always 
welcome,  and  made  me  think  that  the  very  misfortune  which 
brought  them  to  his  house  had  its  compensations.  He  took 
a  peculiar  pleasure  in  their  society,  and  when  at  one  time  it 
was  thought  that  they  disturbed  his  labors,  and  they  were 
told  not  to  visit  him,  he  was  distressed  at  the  omission  and 
revoked  the  order.  They  came,  indeed,  like  a  burst  of  light 
into  the  sick  man's  study,  three  of  them,  dancing,  gamboling, 
laughing  —  as  pretty  a  brood  of  merry,  graceful  grandchil- 


430 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


dren  as  ever  a  conqueror  claimed  for  descendants,  or  looked 
upon  to  perpetuate  his  name.  Those  were  happy  months,  at 
times,  despite  the  anxiety,  until  the  anxiety  became  despair. 
For  although  the  doctors  had  warned  the  family,  there  was 
yet  hope  of  arresting,  if  not  of  curing,  the  disease,  and  a  pos 
sibility  of  arresting  it  for  years.  His  constitution  was  good  ; 
he  came  of  a  long-lived  stock ;  and  his  nerve  and  will  were 
what  all  the  world  knows.  So  there  was  hope  ;  not  with  so 
much  foundation  as  could  have  been  desired,  but  still  there 
was  hope. 

I  shall  never  forget  the  frolic  with  the  little  ones  on 
Christmas  Day.  They  all  came  to  dinner,  and  the  two 
youngest  sat  one  on  each  side  of  him.  He  was  compara 
tively  free  from  pain  at  that  time ;  indeed,  for  a  month  or 
more  the  excruciating  tortures  came  only  at  intervals ;  and 
on  this  day  he  took  his  own  place  at  the  head  of  the  table. 
The  babies  were  allowed  to  talk  as  much  as  they  pleased,  and 
they  pleased  a  great  deal.  They  monopolized  the  conversa 
tion,  and  when  their  mammas  endeavored  to  check  them,  the 
General  interposed  and  declared  that  this  was  their  day.  So 
they  prattled  across  their  grandpapa,  and  made  preposterous 
attempts  at  jokes  in  their  broken  English,  at  which  every 
body  laughed,  and  no  one  more  heartily  than  the  great 
warrior,  their  progenitor.  It  was  a  delicious  morsel  of  sweet 
in  the  midst  of  so  much  bitter  care,  a  gleam  of  satisfaction 
in  the  gloom  of  that  sad  winter,  with  its  fears,  and  certain 
ties,  and  sorrows. 

No  one,  indeed,  can  understand  the  character  of  General 
Grant  who  does  not  know  the  strength  of  his  regard  for  his 
children.  It  was  like  the  passion  of  a  wild  beast  for  its  cubs, 
or  the  love  of  a  mother  for  a  sucking  child,  —  instinctive, 
unreasoning,  overweening  ;  yet,  what  everyone  can  compre 
hend  and  appreciate ;  natural,  and  in  this  grim  veteran  touch 
ing  in  the  extreme.  He  not  only  thought  his  sons  able, 
wise,  and  pure ;  he  had  a  trust  in  them  that  was  absolute 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT. 

and  childlike ;  his  affection  even  clouded  his  judgment  and 
turned  appreciation  into  admiration.  For  them  he  would 
have  sacrificed  fortune,  or  ease,  or  even  his  fame ;  for  them 
he  did  endure  criticism  and  censure,  and  underwent  physical 
fatigue  and  pain.  He  rose  from  his  death-bed  to  work  for 
them,  and  when  he  thought  he  was  dying  his  utterances  were 
about  his  "boys."  This  feeling,  lavished  on  his  own  chil 
dren,  reached  over  to  theirs.  No  parent  ever  enveloped  his 
entire  progeny  in  a  more  comprehensive  or  closer  regard ; 
none  ever  felt  them  more  absolutely  a  part  of  himself,  his 
own  offspring,  the  issue  of  his  reins. 

By  the  last  of  the  year  the  editors  of  The  Century 
had  received  three  of  his  articles  for  their  magazine  and 
announced  them  for  publication.  A  large  increase  in  their 
sales  had  followed,  and  the  editors,  thinking  at  least  a  part  of 
this  due  to  his  name,  sent  him  in  December  a  cheque  for 
one  thousand  dollars  more  than  they  had  stipulated.  Gen 
eral  Grant  at  first  intended  to  divide  this  sum  as  a  Christ 
mas  present  between  his  two  daughters-in-law  living  in  the 
house  with  him.  The  amount  would  have  been  very  accept 
able  to  those  ladies,  but  almost  immediately  he  remembered 
the  debt  to  Mr.  Wood,  his  benefactor  of  the  loth  of  May, 
and  inclosed  his  cheque  for  a  thousand  dollars  to  that  friend 
whom  he  never  saw,  stating  that  the  money  was  the  result 
of  his  first  earnings  in  literature.  Still  later  General  Grant 
received  from  The  Century  another  thousand  dollars  in 
addition  to  the  sum  stipulated  for  the  fourth  article.  This 
cheque  was  the  last  he  ever  endorsed,  and  the  payment, 
beyond  his  expectations,  gave  him  in  the  last  week  of  his 
life  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  his  literary  efforts  had 
a  high  market  value. 

About  Christmas  the  pecuniary  troubles  became  more 
complicated.  There  was  a  possibility  of  some  small  creditors 
of  Grant  and  Ward  attempting  to  levy  on  the  famous  swords 
and  presents  he  had  received  from  Congress  and  the  States 


432  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

and  foreign  potentates  and  cities.  In  order  to  save  them 
Mr.  Vanderbilt  proposed  to  enforce  his  prior  claim.  Talk  of 
this  got  abroad  and  was  misunderstood. 

At  this  juncture  General  Sherman  was  in  New  York,  and 
of  course  visited  his  old  chief  and  comrade.  I  went  to 
call  on  him  the  next  day,  and  he  asked  me  about  the  possibil 
ity  of  any  annoyance  to  General  Grant  on  this  score.  He 
was  extremely  anxious,  and  declared :  "  Grant  must  not  be 
allowed  to  suffer  this  new  disgrace."  He  would  share  his 
own  income  rather.  I  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  tell  what 
I  knew,  even  to  him,  and  General  Sherman's  talk  in  New 
York,  Philadelphia,  and  Washington  excited  a  great  and 
general  sympathy.  The  result  was  that  a  number  of  General 
Grant's  friends,  with  Cyrus  W.  Field  at  their  head,  began  to 
raise  a  fund  to  save  the  hero  from  this  last  indignity.  A 
hundred  thousand  dollars  were  to  be  subscribed  to  pay  off  the 
debt  to  Vanderbilt,  who  it  was  supposed  would  compromise 
his  claim  for  that  amount. 

But  General  Grant  was  weary  of  the  repeated  efforts  to 
aid  him.  Congress  had  failed  to  place  him  on  the  retired  list. 
A  bill  for  this  purpose  had  indeed  passed  the  Senate  at 
the  preceding  session,  but  President  Arthur,  it  was  known, 
would  veto  it,  in  order  to  preserve  his  consistency,  having 
vetoed  another  intended  to  restore  General  Fitz-John  Porter 
to  the  army.  He  forgot,  apparently,  that  the  cases  were 
different.  General  Grant  himself  said :  "  I  have  not  been 
court-martialed."  Mr.  Arthur  proposed,  it  is  true,  a  pension, 
but  this  Grant  indignantly  declined  to  receive.  He  disliked 
to  appear  to  apply  for  public  or  private  charity,  and  wrote 
now  to  Mr.  Vanderbilt,  informing  him  of  the  well-meant 
efforts  in  his  behalf,  but  declaring  that  he  preferred  not  to 
avail  himself  of  them.  He  requested  Vanderbilt  to  exercise 
his  legal  rights  and  offer  for  sale  the  whole  of  General 
Grant's  property  in  his  hands,  including  the  presents  and 
trophies  of  peace  and  war.  He  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to 


THE   LAST   DAYS   OF   GENERAL  GRANT. 


433 


thwart  the  intentions  of  his  other  friends  without  the  sanc 
tion  of  Mr.  Vanderbilt,  as  their  efforts  would  enable  him  to 
cancel  his  debt  to  Mr.  Vanderbilt,  but  he  preferred  that  the 
debt  should  be  paid  by  the  sale  of  the  property,  not  by  a 
new  subscription. 

Then  came  the  correspondence  which  has  been  given  to 
the  world :  first  the  munificent  offer  of  Vanderbilt  to  make 
over  all  the  property  to  Mrs.  Grant,  only  providing  that  the 
presents  should  be  held  in  trust  during  her  life  and  that 
of  the  General,  to  be  afterward  transferred  to  the  Govern 
ment,  as  souvenirs  of  the  glory  which  is  national ;  then  the 
letter  from  General  Grant,  accepting  the  offer  so  far  as  it 
concerned  the  disposition  of  the  presents,  but  declining  to 
receive  the  return  of  the  property  ;  the  persistent  pressure  of 
the  great  millionaire  ;  the  acceptance  of  Grant  under  this 
pressure ;  Mrs.  Grant's  letter  of  an  hour  afterward  recalling 
the  acceptance,  written,  of  course,  with  Grant's  sanction,  but 
signed  by  Mrs.  Grant  to  save  the  General  from  the  appear 
ance  of  discourtesy ;  and  the  final  abandonment  of  every  par 
ticle  of  property  he  had  in  the  world,  to  satisfy  a  debt  in 
curred  at  the  instance  and  through  the  outrageous  falsity 
and  guile  of  a  monster  in  craft,  who  selected  the  people's 
hero  as  his  victim  and  his  decoy  ;  the  abandonment  of  the 
property,  and  the  surrender  —  harder  still  —  of  those  monu 
ments  to  his  fame  which  his  deeds  had  won ;  surrendered, 
it  is  true,  to  the  nation,  which  will  guard  them  sacredly,  as 
it  will  the  fame  of  which  they  are  the  symbol  and  the  seal. 

All  this  wore  on  the  frame  torn  by  disease  and  the  spirit 
racked  by  imputations,  thrown  off,  it  is  true,  but  some  of 
which  still  rankled,  like  poisoned  arrows,  that  wound  though 
they  are  extracted;  all  this  told  on  that  body  which  had 
endured  so  many  sleepless  nights  and  prolonged  marches, 
which  had  suffered  fatigue  and  hunger  and  watchings,  and 
that  soul  which  had  withstood  cares  and  responsibilities  and 
torturing  anxieties  such  as  have  fallen  to  the  lot  of  no  other 
28 


434 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


man  in  our  time ;  for  no  other  bore  on  his  single  shoulders 
the  weight  of  the  destiny  of  a  great  nation  at  the  very  crisis 
of  its  history;  no  other  stood  before  the  enemy  and  the 
country  and  the  world  as  the  incarnation  of  the  hopes  and 
fears  and  efforts  of  a  people  waiting  to  be  saved.  These 
labors,  endured  long  before,  told  now,  and  made  him  less  able 
to  withstand  the  shocks  of  fortune  and  of  nature,  and  he 
gradually  succumbed. 

When  the  extent  of  General  Grant's  humiliation  became  a 
common  story,  when  it  was  disclosed  to  the  world  that  the 
house  in  which  he  lived  was  no  longer  his  own,  that  his  books 
and  furniture  were  held  on  sufferance,  that  he  was  stripped 
even  of  the  insignia  of  his  fame,  while  he  seemed  neglected 
and  forgotten  in  his  adversity  by  the  nation  he  had  done 
so  much  to  save,  then  even  his  stout  heart  gave  way.  All 
his  symptoms  were  aggravated;  his  pains  increased,  the 
appalling  depression  of  spirit  returned,  and  more  than  all,  the 
exhaustion  of  his  strength  —  far  greater  than  the  disease 
alone  could  at  this  stage  have  produced  —  occasioned  the 
physicians  as  well  as  the  family  the  most  painful  solicitude. 
Dr.  Barker  and  Dr.  Douglas  had  as  yet  retained  the  case 
exclusively  in  their  own  hands.  They  had  never  deceived  the 
family,  but  said  from  the  beginning  that  the  disease  was 
epithelial  cancer;  that  it  might  be  arrested,  but  they  had 
never  known  it  cured.  Neither  Mrs.  Grant  nor  the  General 
had  been  told  so  much,  although  both  of  course  knew  that 
the  case  was  critical,  and  both  were  undoubtedly  anxious. 
What  General  Grant  in  his  heart  feared  or  expected  he  said 
to  no  human  being;  not  his  wife  nor  his  children  penetrated 
to  the  inner  sanctuary  where  his  soul  contemplated  its  fate 
and  balanced  the  chances  of  life  and  death  alone.  But  the 
gravity  of  his  manner  and  the  dejection  of  his  nevertheless 
intrepid  spirit  indicated  too  plainly  that  he  felt  how  great  was 
his  danger. 

In  January  he  ceased  to  visit  his  physician.     Dr.  Douglas 


THE   LAST   DAYS   OF   GENERAL   GRANT.  435 

now  came  to  the  patient  daily,  and  after  a  while  twice  in  the 
twenty-four  hours.  The  visits  of  Dr.  Barker  were  twice  a 
week.  The  physicians  had  always  agreed  perfectly  as  to  the 
nature  of  the  malady  and  its  treatment,  and  now  were  agreed 
in  their  alarm  at  its  progress.  In  fact  the  earlier  stages  were 
past.  The  phases  followed  each  other  with  ominous  rapidity. 
The  pains  in  the  throat  had  become  lancinating  and  sharp, 
the  infiltration  extended  further  and  further,  the  cancer  was 
eating  into  the  delicate  and  vital  tissues,  and  the  end  seemed 
in  sight.  •  This  relapse  could  be  traced  directly  to  its  cause, 
—  it  was  the  fresh  revelation  of  his  misfortunes,  the  loss  of 
his  honors,  the  publicity  of  his  humiliation  that  kindled  anew 
the  fatal  fires  of  the  disease. 

At  this  juncture  the  physicians  determined  to  call  in  other 
eminent  men  in  their  profession.  Dr.  H.  B.  Sands  and  Dr. 
T.  M.  Markoe  were  requested  to  make  a  minute  examination 
with  the  others,  after  which  a  general  consultation  was  held. 
The  conclusion  was  not  immediately  communicated  to  the 
family,  but  enough  was  said  to  confirm  their  gravest  appre 
hensions,  and  no  announcement  whatever  was  made  either  to 
the  General  or  to  Mrs:  Grant.  At  the  same  time  a  piece  of 
the  affected  tissue  was  cut  off  and  submitted  to  Dr.  G.  R. 
Elliott,  an  expert  with  the  microscope,  who,  after  careful 
preparation  and  examination,  not  knowing  the  name  of  the 
patient  on  whose  case  he  was  to  pronounce,  declared,  as  all 
the  others  had  done,  that  the  indications  of  the  fatal  disease 
were  unmistakable.  The  verdict  of  science  was  that  a 
malignant  cancer  had  seized  on  the  system  and  was  hope 
lessly  ravaging  the  strength  and  vitality  of  the  sufferer. 
General  Grant  was  doomed.  All  that  could  be  done  was,  not 
to  stay  the  progress  of  the  destroyer,  but  to  alleviate  the 
tortures  that  were  imminent.  This  apprehension  of  ap 
proaching  and  inevitable  agony  was  keener  with  the  physi 
cians  than  they  were  willing  to  betray ;  but  their  gloomy 
manner  and  guarded  words  told  in  spite  of  them  what  they 
were  anxious  to  conceal. 


436  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

Within  a  day  or  two  after  this  consultation  a  statement  was 
made  in  a  medical  journal,  apparently  by  authority,  that  General 
Grant  was  improving,  that  the  disease  was  not  unquestion 
ably  cancer,  and  that  care  and  good  fortune  might  even  yet 
bring  about  recovery.  Mrs.  Grant  first  saw  this  statement, 
and  naturally  supposed  it  to  be  the  official  report  of  the 
consultation.  She  read  it  to  the  General,  who,  like  herself, 
was  greatly  relieved.  The  effect  upon  his  spirits  was  imme 
diate  and  evident.  He  spoke  of  the  report  to  the  family  as 
if  it  was  decisive,  and  even  mentioned  it  to  the  physicians. 
But  this  publication  was  a  version  of  what  had  been  said 
long  before,  at  a  time  when  a  peculiar  phase  of  the  com 
plaint  gave  ground  for  favorable  vaticinations,  and  when  it 
was  thought  wise  not  to  alarm  the  public  mind  for  fear  of 
the  reaction  upon  the  patient.  The  delusion  was  cruel,  for 
it  was  destined  to  be  dissipated.  No  utterances  of  the 
press,  even  appearing  to  emanate  from  his  immediate  medi 
cal  attendants,  could  conceal  from  General  Grant  for  more 
than  a  day  or  two  the  fact  that  he  was  rapidly  failing.  His 
own  sufferings,  his  extreme  prostration,  the  redoubled  'care 
and  attention  of  his  physicians, — all  combined  to  disclose  to 
him  the  reality. 

Almost  immediately  after  this  publication  a  second  an 
nouncement  was  made  in  the  newspapers,  this  one  divulging 
the  exact  truth,  which  the  family  had  not  yet  communicated  in 
its  fullness  to  their  most  intimate  friends,  or  hardly  admitted 
in  words  to  themselves.  How  this  statement  became  public 
was  not  discovered,  but  it  mattered  little  now,  for  the  bitter 
verity  could  no  longer  be  withheld.  When  friends  and 
reporters  came  instantly  to  inquire,  the  sons  admitted  the 
danger  of  their  father,  as  well  as  the  anxieties  and  distress 
of  the  family.  These  utterances  were  at  once  published, 
and  were  read  by  General  Grant.  He  doubtless  then  for  the 
first  time  became  convinced  of  his  condition,  and  of  the 
extent  of  the  solicitude  of  his  children.  Mrs.  Grant  also 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT. 

at  this  time  first  realized  what  were  the  fears  of  the  family. 
Her  disappointment  was  sharp,  coming  after  the  elation  of 
the  last  few  hours,  and  General  Grant  himself,  it  was  evi 
dent,  felt  the  shock  profoundly.  No  one  spoke  to  him  on 
the  subject,  nor  did  he  mention  it  to  any  one,  but  he  acted 
like  a  condemned  man.  He  had  no  thought  before,  I  believe, 
that  he  might  not  live  years,  although  ill,  and  with  a  terrible 
shadow  hanging  over  him.  That  his  days  were  numbered 
was  an  intimation  for  which  he  was  not  prepared. 

He  was,  I  am  sure,  unwilling  to  die  covered  with  the 
cloud  of  misfortune.  On  this  subject  also  he  was  silent  to 
every  human  being,  but  the  thought  added  bitterness  to  his 
agony.  I  knew  it,  as  well  as  if  he  had  told  me.  It  could 
not  indeed  but  be  hard  for  him  who  had  led  the  armies  of 
his  country  to  repeated  victory,  who  had  received  more  sur 
renders  than  any  other  conqueror  in  history,  who  for  eight 
years  had  sat  in  the  chair  of  Washington,  and  whose  great 
ness  had  been  sealed  by  the  verdict  of  the  world,  to  leave 
his  children  bankrupt,  their  faith  questioned,  their  name, 
which  was  his,  tarnished  —  that  name  which  must  live  for 
ever.  The  blur  on  his  reputation,  even  with  the  taint  of 
dishonor  entirely  removed,  the  wreck  of  his  fortune,  the 
neglect  of  the  Government,  the  humiliations  of  his  poverty, 
—  these  stern  images  hovered  around  his  couch  by  night 
and  day,  and  goaded  and  galled  him  till  the  moment  when 
physical  torture  crowded  out  even  mental  pain. 

The  country  received  the  news  of  his  condition  with 
grief  and  consternation.  Whatever  had  been  said  or  thought 
injurious  to  him  was  instantly  ignored,  revoked,  stamped  out 
of  mind ;  under  the  black  shadow  of  Death  the  memory  of 
his  great  services  became  vivid  once  more,  like  writing  in 
sympathetic  ink  before  a  fire.  All  the  admiration  and  Tove 
of  the  days  immediately  after  the  war  returned.  The  house 
was  thronged  with  visitors,  old  friends,  army  comrades,  for 
mer  cabinet  ministers,  senators,  generals,  diplomatists,  on 


438 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


errands  of  inquiry  or  commiseration.  A  hundred  letters  and 
telegrams  arrived  each  day,  with  pity  and  affection  in  every 
line.  The  soldiers  all  over  the  country  were  conspicuous  in 
their  manifestations  of  sympathy — Southerners  as  well  as 
Northerners.  Army  clubs  and  loyal  leagues  sent  messages 
incessantly.  Meetings  of  former  Confederates  were  held  to 
signify  their  sorrow.  The  sons  of  Robert  E.  Lee  and  Albert 
Sidney  Johnston  were  among  the  first  to  proffer  good  wishes 
to  him  whom  their  fathers  had  fought.  Political  opponents 
were  as  outspoken  as  partisan  friends,  and  the  bitterest 
enemies  of  General  Grant  in  the  daily  press  were  generous 
and  constant  in  the  expression  of  their  interest.  Rivals  in 
the  army  like  Buell  and  Rosecrans  made  known  that  the 
calamity  which  impended  over  the  nation  was  a  sorrow  for 
them,  because  they  were  Americans.  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis 
more  than  once  uttered  kind  words  which  were  conveyed  to 
the  sufferer.  The  new  Secretary  of  War  of  the  Democratic 
administration  called  in  person ;  the  new  Secretary  of  State 
sent  remedies  and  good  wishes.  The  new  President  dis 
patched  the  Marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia  from 
Washington  to  make  inquiries.  Ex-President  Hayes  and 
ex-Secretary  Lincoln  had  called  long  before.  State  legisla 
tures  voted  their  commiseration;  the  Queen  of  England 
telegraphed  her  condolences,  and  little  children  from  all 
parts  of  the  country  sent  constant  messages  of  affection  and 
tributes  of  flowers. 

But  no  sympathy  could  check  the  progress  of  the  pale 
rider  who  bears  his  summons  with  impartial  footsteps  to 
the  hovels  of  the  poor  and  the  palaces  of  the  great.  The 
malady  made  incessant  advance.  The  terrible  darting  pains 
increased  in  intensity.  Another  medical  attendant,  Dr.  G.  F. 
Shrady,  was  called  in  to  assist  and  relieve  Dr.  Douglas.  The 
great  fear  of  the  physicians  now  was  of  the  horrible  cancer 
ous  pains.  They  said  repeatedly  that  a  speedy  termination 
of  the  disease  was  to  be  desired.  If  pneumonia  or  some 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT.       439 

other  quick-ending  complaint  could  carry  off  the  patient  in  a 
week,  it  would  be  cause  for  gratitude.  This  sickening  appre 
hension  of  coming  physical  torment  aggravated  the  expecta 
tion  of  bereavement  and  left  nothing  lacking  to  the  intensity 
of  the  calamity. 

Yet  it  seemed  to  me  after  the  first  shock  that  General 
Grant  still  had  not  given  up.  His  unconquerable  nature 
rebounded.  He  looked  at  the  physicians  with  an  anxiety  that 
could  not  have  been  so  acute  unless  the  possibility  of  hope 
had  been  mingled.  He  submitted  to  every  operation,  he 
carefully  attended  to  every  injunction,  and  sustained  the  long 
siege  of  disease  with  the  same  determination  and  tenacity 
he  had  displayed  in  other  sieges  and  campaigns  with  other 
enemies.  But  now  he  was  on  the  defensive, — it  was  the 
first  time. 

Meanwhile  his  article  on  Shiloh  had  appeared  in  The 
Century  Magazine,  and  the  influx  of  letters  and  criticisms 
from  friends  and  opponents  excited  his  interest  for  a  while. 
The  greeting  offered  to  his  first  contribution  to  written 
history  showed  that  the  world  stood  ready  to  receive  his 
story  from  himself,  but  even  this  thought  could  not  arrest 
the  rapid  concentration  of  his  attention  on  bodily  ailings  and 
failing  powers.  The  strifes  of  battle  and  the  contests  of 
history  sounded  distant  and  dull  to  ears  that  were  deadened 
with  the  ever  present  sense  of  pain,  and  even  the  imposing 
fabric  of  his  fame  looked  shadowy  and  unsubstantial  to  eyes 
about  to  close  forever  on  the  glories  and  honors  of  this 
world. 

As  soon  as  General  Grant's  condition  became  known  an 
attempt  was  made  in  Congress  to  revive  the  measure  for 
restoring  him  to  the  army.  Since  the  bill  which  had  already 
passed  the  Senate  and  was  actually  before  the  House  of 
Representatives  would  be  vetoed  by  the  President,  Senator 
Edmunds  introduced  another,  with  the  view  of  obviating 
Mr.  Arthur's  objections.  This  was  rapidly  passed  by  the 


440  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Senate  and  sent  to  the  other  House.  There  it  was  taken  up 
by  Mr.  Randall,  the  Democratic  leader,  who  in  conjunction 
with  General  Grant's  personal  and  political  friends,  and 
many  Democrats  and  Southern  soldiers,  made  every  effort 
to  secure  its  success.  Most  of  the  Democrats,  however, 
opposed  it.  They  were  anxious  to  pass  the  earlier  bill,  and 
thus  force  the  President  either  to  reverse  his  previous  action 
in  the  Porter  case  or  veto  the  bill  in  favor  of  General  Grant. 
The  President  allowed  it  to  be  known  that  he  would  not  re 
cede  from  his  position ;  Congress  must  pass  the  bill  that  he 
wished,  for  he  would  veto  the  other. 

On  Sunday  morning,  the  I5th  of  February,  Mr.  Cyrus 
W.  Field,  who  had  been  incessant  in  his  efforts  in  the  press 
and  in  private  to  secure  the  passage  of  the  bill,  came  to  Gen 
eral  Grant's  house  and  asked  for  me.  He  said  if  a  deter 
mined  effort  were  made  by  General  Grant's  friends,  he 
thought  the  bill  might  be  passed  the  next  day  ;  and  asked 
me  to  go  to  see  whoever  I  thought  would  have  influence.  I 
told  the  General  of  the  visit.  He  was  gratified  at  the  interest 
of  his  friends,  but  would  give  me  no  advice,  and  I  sallied  out 
and  spent  the  day  in  his  service.  I  found  Mr.  Hamilton 
Fish,  General  Grant's  old  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Evarts, 
who  had  just  been  elected  Senator,  and  General  Horace 
Porter,  my  former  comrade  on  General  Grant's  staff.  All 
were  willing  and  earnest ;  all  wrote  letters  at  once  to  reach 
members  of  Congress  the  next  day,  and  Porter  went  with  me 
to  visit  others  who  we  thought  might  help  us.  But  Monday 
came  and  the  bill  was  called  up  and  lost. 

General  Grant  felt  the  rebuff  acutely.  Though  he  had 
made  no  demonstration  of  anxiety  in  advance,  those  who  saw 
most  of  him  and  had  learned  to  interpret  the  few  and  faint 
indications  he  ever  gave  of  his  personal  preferences  and 
desires,  knew  how  eagerly  he  had  hoped,  how  cruelly  he  was 
disappointed.  He  had  indeed  looked  to  this  bill  as  in  some 
sort  a  reparation  of  the  injury  his  reputation  had  sustained ; 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT.       44  x 

as  an  official  vindication,  an  intimation  that  the  country  still 
believed  in  him  and  regarded  his  fame,  had  not  forgotten  his 
services.  When  the  reparation  was  withheld  he  suffered 
proportionally. 

But  he  refused  to  reveal  his  emotion.  A  day  or  two 
before  the  decision  he  declared  that  he  did  not  expect  the 
passage  of  the  bill ;  and  when  the  defeat  was  announced  he 
made  no  remark.  That  evening  he  played  cards  with  his 
family  and  displayed  unusual  spirit  and  gayety ;  but  all  saw 
through  the  mask.  All  joined,  however,  in  the  deception 
that  deceived  no  one.  None  spoke  of  the  disappointment ; 
and  a  grim  interest  in  whist  apparently  absorbed  the  party 
that  was  heart-broken  for  him  who  permitted  neither  wife  nor 
child  to  come  beneath  the  cloak  that  concealed  his  wound. 
All  he  said  was  that  the  bill  had  failed  on  the  i6th  of  Feb 
ruary,  the  anniversary  of  the  fall  of  Fort  Donelson. 

The  next  day  he  was  worse,  and  in  a  week  the  gravest 
fears  seemed  near  realization.  He  himself  appeared  con 
scious  of  the  approach  of  the  end.  He  had  all  winter  been 
considering  and  discussing  the  choice  of  a  publisher  for  his 
book,  but  had  made  no  decision.  Now  he  came  to  a  conclu 
sion,  and  in  the  first  week  in  March  the  agreement  was 
signed  with  his  publishers,  Messrs.  C.  L.  Webster  &  Co. 

At  the  same  time  the  family  thought  they  could  no  longer 
withhold  from  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Sartoris,  the  knowledge  of 
her  father's  condition.  She  was  in  England,  and  they  had  of 
course  notified  her  of  his  illness,  but,  in  the  hope  of  amelio 
ration  or  respite,  had  deferred  the  announcement  of  its  criti 
cal  character.  But  at  last  they  wrote  and  urged  her  to  hasten 
to  him.  After  his  second  relapse  thev  telegraphed,  and  she 
started  for  his  bedside.  They  were  still  unwilling  to  inform 
General  Grant  that  she  had  been  summoned,  lest  he  should 
be  depressed  by  the  certainty  that  they  believed  the  end  to 
be  near ;  they  only  told  him  she  had  written  to  say  that  she 
was  coming  ;  but  the  amiable  concealment  hardly  deceived 


442  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

him.  Though  his  spirit  was  broken,  his  exhaustion  extreme, 
his  mind  depressed,  and  certainly  at  this  time  weakened,  he 
knew  too  well  why  she  was  coming ;  but  he  asked  nothing 
and  said  nothing. 

The  decay  of  his  energy  was  to  me  more  distressing  than 
any  other  symptom.  For  the  inroads  extended  beyond 
physical  strength  ;  they  reached  at  last  mental  power,  and 
even  that  nerve  and  force  which  made  the  great  character  the 
world  has  recognized.  To  one  who  had  studied  him  for  half 
a  lifetime,  it  was  acute  pain  to  watch  his  strength  give  way, 
the  light  of  his  intellect  flicker  and  fade,  the  great  qualities 
all  apparently  crumble.  To  see  General  Grant  listless,  inca 
pable  of  effort,  indifferent  to  work,  absorbed  in  physical  needs 
and  pains, — a  sick  man  in  soul  as  well  as  in  body,  —  was 
hardest  of  all. 

The  interest  of  the  country  still  followed  him,  and,  as  the 
disease  proceeded,  became  still  more  intense.  The  physicians 
now  sent  out  daily  bulletins,  and  crowds  of  people  watched 
the  boards  where  these  were  published.  His  friends  deter 
mined  that  still  another  effort  should  be  made  in  Congress  to 
pass  some  bill  for  his  retirement ;  but  he  felt  little  interest  in 
the  measure  now,  —  the  languor  had  reached  his  heart. 

For  many  weeks  he  had  been  unable  to  go  down  stairs  to 
his  meals  or  to  receive  a  friend,  and  had  spent  his  days  in  the 
room  which,  before  his  illness  became  so  acute,  he  had  used 
as  a  study.  Here  his  papers  still  remained,  and  once  in  a 
great  while  he  even  yet  attempted  to  write  a  page  ;  but  alas  ! 
it  was  not  like  what  he  had  once  been  able  to  write.  Some 
times  I  tried  to  catch  an  idea  and  took  it  down  from  his  lips, 
reading  it  afterward  to  him  to  verify  it.  But  these  opportu 
nities  became  rarer  and  rarer ;  he  had  no  longer  strength  for 
the  effort,  no  longer  interest  in  his  work,  and  at  last  aban 
doned  all  idea  of  being  able  to  finish  it. 

Then  his  sleeping-room  was  changed.  Mrs.  Grant  gave 
up  hers  at  the  front  of  the  house  to  him,  and  took  that  which 


THE  LAST  DAYS   OF  GENERAL  GRANT.  443 

he  had  occupied  at  the  rear,  so  that  his  bed-chamber  might 
be  next  to  his  sitting-room.  At  first  he  objected  to  the 
change,  but  soon  his  strength  was  so  far  gone  that  he  recog 
nized  the  need.  The  two  great  chairs  in  which  for  months 
he  had  sat,  leaning  back  in  one  with  his  feet  in  the  other, 
were  taken  into  that  room  in  which  all  now  thought  he 
would  die.  Still,  he  walked  almost  daily  into  the  apartment 
where  he  had  spent  so  many  hours  during  the  winter. 

Meanwhile  the  efforts  to  pass  the  bill  for  his  retirement 
continued.  This  one  Mr.  Arthur  would  sign.  It  had  passed 
the  Senate,  and  Mr.  Randall,  General  Slocum,  and  other 
prominent  Democrats  wrote  to  General  Grant's  family  and 
friends  that  the  final  result  would  be  favorable.  Mr.  Ran 
dall  had  greater  power  in  the  matter  than  any  one  else,  his 
party  being  in  the  majority,  and  no  one  was  more  earnest  than 
he.  But  General  Grant  remained  indifferent,  and  this  time 
his  indifference  was  real.  He  was  absorbed  in  his  sufferings, 
and  believed  the  bill  would  be  of  no  use  to  him  now.  His 
family,  too,  cared  little  for  success,  save  as  it  might  soothe  or 
possibly  brighten  his  last  hours.  The  doctors  thought  it 
might  possibly  revive  his  spirits  and  prolong  his  days  ;  but 
why,  some  thought,  prolong  his  sufferings  ? 

Finally,  on  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  March,  almost  in 
the  last  moments  of  the  expiring  Congress,  the  bill  was  taken 
up  by  unanimous  consent  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  passed  at  once  amid  great  cheering.  The  President,  as 
usual  at  the  close  of  the  session,  was  in  a  chamber  at  the 
Capitol,  waiting  to  sign  such  bills  as  had  been  left  to  the  last 
moment,  and  must  fail  unless  they  instantly  receive  his  sig 
nature.  He  signed  the  bill.  A  nomination  had  been  made 
out  in  advance  and  was  sent  at  once  to  the  Senate.  There 
lacked  but  a  few  moments  of  the  hour  when  Congress  would 
cease  to  exist ;  but  Senator  Edmunds,  the  presiding  officer, 
announced  a  message  from  the  President ;  all  other  business 
was  suspended,  and  the  nomination  was  confirmed  amid 
tumultuous  applause  from  the  galleries. 


444 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


President  Cleveland  signed  the  commission ;  it  was  the 
second  act  of  his  administration.  The  news  was  telegraphed 
to  General  Grant  by  numerous  friends,  and  the  same  day  the 
adjutant-general  of  the  army  notified  him  officially  of  his 
appointment.  General  Grant  wrote  the  telegram  of  accept 
ance  in  his  own  hand.  He  was  again  in  the  army  which  he 
had  so  often  led  to  victory.  It  seemed  indeed  preposterous 
that  any  difficulty  should  have  been  made  about  admitting 
him  to  that  army  of  which  he  had  been  the  most  illustrious 
member. 

But  the  recognition  came  too  late.  He  was  gratified  and 
cheered,  but  the  hand  of  fate  had  fallen,  and  could  not  be 
removed.  There  was  no  revival  of  his  strength,  no  reaction 
from  his  depression,  no  cessation  of  his  pain.  The  exhaus 
tion  went  on. 

Nevertheless  his  restoration  to  the  army,  though  it  could 
neither  bring  back  his  health  nor  prolong  his  days,  made  a 
deeper  impression  on  him  than  he  was  willing  to  betray. 
When  the  end  of  the  month  came  this  was  apparent.  All 
officers  of  the  army  are  required  to  make  a  monthly  report 
of  their  post-office  address  to  the  adjutant-general.  I  do  not 
remember  that  this  report  was  ever  made  by  him  as  General- 
in-Chief,  at  least  after  his  headquarters  were  removed  from 
the  field  ;  but  now  he  was  extremely  anxious  to  make  it,  and 
filled  out  the  form  himself,  though  with  extreme  difficulty. 
It  was  a  question  at  the  time  whether  he  would  live  through 
the  day,  and  it  was  strange  to  read  the  language  required  by 
the  regulations  :  "  My  post-office  address  for  the  ensuing 
month  will  be  " — 3  East  Sixty-sixth  street,  New  York. 

He  was  still  more  eager  to  draw  his  pay.  It  seemed  as  if 
he  looked  upon  these  two  circumstances  as  the  seal  of  his 
return  to  the  army.  No  young  lieutenant  expecting  his 
stipend  for  the  first  time  could  have  been  more  anxious.  He 
sent  for  his  pay-accounts  before  the  time,  and  when  signed 
they  were  forwarded  to  the  paymaster,  so  that  on  the  day 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT.       445 

when  the  first  month's  pay  was  due  the  cheque  was  handed 
him.  At  first  he  insisted  that  one  of  his  sons  should  go  at 
once  to  the  bank  to  have  the  cheque  cashed ;  he  wanted  to 
handle  the  money.  But  at  this  juncture  his  sons  were 
unwilling  to  leave  the  house  even  for  an  hour,  and  he  finally 
consented  that  Mr.  Chaffee  should  draw  the  money.  When  it 
was  handed  him  he  divided  it  among  Mrs.  Grant  and  his 
children,  saying  it  was  all  he  had  to  leave  them.  This  was 
on  the  3  ist  of  March,  when  he  was  expecting  to  die  within 
forty-eight  hours. 

During  the  month  of  March  his  daughter  arrived,  and 
although,  of  course,  her  coming  was  a  solace,  yet  he  knew 
too  well  by  this  time  that  she  had  come  to  see  him  die.  The 
gathering  of  other  friends  also  had  significance.  He  ceased 
now  to  leave  his  room  except  at  rarest  intervals.  One  phy 
sician  always  slept  in  the  house. 

His  suffering  at  last  became  so  poignant  that  anodynes, 
the  use  of  which  had  long  been  postponed,  were  indispensa 
ble.  The  pain  was  not  of  that  violent  character  which  had 
been  so  sorely  dreaded,  and  which  the  progress  of  the  disease 
did  not  even  yet  induce ;  it  was  rather  an  intolerable  nervous 
ness,  as  unlike  as  possible  the  ordinary  phlegmatic  calm  of 
General  Grant, —  a  physical  excitement  and  an  excessive 
sleeplessness,  combined  with  a  weakness  that  was  spasmodic. 
These  sensations  were  the  cause  of  a  consuming  wretched 
ness,  but  they  were  not  cancerous  pains.  The  physicians 
constantly  declared  that  although  the  cancer  was  making 
irresistible  advance,  it  was  not  the  cancer  that  produced  the 
exhaustion  and  the  nervousness,  which,  unless  arrested,  would 
bring  about  death  very  soon.  It  was  only  too  plain  that  the 
mental,  moral  disease  was  killing  General  Grant, —  it  was  the 
blow  which  had  struck  him  to  the  dust  and  humiliated  him 
before  the  world,  from  which  he  could  not  recover.  He  who 
was  thought  so  stolid,  so  strong,  so  undemonstrative,  was 
dying  for  a  sentiment  —  because  of  the  injury  to  his  fame, 
the  aspersions  on  his  honor. 


446  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

This,  now,  every  one  recognized.  Every  one  now  admitted 
his  purity,  and  contended  for  his  honor  which  it  was  said  was 
the  country's.  If  the  universal  affection  and  regard  which 
were  showered  on  him  could  have  salved  his  wounds  he  might 
have  been  cured,  but  the  recognition  and  reparation  were  in 
vain.  He  who  had  passed  unscathed  through  Shiloh  and  the 
Wilderness  was  stricken  by  a  weapon  more  fatal  than  the 
rebels  ever  wielded ;  he  who  had  recovered  from  the  attacks 
of  political  assailants  and  resisted  the  calumnies  of  partisan 
campaigns  was  succumbing  under  the  result  of  the  machina 
tions  of  one  man. 

Still,  the  sympathy  soothed  his  mortal  anguish  and  cast  a 
gleam  of  consolation  into  his  dying  chamber.  It  seemed  to 
change  and  soften  his  spirit.  His  indignation  at  former 
enemies  was  mollified  by  their  protestations  of  pity;  the 
bitterness  he  had  once  felt  for  them  was  converted  into  grat 
itude  for  their  compassionate  utterings.  The  very  fire  of  his 
nature  seemed  quenched  by  the  cold  shadows  of  impending 
dissolution.  Now,  also,  an  unfamiliar  tenderness  appeared, 
which  had  been  long  concealed.  The  depths  of  his  affection 
were  disclosed ;  he  was  willing  to  express  more  of  his  inti 
mate  feeling  than  ever  before.  It  was  a  new  man,  a  new 
Grant  in  these  matters  that  was  revealed,  as  if  the  husks 
were  torn  aside  and  the  sweet  kernel  given  to  those  from 
whom  it  had  been  so  long  withheld.  All  who  approached  him 
intimately  at  this  time  recognized  this  uncloaking  of  certain 
parts  of  his  nature  which  hitherto  had  been  so  carefully 
veiled. 

But  one  more  struggle,  one  more  fierce  battle  remained. 
He  had  yet  to  justify  himself,  to  say  in  person  what  he  had 
never  yet  said  to  the  world,  of  his  relations  with  "  Grant  and 
Ward,"  to  tell  himself  the  story  of  the  deceit  which  had 
brought  him  low.  James  D.  Fish,  one  of  the  partners  in  the 
firm,  was  on  trial,  and  General  Grant's  testimony  was  desira 
ble.  He  was  now  so  feeble  that  it  was  almost  dangerous  to 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT. 


447 


subject  him  to  the  ordeal  of  an  examination;  but  yet  to  vin 
dicate  his  fame,  to  allow  him  in  his  dying  moments  to  utter 
his  own  defense,  it  was  worth  while  incurring  whatever  dan 
ger.  His  sons,  especially,  were  anxious  that  he  should  say 
what  no  one  else  could  ever  say  for  him,  and  for  them ;  and 
although  in  his  weak  condition  he  did  not  appear  to  share 
their  anxiety,  he  consented  for  their  sake  to  make  the  effort. 

The  examination  was  held  in  his  bedchamber.  The  law 
yers  and  the  stenographer  and  one  or  two  others  were  pres 
ent.  The  ceremony  of  an  oath  was  waived,  with  the  consent 
of  the  opposing  counsel,  and  the  dying  man  answered  all 
questions  and  told  how  he  had  been  betrayed.  As  the  in 
quiry  went  on  the  old  spirit  of  battle  revived ;  he  felt  all  the 
importance  of  the  occasion,  roused  himself  for  the  effort, 
arid  made  a  definite  declaration,  damning  in  its  evidence  of 
the  guilt  of  one  man's  action,  absolute  in  the  assertion  of  the 
purity  of  his  own. 

In  his  testimony  he  spared  neither  Fish  nor  Ward ;  he 
felt  that  this  was  his  last  blow,  and  he  dealt  it  hard.  If  he 
had  died  then,  as  it  was  almost  feared  he  might,  it  would 
have  been,  not  only  like  the  old  warrior  of  story,  standing, 
but  fighting  to  the  last.  He  never  relented  in  his  bitterness 
to  these  two  men.  The  harshest  words  I  ever  heard  him 
speak  were  his  frequent  utterances,  after  he  knew  that  he 
was  doomed,  in  regard  to  them  who  had  been  the  cause  of 
his  ruin,  and,  as  he  doubtless  felt,  of  his  end.  These  he 
never  said  that  he  forgave. 

The  examination  lasted  nearly  an  hour.  When  it  was 
over  he  did  not  at  first  appear  more  than  usually  exhausted. 
He  never  showed  immediately  the  effects  of  any  intense 
physical  or  mental  strain.  Not  after  his  great  disappoint 
ment  in  February  did  his  strength  or  spirit  at  once  give  way; 
so  now  for  a  day  or  two  he  seemed  no  weaker  than  before. 

But  in  forty-eight  hours  he  began  to  fail.  He  recognized 
himself  the  decrease  of  vital  force,  and  believed  it  was  the 


448 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


beginning  of  the  end.  The  physicians  shared  the  belief. 
Two  now  remained  constantly  in  the  house.  Anodynes  were 
doubled,  to  control  the  excessive  nervousness  and  to  prevent 
the  occurrence  of  the  anticipated  agonies.  One  of  his  sons 
was  in  his  room  continuously  and  the  family  were  summoned 
more  than  once  when  he  seemed  in  mortal  peril. 

At  this  time  General  Grant  had  not  lain  in  his  bed  for 
more  than  a  few  moments  at  a  time  in  months ;  a  sensation 
of  choking  invariably  attacked  him  in  that  position,  and 
although  the  physicians  assured  him  that  there  was  no  dan 
ger  of  suffocation,  the  symptoms  were  so  distressing  that  he 
could  not  be  persuaded  to  take  to  his  bed.  He  sat  in  one 
great  chair,  with  his  feet  in  another,  propped  up  by  pillows, 
usually  wearing  a  dressing-gown,  and  his  legs  swathed  in 
blankets. 

Dr.  Newman,  his  most  intimate  clerical  friend,  was  with 
him  often  now,  and  prayed  with  him,  first  at  the  request  of 
Mrs.  Grant,  and  afterward  frequently  at  the  request  of  Gen 
eral  Grant  himself.  His  prayers  had  one  quality  in  which 
they  differed  from  any  I  ever  heard  in  a  dying  chamber. 
He  prayed  for  recovery,  for  strength,  for  the  power  of  the 
Almighty  to  be  manifested,  for  the  Hand  to  be  stretched  out 
to  save;  he  prayed  as  the  suffering  in  Scripture  prayed  to 
Christ,  for  instant,  present,  physical  relief;  for  rescue,  not  for 
submission  or  resignation;  not  for  the  alternatives  of  the 
other  world,  but  that  there  and  then,  God  would  save  and 
deliver  General  Grant.  This  was  prayer  to  which  every  one 
of  whatever  faith  could  say  "Amen."  It  certainly  comforted 
and  supported  the  sufferer  and  solaced  for  a  while  the  family. 
General  Grant  liked  those  prayers,  and  I  doubt  not  they  did 
their  part  to  revive  his  strength,  to  make  him  think  recovery 
possible.  They  were  a  medicine  to  his  drooping  spirit,  an 
anodyne  to  the  excited,  trembling  heart,  a  stimulant  at  the 
moment  when  the  pulse  was  failing  and  the  breath  fluttering. 

Very  early  in  April  I  was  obliged  to  give  up  my  room; 


THE  LAST  DAYS   OF  GENERAL  GRANT.  449 

after  Mrs.  Sartoris  arrived,  there  was  no  other  where  the 
faithful  medical  attendants  could  rest  in  the  intervals  of  their 
watchings.  But  I  still  spent  my  days  at  the  house,  and  often 
remained  for  the  night,  lying  where  I  could,  or  snatching 
sleep  in  a  chair,  with  Dr.  Newman  or  Chaffee  or  other  inti 
mate  friends. 

One  morning  General  Grant  himself  thought  he  was 
dying.  The  family  were  all  summoned.  He  kissed  each  of 
them  in  turn,  and  when  Mrs.  Grant  asked  him  to  bless  her 
he  replied :  "  I  bless  you.  I  bless  you  all !  "  After  this  he 
went  lower  and  nearer  death  than  ever  before.  The  pulse 
was  flickering  like  a  candle,  and  the  physicians  said :  "  He  is 
going."  But  there  had  been  an  injection  of  brandy  pre 
pared  some  days  before,  for  just  such  emergencies,  and  one 
physician  whispered  to  the  other:  "Now!  the  brandy." 
"Where  is  it  ?"  "On  the  table."  "Shall  we  use  it?  Is  it 
worth  while  to  bring  him  back  to  pain?"  "Yes.  Hold  the 
Fort."  And  Dr.  Shrady  administered  the  brandy,  which 
Dr.  Douglas  had  prepared.  It  stimulated  the  nerves,  it  pro 
duced  another  pulsation.  The  throbbings  went  on,  and 
General  Grant  returned  to  the  world  he  had  almost  quitted 
forever. 

Another  morning  I  was  at  my  hotel,  having  left  the 
house  after  midnight.  At  about  four  o'clock  I  was  wakened, 
and  a  note  was  handed  me  from  Colonel  Grant.  It  contained 
only  the  word  "  Come."  I  knew  too  well  what  this  must 
mean,  and  hurried  to  the  house.  A  hemorrhage  had 
occurred.  This  was  one  of  the  contingencies  that  had 
always  been  foreseen,  and  it  was  supposed  certainly  would  be 
fatal.  Every  one  had  been  summoned.  "What  shall  I 
say?"  asked  Colonel  Grant,  as  he  wrote  the  notes.  "It 
makes  no  difference,"  said  the  doctor;  "all  will  be  over 
before  they  get  here."  But  General  Grant  walked  to  the 
basin  and  helped  to  wash  his  throat,  and  the  hemorrhage 
proved  favorable  instead  of  fatal.  It  was  caused  by  the 
29 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

loosening  of  a  slough  that  had  formed  over  a  part  of  the 
throat,  and  the  slough  in  a  day  or  two  came  entirely  away, 
after  which  the  cancer  itself  was  eased,  and  indeed  for  a 
while  arrested.  The  weakness,  for  some  cause  or  by  some 
means  which  I  have  never  been  able  to  understand,  was  to  a 
certain  extent  overcome.  The  anodynes  were  lessened  in 
quantity,  and  their  injurious  effects  in  part  passed  away. 
For  several  days  General  Grant  seemed  to  hover  between  life 
and  death,  and  then  came  a  marvelous  change.  To  the 
amazement  of  all,  his  strength  returned  and  his  spirits 
revived.  At  first  he  disbelieved  in  the  amelioration.  He 
had  perhaps  for  one  moment  a  glimmer  of  hope,  but  then  the 
conviction  overwhelmed  him  that  recovery  was  impossible. 

At  this  crisis  he  did  not  wish  to  live.  "  The  doctors  are 
responsible  three  times,"  he  said,  "for  my  being  alive,  and  — 
unless  they  can  cure  me  —  I  don't  thank  them."  He  had  no 
desire  to  go  through  the  agony  again.  For,  he  had  suffered 
death ;  he  had  parted  with  his  family ;  he  had  undergone 
every  physical  pang  that  could  have  come  had  he  died  before 
the  brandy  was  administered. 

It  seemed  to  me  then  cruel  to  bring  him  back  only  to 
renew  his  torture ;  for  I  had  no  idea,  nor  had  any  one  else, 
that  he  would  live  more  than  a  week,  if  so  long.  He  had 
said  more  than  once :  "  I  have  no  regrets,  except  for  leaving 
my  family."  But  he  was  recalled,  and  from  that  time  the 
apparent  improvement  went  on. 

He  still,  however,  for  a  few  days  remained  unwilling  to 
live — in  pain;  though  always  eager  to  be  cured.  He  was 
never  afraid  to  die.  Having  disposed  of  his  book  and  his 
affairs,  these  matters  he  considered  settled;  just  as  in  battle, 
after  giving  an  order,  he  never  doubted,  or  wished  to  recall 
it.  But  the  fighting  spirit,  the  unconquerable  nature,  made 
him  struggle  still.  The  dejection  which  marks  the  disease, 
and  which  had  been  so  appalling  in  January  and  February, 
did  not  return.  In  its  stead  a  new  phase  came  on.  He  was 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT. 


451 


battling  again,  and  this  time  harder  than  before,  for  the 
enemy  was  closer.  He  fairly  grappled  and  wrestled  now  with 
Death.  Once  or  twice  his  opponent  got  him  down,  but 
Grant  arose  almost  stronger  in  his  agony  than  the  One  who 
is  stronger  than  us  all.  The  terrible  calm  of  the  fight  was 
exactly  like  the  determination  in  the  Wilderness  or  before 
Richmond,  where  I  once  heard  him  say:  "I  feel  as  sure  of 
taking  Richmond  as  I  do  of  dying."  There  was  no  excite 
ment,  no  hysterical  grief  or  fear,  but  a  steady  effort  of  vital 
power,  an  impossibility  for  his  spirit  to  be  subdued.  He  was 
not  resigned ;  neither  was  he  hopeful.  He  simply,  because 
he  could  not  help  himself,  made  every  effort  to  conquer. 
After  every  paroxysm  of  mortal  faintness  the  indomitable 
soul  revived,  and  aroused  the  physical  part. 

I  may  not  be  thought  to  lift  too  far  the  veil  from  a  dying 
chamber  if  I  mention  one  circumstance  which  had  for  me  a 
peculiar  interest.  During  all  of  General  Grant's  illness,  down 
to  the  hour  when  his  partial  recovery  began,  Mrs.  Grant 
never  could  bring  herself  to  believe  that  she  was  about  to 
lose  him.  A  woman  with  many  of  those  singular  premoni 
tions  and  presentiments  that  amount  almost  to  superstition, 
but  which  yet  affect  some  of  the  strongest  minds,  and  from 
which  General  Grant  himself  was  certainly  not  entirely  free, 
she  declared  always,  even  at  the  moment  which  every  one 
else  thought  would  prove  the  last,  that  she  could  not  realize 
the  imminence  of  the  end.  Her  behavior  was  a  mystery  and 
a  wonder  to  those  who  knew  the  depth  of  the  tenderness  and 
the  abundance  of  the  affection  that  she  lavished  on  her  great 
husband.  Her  calmness  and  self-control  almost  seemed  cold 
ness,  only  we  knew  that  this  was  impossible.  I  did  not 
presume,  of  course,  to  comment  on  this  apparent  stoicism, 
but  once  or  twice  she  told  me  she  could  not  despair;  that 
there  was  a  feeling  constantly  that  this  was  not  to  be  the 
last ;  and  even  when  she  wept  at  the  gifts  and  the  words  that 
were  thought  to  be  farewells,  she  was  putting  up  prayers  that 


452 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


were  full  of  confidence,  and  after  which  the  wonderful  and 
unexpected  recuperation  occurred. 

All  this  while,  the  public  interest  was  painful.  So  much 
of  it  penetrated  into  that  house  under  the  shadow  of  Death, 
that  it  seemed  to  us  within  as  if  the  whole  world  was  par 
taking  of  our  sorrow.  All  day  through  the  half-closed 
shutters  we  could  see  the  crowds  waiting  silently  and 
solemnly  for  news  of  the  beloved  sufferer.  Every  one  who 
left  the  house  was  instantly  accosted,  not  only  by  profes 
sional  reporters,  but  by  earnest  and  often  weeping  men  and 
women,  who  had  never  known  General  Grant  personally,  but 
shared  the  feeling  of  the  country  in  his  behalf. 

To  me  there  chanced  to  come  peculiar  indications  of  this 
feeling.  Known  to  be  an  inmate  of  the  house,  and  yet  not  so 
near  as  the  nearest  relatives,  I  could  be  approached  by  others 
on  subjects  which  they  shrank  from  broaching  to  the  sons. 
General  Grant  belonged  to  the  country  as  well  as  to  his 
family,  and  the  country  would  insist  on  doing  him  every 
honor  when  the  final  occasion  came.  Many  public  men 
endeavored  to  ascertain  through  me  what  would  be  the 
wishes  of  the  family  in  regard  to  the  disposition  of  the  great 
dead ;  and  letters  were  sent  to  me  to  present  at  the  fitting 
time,  offering  worthy  sepulture.  The  people  of  the  District 
•of  Columbia,  through  their  representatives,  declared  their 
desire  that  the  revered  ashes  should  rest  at  the  capital  of  the 
country,  and  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  army,  the  friend  and 
follower  of  General  Grant,  sent  proffers  of*  a  place  for  him  at 
the  Soldiers'  Home,  —  a  fitting  spot  for  the  last  habitation 
of  a  soldier.  The  President  of  the  United  States  sent  a 
messenger  from  Washington  to  say  that  he  would  attend  in 
person  the  august  obsequies,  and  I  was  requested  to  commu 
nicate  in  time  the  probabilities  and  the  arrangements.  All 
these  sad  secrets  were  to  me  especial  signs  of  the  universal 
grief  that  kept  pace  with  the  still  more  sacred  sorrow  which 
I  saw ;  but  I  was  anxious  not  to  intrude  prematurely  upon 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT       **« 

the  family  the  preparations  for  what  seemed  then  inevitably 
at  hand,  and  I  bore  about  with  me  for  weeks  the  knowledge, 
undisclosed,  that  armies  and  presidents  were  waiting  to  pay 
General  Grant  those  honors  which  to  himself  would  be  for 
ever  unknown. 

On  Easter  Sunday  he  seemed  a  _ittle  easier,  though  there 
was  still  no  hope.     I  went  into  his  room  and  found  him  able 
to  listen  and  even  to  utter  a  few  words  without  too  much 
effort.     I  had  been  greatly  struck  by  the  universal  watching 
of  a  nation,  almost  of  a  world,  at  his  bedside,  and  especially 
by  the  sympathy  from  former  rivals  and  political  and  even 
personal  adversaries;  and  I  recounted  to  him  instances  of 
this  magnanimous  forgetfulness  of  old-time  enmities.     When 
I  told  him  of  the  utterances  of  General  Rosecrans  and  Jeffer 
son   Davis,   he  replied  :    "  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  this.     I 
would  much  rather  have  their  good-will  than  their  ill-will.     I 
would  rather  have  the  good-will  of  any  man  than  his  ill-will." 
On  the  3d  of  April  several  newspapers  which  had  fol 
lowed  General  Grant  with  a  persistent  animosity  down  to  the 
very  beginning  of  his  illness,  recalled  in  touching  and  even 
eloquent  words  that  twenty  years  before  he  had  captured 
Richmond  on  that  day.     I  told  this  to  my  chief,  for  I  had 
been  with  him  on  that  other  3d  of  April.     I  said  the  nation 
was  looking  on  now,  watching  his  battle  as  it  did  then,  and 
that  his  fight  with  disease  was  as  good  a  one  as  that  he  had 
made    with    the    rebels    twenty    years    before.      "Ah,"    he 
answered,  "  twenty  years  ago  I  had  more  to  say.     I  was  in 
command  then."     "But  even  then,"   I  replied,   "it  took  a 
year  to  win  ;  perhaps  you  may  win  still."     He  brightened  up 
at  this  and  told  the  physicians  the  story  of  General  Ingalls's 
dog.      Ingalls    was    the   chief   quartermaster   of   the  armies 
operating    against  Richmond,  and  had  been  a  classmate  of 
General  Grant  at  West  Point ;  they  were  always  on  intimate 
terms.     He  had  a  peculiar  dog  that  often  came  about  the 
camp-fire  at  headquarters.      One  day  during  the  long  siege 


454 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


General  Grant  said,  "  Ingalls,  do  you  mean  to  take  that  dog 
into  Richmond?"  "I  think  I  shall,"  said  Ingalls;  "he 
belongs  to  a  long  lived  breed." 

After  this  Dr.  Shrady  sat  down  to  write  the  bulletin  for 
the  morning. 

"What  shall  I  say,  General?"  he  asked.  "How  shall  I 
tell  them  you  are  this  morning  ?  " 

"More  comfortable,"  replied  the  General. 

And  the  doctor  wrote  a  line  about  the  physical  condition 
of  his  patient,  and  read  it  to  General  Grant,  who  approved. 
I  was  still  greatly  impressed  by  the  public  emotion,  and  I 
interrupted : 

"  General,  why  not  say  something  about  the  sympathy  of 
all  the  world,  something  to  thank  the  people  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  he  exclaimed  willingly,  and  dictated  these  words  : 
"  I  am  very  much  touched  and  grateful  for  the  sympathy  and 
interest  manifested  in  me  by  my  friends,  and  by — those  who 
have  not  hitherto  been  regarded  as  friends." 

Toward  the  last  he  stammered  and  hesitated,  evidently 
unwilling  at  this  moment  to  call  any  one  an  enemy ;  and 
finally  made  use  of  the  circumlocution, — "  Those  who  have 
not  hitherto  been  regarded  as  friends." 

Dr.  Shrady  wrote  out  the  bulletin,  and  read  it  aloud, 
when  the  General  added :  "I  desire  the  good- will  of  all, 
whether  heretofore  friends  or  not." 

I  urged  the  Doctor  to  stop  just  there,  to  say  nothing 
about  physical  details,  but  give  this  Easter  message  from 
General  Grant  to  the  world  in  his  own  language.  Mrs. 
Grant,  however,  wished  the  word  "  prayerful "  to  be  used 
before  "sympathy,"  and  General  Grant  consented  to  the 
change. 

Another  morning,  only  a  day  or  two  after  his  improve 
ment  began,  he  said  to  me,  evidently  with  a  purpose,  that  it 
was  strange  how  undisturbed  a  man  could  be  when  so  near 
death.  He  supposed  he  had  been  as  near  the  other  world  as 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT. 

one  could  be  and  survive.  His  feeling  at  the  time  had  been 
that  every  moment  might  be  his  last ;  but  he  had  not  suf 
fered  one  particle  of  apprehension,  or  fear,  or  even  discom 
posure.  He  evidently  wished  me  to  know  this,  for  we  had 
once  or  twice  in  the  winter  talked  of  religious  beliefs.  "Yet," 
he  said,  "at  such  a  time  it  hurts  no  one  to  have  lived  a  good 
life."  He  had  been  undisturbed,  —  he  repeated  this  emphat 
ically, — but  he  believed  any  one  would  be  more  comfortable 
at  such  a  moment  with  a  conscience  that  could  not  reproach 
him.  A  good  life  would  certainly  contribute  to  composure 
at  the  end. 

The  Qth  of  April  came,  the  anniversary  of  Appomattox, 
and  recovery  was  still  not  assured.  One  of  the  sons  had  a 
presentiment  that  his  father  would  not  survive  that  day ;  but 
it  would  have  been  hard  to  have  General  Grant  surrender  on 
the  anniversary  of  his  greatest  victory.  Then  came  another 
jubilee.  His  birthday  was  the  2/th  of  April,  and  by  this 
time  he  was  so  far  restored  as  to  be  able  to  join  the  family 
for  a  while  at  dinner.  There  were  sixty-three  lighted  candles 
on  the  table  to  celebrate  the  sixty-three  years,  which  a  month 
before  no  one  had  hoped  would  ever  be  completed,  and  the 
house  was  crowded  with  flowers,  the  gifts  of  thankful  friends. 
By  the  first  of  May  he  was  so  well  that  he  sent  for  a  stenog 
rapher,  and  began  to  dictate  matter  for  his  book. 

His  strength,  however,  was  intermittent,  and  the  cancer 
soon  began  to  make  progress  again.  Nevertheless,  one  crisis 
was  past.  A  new  chapter  in  the  disease  was  begun.  He 
was  able  now  to  drive  out,  and  dictated,  and  sometimes  wrote, 
at  intervals  during  the  month  of  May  and  the  earlier  days  of 
June.  His  interest  in  his  work  seemed  keener  than  ever. 
It  doubtless  gave  him  strength  to  make  a  new  fight — a  hope 
less  one,  he  felt  before  long,  so  far  as  recovery  was  con 
cerned.  Still,  there  was  a  respite,  and  this  period,  with  his 
usual  determination,  he  employed  in  the  effort  to  complete 
his  "Memoirs." 


456  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

The  secret  of  this  partial  recovery  is  not  far  to  find.  It 
was  after  the  great  expression  of  public  sympathy  that  Gen 
eral  Grant  began  to  improve,  after  his  place  in  the  affections 
of  the  people  was  restored  or  resumed  that  his  whole  nature, 
moral  and  physical,  became  inspired  and  renovated.  For 
this  it  was  almost  worth  while  to  have  suffered, — to  have  the 
world  recognize  his  sensitiveness,  and  to  receive  himself  its 
appreciation  in  return.  Few  men,  indeed,  have  known  in 
advance  so  nearly  the  verdict  of  posthumous  fame.  No  death 
bed  was  ever  so  illumined  by  the  light  of  universal  affection 
and  admiration.  Garfield  had  not  the  same  claims  on  his 
countrymen,  and  the  feeling  for  him  was  pity  and  indignant 
grief  rather  than  gratitude  or  lofty  enthusiasm;  Lincoln 
knew  nothing  of  the  shock  that  went  round  the  world  at  his 
assassination ;  Washington  lived  before  the  telegraph ;  and 
no  European  monarch  or  patriot  was  ever  so  universally  rec 
ognized  in  his  last  moments  as  a  savior  and  hero  as  Grant. 
All  this  was  borne  in  to  him  as  he  sat  struggling  with  Death, 
and,  like  the  giant  of  old,  he  received  new  strength  from  his 
contact  with  earth.  The  consciousness  of  a  world  for  specta 
tors  might,  indeed,  nerve  any  combatant ;  and  when  he  found 
that  the  attacks  on  his  fame  were  parried,  the  reproaches 
forgotten,  his  very  mistakes  lost  sight  of  in  the  halo  that 
enveloped  him,  he  gathered  himself  up  for  a  further  contest 
The  physicians,  doubtless,  did  their  part,  and  nothing  that 
science  or  devotion  could  suggest  was  withheld ;  but  neither 
science  nor  devotion  expected  or  produced  the  resurrection 
and  return  of  him  whose  very  tomb  had  been  prepared.  It 
was  the  sense  of  humiliation  that  had  stricken  him  and  had 
more  to  do  with  his  prostration  than  disease ;  and  when  this 
was  removed,  he  rose  from  the  embrace  of  the  King  of  Ter 
rors,  and  flung  himself  for  a  while  into  new  toils  and  battles, 
and,  though  wounded  and  bleeding,  refused  to  die. 

On  the  1 6th  of  June  he  was  removed  to  Mount  McGregor, 
near  Saratoga,  where  a  cottage  had  been  offered  him  by  its 


THE  LAST  DAYS   OF  GENERAL  GRANT.  457 

owner,  Mr.  Joseph  W.  Drexel.  His  strength  had  so  far 
lapsed  that  the  physicians  afterward  declared  he  could  not 
have  lived  a  week  longer  in  the  heats  and  sultriness  of  New 
York.  When  the  fatigues  of  the  journey  were  over,  how 
ever,  and  there  was  time  for  the  fresh  and  reviving  air  of  his 
new  situation  to  affect  him,  his  spirits  rallied,  and  he  resumed 
his  literary  labor  with  extraordinary  energy  for  a  man  in  his 
condition. 

I  was  not  with  him  at  Mount  McGregor,  but  I  know  that 
his  effort  there  must  have  been  prodigious.  He  probably 
dictated  or  composed  more  matter  in  the  eight  weeks  after 
the  first  of  May  than  in  any  other  eight  weeks  of  his  life ; 
while  in  the  eight  weeks  immediately  preceding  that  date  he 
did  not  compose  as  many  pages.  But  the  dying  General 
seemed  to  summon  back  his  receding  powers,  and  expression, 
memory,  will,  all  revived  and  returned  at  his  command.  His 
voice  failed  him,  however,  after  a  while,  and  he  was  obliged 
to  desist  from  dictation  and  to  use  a  pencil,  not  only  in  com 
position,  but  even  in  communicating  with  his  family  and 
friends.  This  was  doubtless  a  hardship  at  the  moment,  but 
was  fortunate  in  the  end  for  his  fame;  for  the  sentences 
jotted  down  from  time  to  time  were  preserved  exactly  as  they 
were  written,  and  many  of  them  are  significant.  They  espe 
cially  indicate  his  recognition  of  the  magnanimous  sympathy 
offered  him  by  Southerners.  This  recognition  was  manifest 
in  a  score  of  instances.  He  was  visited  at  Mount  McGregor 
by  General  Buckner,  the  Confederate  commander  who  had 
surrendered  to  him  at  Fort  Donelson,  and  he  declared  to  his 
former  enemy,  "I  have  witnessed  since  my  sickness  just 
what  I  wished  to  see  ever  since  the  war  —  harmony  and  good 
feeling  between  the  sections."  To  Dr.  Douglas  he  expressed 
the  same  sentiment  in  nearly  the  same  words  :  "  I  am  thankful 
for  the  providential  extension  of  my  time,  because  it  has  en 
abled  me  to  see  for  myself  the  happy  harmony  which  so  sud 
denly  sprung  up  between  those  engaged  but  a  few  short  years 


458  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

ago  in  deadly  conflict."  These  utterances  were  not  left  to  a 
fading  or  faulty  memory  to  gather  up,  but  remain  legible  in 
the  handwriting  of  their  author.  They  form  a  fitting  sequel 
to  the  acts  of  Donelson  and  Vicksburg  and  Appomattox. 
Certainly  it  never  happened  to  a  conqueror  before  to  reap 
such  a  harvest  of  appreciation  and  even  affection  from  the  men 
that  he  subdued ;  to  accomplish  in  his  death  more  of  the  aim 
of  his  life  than  even  the  victories  of  his  life  had  achieved. 

He  saw  few  friends  at  this  time,  and  did  little  besides 
write  and  obey  the  directions  of  his  physicians,  or  submit 
to  the  attentions  of  his  family  and  nurses.  His  suffering, 
fortunately,  was  not  greater  than  that  of  a  patient  in  any 
ordinary  lingering  illness;  it  proceeded  principally  from 
weakness,  for  the  opiates  always  controlled  the  excruciating 
pains.  These  he  was  spared  to  the  last.  He  perhaps  once, 
or  twice  had  a  glimmer  of  hope,  but  the  rays  were  faint  and 
quickly  faded  back  into  the  obscurity  of  despair.  He  felt 
that  he  was  working  only  to  finish  his  self-appointed  task. 

For  he  had  an  intense  desire  to  complete  his  "Memoirs." 
It  was  upon  the  sale  of  his  book  that  he  counted  for  the 
future  fortune  of  his  family.  It  was  indeed  for  his  family, 
not  for  his  fame,  that  he  was  laboring  now ;  his  fame  he  felt 
was  secure.  But  at  his  death  his  army  pay  would  cease. 
There  would  remain  to  Mrs.  Grant  and  his  children,  it  is  true, 
the  Trust  Fund,  the  income  of  which  he  had  authority  to  dis 
pose  of  by  will ;  but  besides  this  and  the  mortgaged  house  in 
Sixty-sixth  street,  and  one  or  two  inconsiderable  properties 
elsewhere,  there  was  nothing ;  and  three  families  depended 
on  him.  His  Personal  Memoir,  it  was  hoped,  would  bring 
in  half  a  million  of  dollars  ;  but  when  he  had  ceased  to  work 
in  the  winter,  this  was  little  more  than  half  completed,  and 
the  monetary  value  of  the  book  would  be  greatly  depreciated, 
if  it  must  be  concluded  by  any  hand  but  his  own.  This  was 
the  consideration  that  strengthened  the  sinking  soldier,  that 
gave  him  courage  to  contend  with  fate  and  despair,  and, 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT 

stricken  as  he  was  by  one  of  the  most  terrible  of  maladies,  to 
check  the  advance  of  Death  himself,  while  he  made  his  pre 
parations  under  the  very  shadow  of  the  wing  and  the  glare  of 
the  scythe  of  the  Destroyer,  to  secure  a  competence  for  his 
family  after  he  himself  should  have  left  this  world.  The 
spectacle  of  the  hero  who  had  earned  and  worn  the  highest 
earthly  honors,  working  amid  the  miseries  of  a  sick-chamber 
to  glean  the  gains  that  he  knew  he  could  never  enjoy, —  the 
fainting  warrior  propped  up  on  that  mountain-top  to  stammer 
out  utterances  to  sell  for  the  benefit  of  his  children, —  is 
a  picture  to  which  history  in  all  her  annals  can  find  no 
parallel. 

Indeed,  this  simple,  plain,  and  undramatic  man,  who  never 
strove  for  effect,  and  disliked  the  demonstration  of  feeling  as 
much  as  the  parade  of  circumstance  and  power,  was  per 
forming  the  most  dramatic  part  before  the  world.  His  whole 
life  had  been  a  drama,  in  spite  of  him,  full  of  surprises  and 
startling  results  and  violent  contrasts,  but  nothing  in  it  all 
was  more  unexpected  than  this  last  scene,  this  eager  haste, 
not  in  business  nor  in  battle,  but  in  literary  labor  :  this  race 
with  Death,  this  effort  to  finish  a  book  in  order  to  secure 
a  fortune  for  his  family. 

But  there  was  a  key  to  the  mystery,  a  solution  of  the 
riddle,  and  it  is  the  explanation  of  every  apparent  mystery  in 
the  character  of  General  Grant.  His  character  at  bottom 
was  like  that  of  other  men.  He  loved  and  hated  ;  he  suffered 
and  enjoyed;  he  appreciated  what  was  done  for  and  against 
him ;  he  relished  his  fame  and  his  elevation,  he  felt  his 
disappointments  and  his  downfall;  his  susceptibilities  were 
keen,  his  passions  strong;  but  he  had  the  great  faculty  of 
concealing  them  so  that  those  closest  and  acutest  could 
seldom  detect  their  existence.  I  sometimes  wondered 
whether  he  was  conscious  of  his  own  emotions,  they  were  so 
completely  under  control ;  but  they  were  all  there,  all  alive, 
all  active,  only  enveloped  in  a  cloak  of  obstinate  reserve  and 


460  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

majestic  silence  which  only  at  the  rarest  intervals  was 
torn  aside  by  misfortune  or  lifted  for  a  moment  to  a  friend. 

And  now  he  may  himself  have  been  but  half  aware  of  the 
sentiment  that  inspired  him ;  but  since  he  had  discovered 
that  his  personal  honor  was  as  clean,  and  his  military  fame  as 
brilliant  in  the  eyes  of  men  as  either  had  ever  been,  he 
determined  that  his  reputation  for  wordly  sense  and  shrewd 
ness  should  also  be  redeemed.  He  would  not  die  without 
regaining  a  fortune  equal  to  that  which  had  been  wrung  from 
him  by  fraud.  No  man  should  say  that  after  all  General 
Grant  left  his  children  penniless.  Away  down  in  the  depths 
of  his  nature  where  neither  affection  nor  friendship  ever 
penetrated,  except  by  the  intuitions  of  a  life-long  intimacy, — 
this  was  the  incentive  that  poured  oil  on  the  flames  which 
the  disease  was  quenching,  this  was  the  fuel  that  kept  the 
worn-out  machine  still  in  motion,  to  the  amazement  of  a 
world. 

When  the  work  was  over,  the  energy  expired ;  when  the 
motive  was  withdrawn,  the  effort  ceased ;  when  the  influence 
that  was  the  impetus  of  the  machine  was  exhausted,  will  and 
strength  alike  failed.  Immediately  after  the  end  of  the  book 
was  reached,  the  other  end  was  seen  to  be  at  hand.  One  or 
two  spasmodic  bursts  of  life  flared  up,  like  gusts  of  an 
expiring  fire,  but  they  probably  deceived  not  even  himself, 
and  certainly  no  one  besides.  His  former  indifference  to 
life  returned  as  soon  as  his  task  was  accomplished. 

The  country  too  had  no  wish  that  he  should  linger  on  in 
agony.  If  he  could  have  been  restored  to  health  and 
strength,  nothing  that  the  nation  could  have  done  to  secure 
that  end  would  have  been  lacking,  or  been  thought  too 
costly ;  but  now  that  he  could  never  be  more  than  a  sufferer, 
prostrate  and  hopeless,  there  was  no  desire  to  retain  him. 
Reverent  sorrow  and  sympathy  had  long  ascended  from 
every  quarter  of  the  land  toward  the  cottage  on  that 
mountain-top,  but  there  were  no  prayers  uttered  for  pro 
tracted  days. 


THE   LAST  DAYS    OF   GENERAL   GRANT. 


461 


The  final  crisis  was  neither  long  nor  painful.  On  the 
2  ist  of  July  the  country  was  informed  that  he  was  failing 
again.  For  two  days  his  symptoms  indicated  increasing 
depression  and  exhaustion,  and  on  the  23d  came  the  end. 
There  was  no  renewed  struggle,  no  distinct  consciousness  on 
his  part  that  his  feet  were  wet  with  the  waters  of  that  river 
which  we  all  must  cross ;  he  made  no  formal  parting  again 
with  his  family;  he  endured  no  pangs  of  dissolution,  but 
passed  away  quietly  without  a  groan  or  a  shudder,  with  no 
one  but  his  wife  and  children  and  his  medical  attendants  by 
his  side.  He  had  done  most  of  the  great  things  of  his  life 
with  calmness  and  composure,  and  in  the  same  way  he 
entered  the  long  procession  in  which  Alexander  and  Caesar 
and  Wellington  and  Napoleon  had  preceded  him. 


CHAPTER  L. 

LETTERS  OF  GENERAL  GRANT  TO  GENERAL  BADEAU. 

THE  following  letters  are  printed  exactly  as  they  were 
written  by  General  Grant,  without  either  correction  or 
modification  of  the  language,  and  entirely  without  addition 
by  me.  There  are  only  four  omissions  or  excisions  in  the 
series,  and  these  are  all  indicated. 

I  was  so  closely  and  almost  incessantly  by  Grant's  side  in 
the  first  four  years  of  our  intercourse  that  I  received  hardly 
any  letters  from  him  during  that  period.  Our  correspond 
ence  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  begun  until  I  went  to 
Europe  in  1869,  immediately  after  he  became  President. 
Even  then  his  letters  were  infrequent ;  I  wrote  to  him, 
except  when  I  was  in  America,  once  or  twice  a  month  during 
his  Presidential  terms,  but  I  always  sent  my  letters  unsealed 
and  under  cover  to  his  private  secretaries,  General  Porter 
and  General  Babcock,  and  his  reply  was  usually  contained  in 
the  letters  they  wrote  to  me ;  of  these  I  have  several  hun 
dred,  but  they  of  course  are  in  the  language  of  the  writers, 
and  comprise  many  other  matters  besides  the  messages  of 
President  Grant. 

But  after  his  arrival  in  Europe  his  intimacy  with  me  was 
renewed  and  deepened.  He  passed  several  weeks  at  my 
house,  and  I  accompanied  him,  with  rare  exceptions,  wherever 
he  went,  both  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  during  his 
first  Continental  tour.  I  visited  him  afterward  in  Paris  and 
Rome,  and  went  with  him  as  far  as  Marseilles  when  he  fin 
ally  sailed  for  the  East.  During  this  period  he  gave  me 

(462) 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU.    463 

more  of  his  confidence  than  ever  before,  and  treated  me  with 
a  familiarity  I  had  not  enjoyed  either  during  the  war  or  in 
the  four  years  afterward  in  Washington,  or  during  my  visits 
to  America  while  he  was  President.  He  seemed  at  this  time 
to  throw  away  much  of  the  reserve  that  he  maintained  with 
nearly  everybody  else,  and  Mrs.  Grant  often  told  me  that  I 
appeared  nearer  to  him  than  any  other  man  except  his  own 
sons.  I  lived  with  him  as  one  of  his  family ;  I  shared  the 
expenses  when  we  traveled  together.  We  were  often  among 
those  whose  language  he  did  not  speak ;  his  son  Jesse,  who 
was  of  the  party,  was  too  young  to  be  really  a  companion, 
and  for  months  I  was  the  only  man  who  could  talk  with  him 
on  terms  of  intimacy.  We  discussed  all  his  military  record 
hundreds  of  times,  and  he  read  and  revised  repeatedly  the 
portions  of  his  history  on  which  I  was  then  engaged.  We 
talked  of  his  political  career,  and  he  told  me  many  of  the 
events  of  his  Presidency  that  had  occurred  while  I  was 
separated  from  him.  He  understood  fully  my  intention  to 
write  his  civil  history,  and  allowed  me  to  ask  any  questions 
upon  disputed  points ;  and  I  could  never  perceive  that  he 
withheld  a  complete  reply,  or  was  unwilling  to  give  me  his 
opinion  on  any  public  event  of  his  career,  or  his  judgment  of 
any  man  with  whom  he  had  ever  been  associated. 

But  it  was  in  purely  personal  matters  that  I  got  closer 
still.  In  what  affected  his  character  or  feeling  he  allowed 
me  to  probe  him  strangely,  as  well  as  to  suggest  an  isolated 
step  or  outline  a  general  conduct  for  the  present  or  future. 
Of  course  he  often  did  not  follow  my  suggestions,  but  he  was 
never  offended  at  them,  and  I  felt  that  in  many  matters  I 
was  able  to  influence  his  action,  both  during  his  European 
tour  and  in  the  years  that  I  passed  in  America  after  his  and 
my  return. 

These  letters  are  the  proof  and  illustration  of  what  I  say, 
as  well  as  of  what  has  preceded  in  this  volume.  I  give  them 
in  their  chronological  order,  prefacing  or  adding  such  remarks 


464  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

of  my  own  as  may  be  necessary  to  explain  the  circumstances 
under  Vhich  they  were  written  or  the  opinions  they  contain. 
They  may  sometimes  suggest  to  me  other  facts  or  utterances 
of  importance  or  interest,  and  these  comments  of  mine  will 
serve,  I  trust,  as  a  thread  to  bind  the  letters  together  and 
give  a  certain  unity  to  the  whole.  About  half  a  dozen  of 
the  letters  have  already  been  printed  entire  in  the  earlier 
pages  of  this  volume,  where  they  peculiarly  illustrate  the 
theme  or  vindicate  its  treatment ;  but  I  have  thought  it 
better  to  repeat  them  in  the  complete  series  than  to  inter 
rupt  the  continuity,  for  toward  the  close  the  letters  will  be 
found  almost  to  form  a  connected  narrative. 

They  contain  so  many  references  to  my  own  affairs  that 
in  order  to  make  them  intelligible  I  have  been  obliged  to  say 
more  of  myself  and  my  concerns  than  would  otherwise  be 
delicate  or  desirable.  But  whatever  explains  or  elucidates 
Grant's  language  I  have  supposed  would  be  interesting  to 
the  world.  In  the  same  spirit  I  have  left  unchanged  a  few 
passages  that  may  give  pain,  rather  than  mutilate  his  letters 
or  misrepresent  his  feelings  or  opinions.  General  Grant  will 
be  so  prominent  a  figure  in  history  that  personal  considera 
tions  become  insignificant  in  the  attempt  to  portray  him  in 
his  habit  as  he  lived. 

There  are  few  men,  however,  whose  private  letters  would 
bear  such  public  inspection,  or  in  whose  intimate  thoughts 
and  expressions  the  world  can  find  so  little  to  criticize  or 
friends  so  little  to  wish  unsaid.  This  disclosure  will  reveal 
nothing  to  General  Grant's  dishonor,  and  no  more  faults 
will  be  found  than  every  one  has  already  known  that  he 
possessed  as  the  common  lot  of  humanity ;  while  no  one  can 
read  this  correspondence  carefully  without  obtaining  not  only 
a  better  insight  into  his  character,  but  a  profounder  impres 
sion  of  his  personal  and  public  virtues.  To  me  the  more 
intimately  I  knew  him  the  more  he  became  the  object  of 
affection  and  admiration.  His  very  weaknesses  made  him 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


465 


seem  more  human,  and  his  excellences  were  never  diminished 
by  being  studied  close  at  hand.  He  was  greater  and  better  in 
my  eyes  than  to  any  of  those  who  stood  further  off  and  were 
blinded  either  by  the  mists  of  their  own  passions  or  the  halo 
of  his  position  and  deeds. 

One  word  more :  although  General  Grant  was  so  reticent 
and  almost  secretive  with  individuals,  he  was  not  so  with  the 
world.  He  was  willing  for  much  to  be  known  about  himself 
that  he  could  not  bring  himself  to  utter.  He  never  suggested 
that  one  word  I  wrote  about  his  personal  characteristics  in 
my  "Military  History"  or  in  a  political  memoir  on  which  this 
work  is  founded,  should  be  omitted  or  changed.  He  listened 
in  advance  to  an  article  in  The  Century  Magazine  for  May, 
1885,  in  which.  I  disclosed  and  discussed  many  of  his  most 
peculiar  qualities.  Mrs.  Grant  suggested  and  he  sanctioned  a 
paragraph  for  that  article,  about  his  family  relations,  which  was 
so  personal  that  the  editor  struck  it  out  and  refused  to  publish 
it,  although  I  protested.  He  read  and  revised  the  paper  I 
wrote  for  the  New  York  Mail  and  Express  in  1885,  describing 
the  origin  of  his  "Memoirs";  and  in  those  memoirs  them 
selves  he  showed  himself  willing  to  disclose  details  cf  his  life 
and  character  and  sentiment  quite  as  sacred  as  any  that  I 
have  revealed.  I  believe  that,  with  the  portraiture  which  this 
volume  affords  the  subject  himself  would  be  satisfied,  could 
he  know  its  character  and  its  effect  upon  his  fame. 

Letter  No.  One. 

This  note  explains  itself.  It  shows  the  interest  Grant  took 
in  the  great  question  of  Reconstruction  which  so  affected  his 
own  action  and  career,  and  betrays  the  democratic  simplicity 
of  the  General-in-Chief  and  virtual  dictator  over  the  conquered 
territory ;  for  this  Caesar  traveled  in  a  street-car. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

Jan'y  17*,  1866. 

COL.,  —  I  am  going  to  the  Senate  Chamber  to  hear  the  speeches 
on  reconstruction  this  afternoon  and  will  not  be  back  to  the  office 
30 


466 


GRANT   IN    PEACE. 


again.     Please  tell  the  orderly  that  brings  my  horse  to  return  with 
him,  as  I  will  go  home  in  the  cars. 

Yours,  £c.,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Two. 

This  is  the  letter  already  printed  in  Chapter  XVII,  on 
"  Grant  as  a  Presidential  Candidate."  It  requires  no  further 

comment  or  elucidation  than  it  there  received. 

t 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

GALENA,  ILL.,  Aug.  i8th  /  68. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  As  I  have  concluded  to  remain  here  until 
about  the  close  of  Sept.,  I  think  you  had  better  open  the  letters 
that  have  accumulated  in  Washington.  Such  as  are  on  official 
business  refer  to  Rawlins.  All  others  do  with  as  your  judgment 
dictates,  only  do  not  send  any  to  me  except  such  as  you  think 
absolutely  require  my  attention  and  will  not  keep  till  my  return. 
If  you  are  not  otherwise  more  agreeably  engaged  I  think  you  will 
find  it  pleasant  here  for  a  while  and  then  to  return  with  me.  I 
have  also  written  to  Comstock  to  come  out  if  he  feels  like  it.  The 
family  are  all  well.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Letter  No.  Three. 

General  Grant  suffered  all  his  life  from  severe  headaches 
proceeding  from  biliousness.  The  movements  of  armies  were 
sometimes  delayed  by  this  cause.  I  remember  that  during 
the  march  from  the  Wilderness,  a  halt  of  a  day  was  called 
while  he  lay  suffering  at  Maggahick  Church,  and  in  the 
Appomattox  campaign  he  was  nearly  blind  with  pain  when 
he  got  the  news  that  Lee  was  willing  to  surrender ;  but  this 

cured  him. 

Jan.  1 2th  /69. 

DEAR  GEN'L, —  Say  to  the  people  who  I  appointed  to-day  to 
meet  that  I  have  a  severe  headache  and  will  not  leave  the  house. 
I  cannot  see  any  one  here  on  business  either  during  the  day. 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen' I  BADEAU. 


LETTERS    OF   GEN.  GRANT   TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  467 

Letter  No.  Four. 

This  is  the  correspondence  with  me  on  the  day  of  Grant's 
first  inauguration,  1869,  already  given  in  Chapter  XIX,  on 
" Cabinet  Making."  It  is  worth  noting  that  the  first  line  he 
wrote  as  President  was  to  appoint  an  hour  when  he  would 
receive  the  present  of  a  Bible. 

March  4,  1869. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  Mr.  George  H.  Stuart  is  one  of  a  committee  of 
three,  the  other  two  being  the  Chief-Justice  and  Senator  Freling- 
huysen,  who  desire  to  present  you,  in  the  name  of  some  religious 
society,  with  a  Bible.  They  will  wait  on  you  whenever  you  say —  ex 
cept  that  the  Chief-Justice  must  be  at  the  Supreme  Court,  and  Mr. 
Stuart  leaves  town  to-morrow  night.  If  you  will  send  word  to  me 
what  hour  will  suit  you,  I  will  let  Mr.  Stuart  know.  Mr.  Stuart  pro 
poses  to-morrow  morning  before  ten  o'clock,  or  if  the  court  does 
not  meet  till  eleven,  before  that  time. 
With  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant,         ADAM  BADEAU. 

The  President  of  the  United  States. 

The  bearer  will  wait  for  an  answer ;  if  you  are  out  he  will  still 
wait  till  your  return. 

P.  S. —  I  have  just  learned  positively  that  the  Supreme  Court 
does  not  meet  until  eleven. 

On  the  back  of  this  the  new  President  penciled : 

"To-morrow  before  10  A.  M.  at  my  house,  or  between  10  A.  M. 
&  3  P.  M.  at  the  Executive  Mansion.  U.  S.  G. 

Letter  No.  Five. 

This  letter  is  the  one  referred  to  in  Chapter  XXIII,  on 
"  Grant  and  Motley."  It  was  written,  as  I  there  state,  in 
reply  to  one  of  mine  suggesting  that  Grant  should  say  some 
thing  to  me  commending  Motley  which  I  could  show  to  the 
Minister.  The  "utterances"  that  he  speaks  of  were  one  or 
two  public  speeches  of  Motley  delivered  soon  after  his  arrival 
in  England.  At  this  time,  Grant's  first  outburst  of  anger  at 


468  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Motley's  course  had  abated,  and  he  intended  to  allow  the 
envoy  to  remain,  but  he  had  directed  Fish  to  withdraw  the 
negotiation  of  the  Alabama  question  from  his  hands.  The 
remark  on  this  subject  was  intended  to  smooth  the  rebuke 
which  the  withdrawal  implied :  as  Motley  was  to  stay,  Grant 
thought  it  well  to  make  him  feel  as  pleasant  as  possible.  The 
subsequent  change  in  the  President's  intention  was  caused  by 
the  discovery  that  Motley  had  placed  on  file  in  the  British 
Foreign  Office  the  paper  which  had  so  offended  his  superiors. 
But  in  July,  1869,  this  fact  was  not  known,  for  Motley  failed 
to  report  it  promptly.  This  whole  matter  has  been  discussed 
by  Mr.  Fish  and  Mr.  Bancroft  Davis  in  papers  already  given 
to  the  world.  I  mention  it  because  it  seems  necessary  to 
explain  why  General  Grant  wrote  so  favorably  of  Motley  — 
almost  to  him  —  at  this  time.  There  was  no  tergiversation 
in  his  course. 

I  need  not  call  attention  to  his  remarks  on  public  policy. 
His  predecessor  had  so  often  advocated  a  "policy"  of  his 
own  in  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  people,  that  the  very 
word  had  become  offensive  to  many  patriots.  This  Grant 
had  in  view  in  the  line  he  wrote  to  me. 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  i4th,  1869. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  Your  two  very  welcome  letters  were  duly 
received.  I  shall  always  be  glad  to  hear  from  you  but  may  not 
be  able  to  reply  very  frequently.  —  The  little  insight  your  letters 
give  to  public  acts  and  feeling  abroad  is  something  which  cannot 
be  gathered  so  clearly  from  official  dispatches.  So  far  I  have 
been  pleased  with  Mr.  Motley's  utterances  abroad,  and  I  have 
no  doubt  he  will  prove  the  very  best  man  that  could  have  been 
selected  for  the  English  mission.  It  is  not  half  so  important  that 
the  Alabama  claims  should  be  settled  as  it  is  that  when  settled  it 
should  be  on  terms  creditable  to  this  nation.  I  do  not  see  that 
any  harm  is  to  arise  from  the  matter  standing  in  an  unsettled 
state. 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


469 


I  leave  here  to-morrow  for  Long  Branch,  and  the  North,  to  be 
gone  all  summer.  I  will  return  here  however  from  time  to  time 
myself  to  look  after  public  business.  Probably  will  not  remain 
absent  longer  than  two  weeks  at  any  one  time.-tPublic  affairs 
look  to  me  to  be  progressing  very  favorably.  The  revenues  of 
the  country  are  being  collected  as  they  have  not  been  before,  and 
expenditures  are  looked  after  more  carefully.  This  is  policy 
enough  for  the  present.  The  first  thing  it  seems  to  me  is  to 
establish  the  credit  of  the  countryT]  My  family  are  all  well  and 
join  in  respects  to  you.  Please  remember  me  kindly  to  Mr. 
Motley  and  his  family.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Letter  No.  Six. 

This  letter  shows  the  exactness  of  the  statements  made  by 
Grant's  friends  that  Motley's  removal  was  not  occasioned  by 
Sumner's  action  in  regard  to  St.  Domingo.  He  did  not  of 
course  suppose  when  he  wrote  this  familiar  letter  that  it  would 
ever  become  an  historical  document,  but  for  that  very  reason 
it  furnishes  incontestable  proof  on  the  disputed  point. 

The  second  paragraph  refers  to  my  bonds  as  Consul-Gen- 
eral  at  London.  Those  who  had  arranged  to  become  my 
bondsmen  were  absent  when  I  received  the  appointment,  and 
I  started  for  England  before  the  bonds  were  filed.  They  were 
speedily  signed,  however,  and  there  was  no  need  for  Grant 
to  become  my  surety  at  that  time,  but  his  name  was  on 
my  bonds  twelve  years  afterward,  when  I  was  appointed  Con 
sul-General  at  Havana. 

I  hardly  need  call  attention  to  the  utterances  about  the 
fate  of  Napoleon  III.  The  readers  of  this  volume  know  that 
General  Grant  cherished  the  same  feeling  to  the  last.  Even 
the  death  of  the  Emperor  and  the  approach  of  his  own  end 
did  not  abate  the  severity  of  his  judgment. 

LONG  BRANCH,  N.  J., 

Aug.  22d,    1870. 

DEAR  GENERAL,  —  Your  several  letters  written  since  your 
return  to  England  have  been  received,  and  read  with  great  inter- 


470 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


est.  I  have  been  negligent  about  writing  but  nevertheless  prize 
and  appreciate  your  letters  all  the  same.  Your  letter  speaking 
of  the  effect  newspaper  rumors  about  Mr.  Motley's  removal  had 
upon  him  was  rec'd  the  very  day  I  sent  in  the  name  of  his 
successor.  Mr.  Motley's  removal  was  long  in  contemplation,  as 
you  know,  and  he  was  only  left  in  England  as  long  as  he  was  out 
of  deference  to  Gov.  Fish,  who  is  averse  to  changes,  or  to  doing 
anything  which  gives  inconvenience  to  others.  —  I  regretted  the 
delay  in  getting  your  bonds ;  I  inquired  about  the  matter  several 
times,  and  spoke  of  having  them  made  up  myself,  but  found  that, 
to  do  so,  you  would  have  to  make  out,  and  sign,  a  new  set.  — 
Being  Executive  of  this  Nation  I  shall  not  write  about  the  pres 
ent  terrible  war  raging  on  the  Continent.  However,  before  this 
reaches  you  I  would  not  be  surprised  if  Napoleon  should  be  off 
his  throne  (he  is  practically  so  now)  and  peace,  through  the  inter 
vention  of  other  Nations,  in  a  fair  way  of  being  negotiated. — The 
winding  up  of  Congress  was  much  more  harmonious  and  satis 
factory  than  the  beginning.  I  think  the  Republican  party  stands 
well  before  the  people.  We  will  lose  Members  of  Congress  in  the 
Fall  elections  no  doubt,  because  it  always  happens  that  the  party 
in  power  are  less  active  at  the  election  intervening  between  two 
Presidential  elections  than  the  party  out. 

I  have  not  yet  sent  any  one  to  take  Mr.  M.'s  place  in  England. 
As  you  have  no  doubt  learned  from  the  papers  Mr.  Frelinghuysen 
declines.  It  is  to  be  regretted  for  Mr.  F.  and  his  family,  are 
good  representative  Americans. 

The  Summer  in  the  United  States  has  been  intolerably  warm. 
At  Long  Branch  however  we  always  have  a  breeze  which  makes 
the  warmest  weather  endurable.  —  Mrs.  Grant  and  the  children 
send  their  kindest  regards.  I  shall  always  be  glad  to  hear  from 
you,  and  to  get  exactly  the  sort  of  letters  you  have  written  so  far, 
though  1  may  not  write  often  myself.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen' I  A.  BADEAU, 

Consul,  etc. 

Letter  No.  Seven. 

The  article  for  the  British  press  referred  to  in  this  letter 
was  a  comparison  between  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  and 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  471 

that  between  Germany  and  France  in  1870.  It  was  written 
for  Freezer's  Magazine  at  the  request  of  the  editor,  Mr. 
Froude,  and  of  course  had  the  sanction  of  the  President 
and  the  Secretary  of  State. 

I  have  not  stricken  out  the  sentences  referring  to  the 
Adams  family,  although  Grant  must  have  subsequently  modi 
fied  his  opinion,  for  it  was  after  this  that  he  appointed 
Charles  Francis  Adams  arbitrator  for  the  United  States  at 
Geneva ;  and  I  know  that  he  highly  appreciated  the  services 
there  rendered  to  the  country  by  that  distinguished  states 
man  and  diplomatist. 

The  remarks  in  regard  to  Butler  are  significant.  Butler 
was  the  only  one  of  Grant's  personal  enemies  whom  he  seemed 
to  me  entirely  to  forgive, — until  his  final  illness.  I  never 
discussed  the  subject  with  him,  but  the  cordiality  appeared 
complete;  all  rancor  was  past;  although  he  believed  that 
Butler  had  said  as  offensive  things  of  him  as  any  of  his  ad 
versaries. 

When  I  sent  him  the  pages  of  my  history  describing 
Butler's  campaign  on  the  James  he  wrote  in  some  curious 
interpolations.  I  had  said:  "Grant  came  East  fully  intend 
ing  and  prepared  to  remove  that  officer  (in  whose  military 
ability  he  had  little  confidence)."  The  words  in  brackets  he 
struck  out  and  substituted,  in  pencil,  in  the  margin  —  "Who 
he  had  only  known  by  reputation  and  one  who  had  stepped 
into  the  highest  grade  in  the  army  from  the  beginning  and 
without  experience  in  the  subordinate  grades.  Want  of 
such  experience  he  did  not  believe  proper  preparation  for  a 
command." 

In  the  same  chapter  I  had  written:  "Grant  gave  him  two 
of  the  ablest  professional  soldiers  in  the  army  to  command 
his  corps,  in-  the  hope  that  Butler  would  avail  himself  of 
their  talent  and  experience."  To  this  Grant  added  in  the 
margin,  also  in  pencil:  "Note.  Results  convinced  Grant 
that  in  his  selection  of  one  of  these  corps  commanders  he 


4/2 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


contributed  largely  to  the  failure  in  the  capture  of  Peters 
burg  on  arrival  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  on  the  banks 
of  the  James."  The  officer  referred  to  was  W.  F.  Smith. 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Oct.  23*,  1870. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  I  am  in  receipt  of  your  letter  in  which  you 
speak  of  the  article  you  propose  writing  for  the  British  press, 
and  of  getting  something  from  Sheridan  to  aid  you  in  preparing 
it.  I  have  rec'd  but  one  letter  from  Sheridan  since  he  has 
been  with  the  Prussians.  It  is  probably  too  late  for  that  letter 
to  be  of  service  to  you ;  but  I  send  it.  It  will  at  least  interest 
you. — I  also  send  you  a  review  of  the  reviewer  Adams,  by  Senator 
Howe.  The  Adams'  do  not  possess  one  noble  trait  of  character 
that  I  ever  heard  of,  from  old  John  Adams  down  to  the  last  of 
all  of  them,  H.  B.  —  In  writing  your  second  volume  I  would 
advise  to  steer  clear  of  criticisms  of  persons  on  account  of  your 
personal  acquaintance.  For  instance  you  know  personally  much 
more  of  Butler,  Meade  and  others,  against  whom  prejudice  may 
exist,  than  any  one  could  learn  from  any  authentic  record.  I 
would  give  them  all  the  credit  the  record  entitles  them  to  and 
particularly  avoid  personalities.  This  is  voluntary  advice  however 
and  you  can  use  it  as  you  please. 

My  family  are  all  very  well  and  wish  to  be  remembered  to  you. 
You  will  learn  before  this  reaches  that  Morton  declines  the 
English  Mission.  It  is  because  a  bitter  copperhead  would  take 
his  place  in  the  Senate  should  he  go.  I  have  not  made  up  my 
mind  now  who  to  send  but  I  will  not  leave  Mr.  Motley. 

Yours,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Eight. 

This  letter  is  already  given  in  full  in  Chapter  XXIX. 
The  information  spoken  of  was  for  my  use  in  the  preparation 
of  the  "Military  History  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant." 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Nov.  i9th,  1871. 

DEAR  BADEAU',  —  As  I  have  before  assured  you  your  letters 
are  rec'd  and  read  with  great  pleasure  though  I  may  not  find  time 


LETTERS   OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU. 


473 


to  answer  many  of  them.  The  information  asked  for  by  you, 
from  the  War  Dep't,  Porter  undertook  to  get,  and  has  obtained  so 
far  as  the  clerks  in  the  Dep't.  could  work  it  out.  But  it  does  not 
satisfy  Porter  and  he  now  intends  to  go  to  the  Dep't.  himself  and 
work  it  up.  This  accounts  for  the  delay. 

I  have  not  yet  written  a  line  in  my  message.  Will  commence 
to-morrow  and  hope  to  make  it  short — Everything  in  the  country 
looks  politically  well  at  present.  The  most  serious  apprehension 
is  from  the  awards  that  may  be  made  by  the  commissions  at 
Geneva  and  in  Washington.  Should  they  go  largely  in  favor  of 
the  English  it  would  at  least  cause  much  disappointment.  —  In 
speaking  of  political  matters  I  do  not  of  course  allude  to  my  own 
chances.  It  will  be  a  happy  day  for  me  when  I  am  out  of  politi 
cal  life.  But  I  do  feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  republican  party 
keeping  control  of  affairs  until  the  results  of  the  war  are  acqui 
esced  in  by  all  political  parties.  When  that  is  accomplished  we 
can  afford  to  quarrel  about  minor  matters. 

My  family  are  all  well  and  send  you  their  kindest  regards. 
Fred,  sailed  for  Europe  on  Friday  last.  He  will  be  in  England 
about  May  next  and  will  stay  there,  I  hope,  long  enough  to  do  up 
the  island  pretty  well.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Nine. 
General  Schenck  was    Minister  to   England  when   this 

letter  was  written : 

LONG  BRANCH,  N.  J., 

July  14th,  1873. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, —  General  Babcock  has  handed  me  your 
letters  to  him  &  myself,  and  the  five  pages  of  your  history  of  the 
rebellion  accompanying  them,  all  of  which  I  have  carefully  read. 
I  have  no  criticism  whatever  to  make  in  what  you  have  presented, 
and  believe  you  are  as  near  accurate  in  your  statements  as  it  is 
possible  to  get. 

I  am  always  glad  to  hear  from  you,  and  to  hear  of  your  good 
health  and  prosperity.  .  But  I  am  worse  than  I  used  to  be  about 
writing.  As  I  grow  older,  I  become  more  indolent,  my  besetting 
sin  through  life.  It  is  too  late  to  reform  now. 


474 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


The  season  at  Long  Branch  has  been  very  pleasant  so  far,  and 
the  number  of  sojourners  here  is  larger  than  ever  before.  The 
place  has  increased  vastly  in  the  last  four  years  in  the  number  of 
private  cottages. 

My  kindest  regard  to  Gen.  Schenck,  his  family,  and  his  official 
household  should  you  meet  them. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU, 

Consul  General, 

London,  Eng. 

Letter  No.  Ten. 

General  Grant's  daughter  and  her  husband  had  spent  a 
day  or  two  at  my  house  in  the  suburbs  of  London,  and  the 
visit  had  been  so  pleasant  to  me  that  I  wrote  an  account  of 
it  for  the  General  and  Mrs.  Grant,  which  I  knew  would  please 
them.  In  reply  the  General  wrote,  out  of  the  fullness  of 
a  father's  heart,  the  glowing  account  of  his  children  that 
follows.  Nothing  could  exceed  the  admiration  as  well  as 
affection  with  which  he  regarded  his  sons  and  his  daughter, 
and  the  interest  he  took  in  whatever  concerned  them.  The 
parental  feeling  was  as  strong  in  him  as  in  any  man  I  have 

ever  known. 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Oct.  25th,  1874. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, —  Your  letter  stating  that  Mr.  Sartoris 
&  Nellie  had  been  at  your  house  in  London  was  received  while 
Mrs.  Grant  and  I  were  in  Chicago  attending  the  wedding  of  Fred, 
to  Miss  Honore.  Fred's  wife  is  beautiful  and  is  spoken  of  by  all 
her  acquaintances,  male  and  female,  young  &  old,  as  being  quite 
as  charming  for  her  manners,  amiability,  good  sense,  &  educa 
tion,  as  she  is  for  her  beauty.  Mrs.  Grant  and  I  were  charmed 
with  the  young  lady  and  her  family, —  father  &  mother,  sister 
&  four  brothers.  We  expect  them  to  spend  the  winter  with  us, 
&  as  Mr.  Sartoris  &  Nellie  will  be  here  in  January,  we  will 
have  I  hope,  quite  a  gay  household.  Buck  is  in  a  law  office  in 
New  York  City,  and  is  a  student  at  the  same  time  in  Columbia 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU. 


475 


Law  School.  Jesse  entered  Cornell  University,  without  a  condition, 
although  he  has  never  attended  school  but  three  years,  then  in  an 
infant  class.  My  boys  are  all  growing  up.  Fred  with  no  surplus 
flesh,  weighs  193  Ibs.,  and  Buck  who  is  a  spare  looking  young 
man,  weighs  160  Ibs.,  twenty  pounds  more  than  I  weighed  at 
forty  years  of  age.  As  my  children  are  all  leaving  me  it  is  grat 
ifying  to  know  that,  so  far,  they  give  good  promise.  They  are  all 
of  good  habits  and  are  very  popular  with  their  acquaintances  and 
associates.  We  have  had  —  Mrs.  Grant  has  —  a  letter  from  Nellie 
this  morning.  But  as  I  was  busy  I  have  neither  read  it  nor  heard 
its  contents  ;  therefore  do  not  know  whether  it  was  written  before 
or  after  her  visit  to  London. 

Although  remiss  in  wrriting  I  am  always  glad  to  hear  from  and 
take  as  warm  an  interest  in  your  welfare  as  though  I  wrote 
frequently.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen' I  A.  BADEAU, 

Consul  Gen'/,  Eng. 

Letter  No.  Eleven. 

In  1875,  I  visited  the  United  States  to  be  married.  Pres 
ident  Grant  had  promised  me  to  give  the  bride  away,  but  two 
or  three  days  before  the  wedding  he  found  himself  unable  to 
be  present  and  wrote  me  the  following  letter.  I  went  at 
once  to  Washington  to  persuade  him  to  keep  his  engagement, 
but  was  unsuccessful ;  but  before  I  left  the  White  House  he 
offered  me  the  mission  to  Belgium.  In  accordance  with  his 
suggestion  Washington  was  included  in  the  wedding  journey, 
and  the  President  made  a  dinner  of  forty  on  the  occasion. 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  Ap'l  23d,  1875. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  write  to  express  my  regrets  that  I  shall 
not  be  able  to  be  present  at  your  wedding  as  I  had  expected,  and 
so  much  desired.  Invitations  that  I  had  given  —  not  for  partic 
ular  date  —  for  company  to  spend  a  week  with  us  has  been  ac 
cepted,  and  the  company  will  arrive  during  the  early  part  of  next 
week.  Allow  me  therefore  to  heartily  congratulate  you,  in  be- 


4/6 


GRANT   IN    PEACE. 


half  of  Mrs.  Grant  and  myself,  and  wish  you  a  happy  journey 
through  life. 

Please  to  say  to  Miss  Niles  that  I  very  much  regret  that  I  shall 
not  have  the  pleasure  of  conferring  her  upon  my  old  —  not  in 
years,  but  in  date  of  service  —  Staff  Officer. 

Ever  Your  friend, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen* I  A.  BADEAU, 

Consul  Gen' I,  London,  Eng. 

P.  S. —  I  hope  you  will  take  Washington  in  your  tour  and  give 
Mrs.  Grant  and  me  an  opportunity  of  having  you  and  Mrs.  Badeau 
meet  some  of  our  friends  —  and  your  old  ones  —  socially. 

U.  S.  G. 

Letter  No.  Twelve. 

On  the  day  of  my  marriage  the  President  sent  me  the 
following  telegram : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  April  29,  1875. 
GENERAL  A.  BADEAU, —  Gramercy  Park  Hotel,  New  York  : 

Please  accept  my  hearty  congratulations  upon  the  auspicious 
events  of  to-day  and  my  regrets  that  public  business  prevents  my 
being  present  to  present  the  bride  and  congratulate  you  in  person 
as  I  had  expected  to  do.  U,  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Thirteen. 

Before  leaving  America  I  declined  the  mission  to  Belgium 
for  personal  reasons,  which  are  referred  to  in  the  omitted 
portion  of  this  letter.  General  Grant,  however,  knew  that  I 
had  originally  desired  a  diplomatic  appointment,  and  he  had 
always  promised  me  one.  The  promise  had  indeed  been 
kept,  for  in  1870  he  offered  me  the  mission  to  Uruguay  and 
Paraguay,  when  I  preferred  to  be  Consul-General  at  London; 
but  now  he  proposed  Belgium,  and  pressed  the  place  on  me, 
even  after  I  had  declined  it.  My  appointment  was  made  out 
and  sent  to  me  in  London,  together  with  the  letter  of  creden 
tials  to  the  King,  without  any  further  notice  than  this  letter, 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT   TO   GEN.  BADEAU. 


477 


which  indeed  only  reached  me  in  England.     But  my  chief 
and  friend  persisted  in  his  kindness. 

LONG  BRANCH,  N.  J., 

Julys*/ 75- 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  Your  letter  written  a  few  days  before  you 
sailed  for  Liverpool  was  duly  received  and  I  should  have  answered 
it  before  you  got  away.  What  I  wanted  particularly  to  say  —  and 
now  do  say  —  is  that  I  will  not  regard  your  declination  of  the 
Mission  to  Brussels  for  the  present.  I  presume  Jones  will  not 
return  to  Brussels,  though  under  the  letter  which  he  received  when 
his  resignation  was  tendered  he  can  do  so.  His  household  goods, 
&c.,  were  sent  home  in  advance.  If  he  does  not  return  the  mis 
sion  will  still  be  tendered  to  you, — and  I  hope  you  with  Mrs.  Badeau, 
may  enjoy  it.  Of  course  I  can  not  know,  or  even  surmise,  why 
you  did  not  wish  ....  But  this  will  all  be  right  very  soon 
and  I  know  you  will  then  prefer  a  Mission  to  a  Consulate. 

I  am  not  giving  advice  but  doing  what  I  think  you  will  be  glad 
of  on  second  reflection.  If  I  am  mistaken  you  can  decline  the 
Mission  when  it  reaches  you. 

My  family,  and  your  friends  here  at  the  Branch,  are  all  well. 
Buck  sails  from  Liverpool  on  the  8th  inst.,  so  that  I  hope  you  may 
meet  him  before  he  starts. 

Please  remember  me  to  Gen.  Schenck  &  daughters. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Fourteen. 

This  telegram  is  in  reply  to  one  from  me,  asking  for  infor 
mation  in  regard  to  General  W.  F.  Smith's  report  of  the 
battle  of  Cold  Harbor,  for  my  Military  History  of  Grant : 

[Telegram.] 

WASHINGTON,  Nov.  i,  1876. 
GEN.  BADEAU,  U.  S.  Consul- General,  London: 
No  report  from  Smith  after  June  4th. 

U.  S.  GRANT. 


478  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Letter  No.  Fifteen. 

This  letter  was  written  immediately  before  the  election  of 
Hayes,  and  of  course  toward  the  close  of  Grant's  second 
Presidential  term : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  Nov.  2d  /  76. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  I  have  read  with  great  pleasure  your  chapter 
on  the  Cold  Harbor  Campaign,  and  given  it  to  Babcock  to  return. 
I  have  no  criticisms  to  make,  and  think  it  not  only  very  accurate, 
but  that  it  will  explain  many  existing  misapprehensions  in  regard 
to  that  Campaign. 

I  have  no  time  to  write  further,  people  being  in  waiting  now 
wishing  to  come  in  to  see  me.  By  June  next  I  hope  to  see  you,  in 
person,  in  London.  It  is  my  intention  by  that  time  to  start  on  a 
somewhat  extended  tour,  taking  Mrs.  Grant  and  Jesse  with  me. 
Jesse  will  then  be  a  senior  in  Cornell  University  and  may  only 
remain  with  me  during  his  vacation.  But  if  he  remains  with  me 
he  will  still  graduate  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  quite  young  enough. 
Always  taking  an  interest  in  your  welfare,  I  subscribe  myself, 

Your  friend, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Sixteen. 

The  chapter  in  my  history  here  referred  to  is  that  which 
describes  Sherman's  Atlanta  campaign  : 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  Nov.  15^/76. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  I  received  from  Chicago  on  last  Sunday, 
your  sixth  chapter  of  "  Grant  and  his  Campaigns,"  and  read  it 
over  hastily  at  once,  intending  to  give  a  more  careful  perusal.  I 
have  not  had  time  however  since,  to  do  so,  but  as  I  gave  it  to 
Sherman  to  read  the  same  evening,  and  as  he  read  the  most  of  it 
aloud,  it  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  retain  it  any  longer.  I  send 
you  Porter's  letter.  It  indicates  that  he  had  some  criticisms  to 
make ;  I  certainly  have  none  to  make  myself,  nor  had  Sherman 
further  than  to  make  two  or  three  small  corrections  of  distances 
in  the  field  of  his  campaigns.  I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  get  out 


LETTERS    OF   GEN.  GRANT   TO   GEN.  BADEAU. 


479 


the  second  volume  by  May  or  June.  I  expect  to  be  in  England 
early  in  July  when  I  shall  hope  to  see  you  if  my  successor  has  not 
decapitated  you  before  that.  The  question  of  successor  is  not 
yet  fully  determined  nor  can  it  be  until  we  get  the  official  canvass 
of  the  States  of  La.,  S  C.,  &  Fla. 
With  best  wishes  for  your  welfare, 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Seventeen. 

This  letter,  as  the  date  shows,  was  written  shortly  after 
the  inauguration  of  Hayes.  As  soon  as  Grant  went  out  of 
power  I  wrote  to  him,  to  show  and  to  say  that  my  regard  was 
as  great  as  when  he  had  been  President,  and  the  letter  that 
follows  was  his  reply.  He  was  already  planning  his  European 
tour,  and  I  had  invited  him  to  make  my  house  his  home  as 
long  as  he  remained  in  England.  In  February,  General 
Horace  Porter,  my  successor  as  his  private  secretary,  visited 
me  in  London,  and  brought  me  word  that  the  General  could 
not  accept  prolonged  hospitalities,  but  would  like  to  join  me 
in  a  mess  at  my  house ;  and  I  consented.  When  he  wrote 
this  letter  he  expected  to  go  direct  to  me. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C., 

Apl.  23d  /  77. 

DEAR  GENERAL,  —  I  have  just  received  your  letter  of  the  24th 
of  March,  and  have  before  me  the  chapter  on  the  Petersburgh 
Mine  explosion  which  I  will  read  so  soon  as  I  finish  this  letter. —  I 
am  much  obliged  for  the  kind  expressions  in  your  letter  and  shall 
only  be  too  happy  to  serve  you  whenever  it  may  be  in  my  power. 
I  spoke  to  Mr.  Hayes  in  your  behalf  in  the  only  interview  I  ever 
had  with  him  when  the  subject  of  retention  of  any  of  my 
appointees  was  mentioned. 

Mrs.  Grant  &  I  have  been  west  for  the  past  three  weeks,  and 
over,  which  accounts  for  the  lateness  of  this  letter,  and  the  delay 
in  returning  your  manuscript. 

I  wrote  Judge  Pierrepont  that  we  would  arrive  in  England  late 
in  June.  Jesse  goes  with  us  and  as  his  college  examination  does 


480 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


not  take  place  until  the  middle  of  June  that  time  was  fixed  upon 
for  starting.  But  subsequently  to  writing  that  letter  Jesse  was 
home  during  a  few  days'  vacation  —  at  the  end  of  a  term  —  and 
said  that  by  diligent  study  he  could  get  through  his  course  much 
earlier.  He  finished  last  Friday  and  is  now  with  us,  practically  a 
senior  two  months  in  advance  of  his  class.  We  will  sail  earlier 
therefore,  most  likely  on  the  i;th  of  May,  and  by  the  America 
line  of  steamers  from  Phil8.  I  wish  you  would  explain  this  matter 
to  Judge  Pierrepont,  and  present  my  kindest  regards  to  him  and 
Mrs.  Pierrepont.  Yours  faithfully, 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU.  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Eighteen. 

In  June,  1877,  General  Grant  arrived  at  Liverpool  and 
proceeded  by  Manchester  to  London.  From  this  time  I  was 
constantly  with  him.  The  month  of  June  and  part  of  July 
were  passed  principally  in  London.  I  have  already  described 
the  dinners  of  the  Queen  and  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  told 
of  the  Court  Ball,  and  the  Reception  at  the  house  of  the 
United  States  Minister.  Besides  this,  dinners  were  offered 
him  by  the  Princess  Louise  and  the  Marquis  of  Lome,  the 
Prime  Minister,  Lord  Beaconsfield,  by  the  Dukes  of  Devon 
shire  and  Wellington,  the  Marquis  of  Ripon,  the  Earls  of 
Derby,  Carnarvon,  and  Dunraven,  the  Master  of  Trinity  and 
Lord  Houghton,  and  many  others.  Mr.  Pierrepont  invited 
the  Prince  of  Wales  to  meet  him  at  dinner;  I  gave  him  an 
evening  party  and  a  dinner ;  Mr.  Smalley,  the  correspon 
dent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  invited  him  to  breakfast,  and 
Mr.  Russell  Young,  of  the  New  York  Herald,  to  dinner ;  the 
Reform  Club  and  the  United  Service  Club  gave  him  dinners, 
at  the  last  of  which  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  British  army,  presided;  and  there  were 
innumerable  parties,  afternoon  and  evening,  made  in  his 
honor.  The  Duke  of  Argyll,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
Mrs.  Hicks-Lord,  of  New  York,  the  Marquis  of  Hertford — all 
entertained  him ;  and  everybody  of  any  consequence  in  Lon- 


LETTERS   OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.          481 

don  called  on  him.  The  Provost  of  Eton  invited  him  to 
lunch,  the  University  of  Oxford  offered  him  a  degree ;  and 
the  City  of  London  presented  him  with  its  freedom. 

Early  in  July  he  visited  Belgium,  and  afterward  passed 
up  the  Rhine  to  Switzerland  and  Northern  Italy.  At  Brus 
sels,  Frankfort,  Cologne,  Geneva,  and  Berne  he  was  the 
object  of  public  or  official  courtesies.  The  Grand  Duke  of 
Baden  invited  him  to  his  villa  near  Constance,  and  Garibaldi 
sent  him  a  message  of  welcome  while  he  was  at  Varese. 

At  Ragatz  I  left  him  for  a  week  to  arrange  for  his  tour  in 
Scotland.  The  Dukes  of  Sutherland  and  Argyll  had  asked 
me  to  bring  him  to  them  if  he  went  as  far  north  as  their  seats 
of  Inverary  and  Dunrobin,  and  I  now  wrote  to  them  to  pro 
pose  his  visits.  In  a  few  days  he  arrived  in  England  and  at 
once  went  to  Edinburgh  and  the  Highlands,  even  extending 
his  trip  to  John  O'Groat's  House,  the  extreme  northern  point 
of  the  island.  By  October  he  had  returned  to  the  south  of 
England,  stopping  at  Glasgow,  Newcastle,  Sheffield,  Leeds, 
Sunderland,  Leamington,  Stratford,  and  Warwick,  on  his 
way,  and  receiving  the  freedom  of  nearly  every  city  through 
which  he  passed.  After  this  he  paid  a  visit  to  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Sartoris,  the  parents  of  his  daughter's  husband,  who  had  a 
country  house  near  Southampton. 

I  had  been  absent  so  much  from  my  consular  post  that, 
although  this  was  with  the  sanction  of  the  State  Depart 
ment,  I  felt  that  I  ought  now  to  remain  for  a  while  in  Lon 
don,  and  accordingly  I  was  not  with  General  Grant  at  South 
ampton,  Brighton,  Torquay,  and  Birmingham.  Nevertheless 
I  conducted  all  his  correspondence  with  the  civic  functiona 
ries,  accepted  his  invitations,  public  and  private,  and  arranged 
his  route,  as  I  had  done  ever  since  his  arrival,  both  on  the 
Continent  and  in  England.  In  London,  the  Minister,  Mr. 
Pierrepont,  directed  one  or  two  of  the  most  important 
arrangements,  but  with  this  exception,  all  his  plans  were 
made  through  me,  and  were  for  the  most  part  such  as  I  pro 
posed —  never  such  as  I  disadvised. 
31 


482  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

General  Alvord,  the  Paymaster-General  of  the  army,  had 
written  to  warn  me  that  he  supposed  I  did  not  come  within 
the  provisions  of  the  law  allowing  certain  retired  officers  of 
the  army  to  hold  diplomatic  or  consular  positions.  General 
Grant  as  President  had  examined  this  matter  with  several  of 
his  Cabinet,  and  I  had  been  retired  expressly  to  enable  me  to 
enter  the  diplomatic  service.  He  now  took  a  lively  interest 
in  the  question,  and  when  the  matter  was  revived  years  after 
ward,  he  was  ready  to  testify,  in  the  last  months  of  his  life, 
in  my  favor. 

Warsash  House  was  the  residence  of  Mr.  Sartoris. 

WARSASH  HOUSE, 

TlTCHFIELD, 

HANTS, 
Oct.  3d  /  77. 

DEAR  GENERAL,  —  I  am  in  receipt  of  your  letter  enclosing 
Mr.  Jessup's  invitation  and  your  two  replies.  It  is  of  course 
always  pleasant  for  me  to  have  you  with  me  but  as  I  do  not 
intend  to  have  any  public  demonstrations  it  is  not  necessary  if 
your  public  duties  require  you  at  home.  I  have  written  to  South 
ampton  declining  the  banquet,  but  saying  that,  if  agreeable  to  the 
Mayor  and  Corporation,  I  would  drive  over  there  on  Friday  or 
Saturday  by  12  M.,  and  would  pay  my  respects  to  them  at  any 
place  they  might  designate,  and  return  here  not  later  than  at  five, — 
starting  time  —  in  the  evening. 

I  am  surprised  at  Alvord's  letter.  Does  he  explain  the 
change  come  over  his  views  since  his  former  letter  advising  you  of 
the  decision  of  the  Atty  Genl?  There  are  but  two  officers — 
you  and  Sickles  —  affected  by  the  decision,  and  as  you  had  made 
no  claim  for  Army  pay  while  in  other  Govt.  employment,  and  as 
Sickles  is  now  out  of  the  public  service  —  active  —  it  would  look  as 
though  he  had  raised  the  question  and  got  a  decision  in  his  favor. 

I  shall  probably  go  to  Torquay  on  Monday  next.  If  you  feel 
like  going,  and  that  you  can  do  so  without  detriment  to  the  public 
service,  my  sending  your  letter  declining  need  not  interfere. 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU.    433 

I  will  telegraph  you  the  exact  day  when  I  will  be  in  London  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  also  the  day  when  I  will  go  to  Birmingham. 

Yours  Truly, 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU.  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Nineteen. 

The  last  part  of  this  letter  refers  to  the  assertion  made  by 
a  prominent  American  that  I  had  not  been  authorized  or 
invited  to  accompany  General  Grant  on  his  tour,  but  had 
thrust  myself  upon  him. 

WARSASH, 

Oct.  5*  /  77. 

DEAR  GEN., —  I  enclose  you  two  cards  of  invitation  to  the 
Merchant  Tailors'  feast  which  you  may  accept  formally.  I  have 
already  informed  them  informally,  in  reply  to  a  note  sent  to  ascer 
tain  if  I  could  attend,  that  I  would  be  in  London  on  the  i8th  of 
Oct. 

My  plans  from  now  until  we  go  to  the  Continent  are  about 
complete,  and  if  you  will  be  kind  enough  you  may  arrange 
accordingly.  On  Monday  the  i5th  we  will  be  in  London  :  on 
Wednesday,  the  iyth,  I  would  like  to  go  to  Birmingham  to  return 
the  next  day  evening.  On  Saturday  —  the  2oth  —  we  go  to  Brighton 
to  be  the  guests  of  Capt.  Ashbury  until  the  following  Tuesday. 
We  then  return  to  London  and  will  go  to  Paris  on  the  24th. 

I  am  amazed  at  what  you  say  about  .  .  .  but  are  you 
sure  he  has  made  any  such  statements  as  you  quote?  Every 
thing  I  have  said  in  his  presence  —  or  elsewhere  —  disproves  his 
statements  if  he  has  made  them.  You  have  been  of  incalculable 
help  to  me,  and  your  presence  has  been  most  acceptable  to  our 
whole  party.  When  I  see  ...  I  will  take  occasion  to  put  in 
a  few  words  that  he  will  feel  if  he  has  been  talking  as  you 
suspect.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Twenty. 

The  Mr.  Walter  spoken  of  in  this  letter  was  the  pro 
prietor  of  the  London  Times,  who  had  invited  General  Grant 
to  pay  him  a  visit  at  his  country  seat  of  Bearwood. 


484 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


WARSASH, 

TlTCHFIELD, 

Oct.  8th  /  77. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  enclose  you  a  letter  which  has  just  been 
returned  to  me.  I  wish  you  would  drop  a  note  to  Mr.  Walter 
making  the  explanation. 

I  was  under  the  impression  that  I  wrote  you  that  we  would  go 
to  Birmingham  on  Wednesday,  and  telegraphed  to  correct  the  date. 
From  your  last  letter  however  I  see  you  wrote  to  the  Mayor  that 
we  would  be  there  on  Tuesday,  which  is  right. 

We  start  in  a  few  minutes  for  Torquay. 

Yours  Truly,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Twenty-one. 

I  had  suggested  that  General  Grant  should  write  in  per 
son,  acknowledging  some  of  the  numerous  hospitalities  he  had 
received  in  England,  and  this  letter  is  his  reply.  He  was 
always  ready  in  such  matters,  but  in  the  hurry  of  travel  and 
crowd  of  engagements  the  proper  recognition  was  sometimes 
overlooked. 

TORQUAY, 

Oct.  9th  /  77. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  shall  leave  London  for  Paris  on  the  24th. 
The  Saturday  preceding  we  go  to  Brighton  to  remain  until  the  fol 
lowing  Tuesday.  You  see  by  a  letter  returned  to  me  —  and 
which  I  sent  to  you,  that  I  answered  Mr.  Walter  promptly.  I  also 
wrote,  the  first  day  after  my  arrival  at  Warsash,  to  every  one  who 
had  entertained  me  —  including  the  Mayor  of  Leamington  — 
whom  I  had  not  previously  written  to.  We  will  go  to  London  on 
Monday  next.  I  will  telegraph  you  the  station  at  which  we  will 
arrive,  and  the  hour  in  time.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Twenty-two. 

This  note  was  written  at  my  consular  office,  where  General 
Grant  called  to  see  me,  and  not  finding  me  there  scribbled 
these  lines  on  my  official  paper.  I  had  invited  him  and  Mrs. 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU.    485 

Grant   to  a  little  box   I  occupied  eight   or   ten   miles   from 
London.     He  was  staying  at  the  Bristol  Hotel. 

Sir  Edward  Watkins  was  the  Chairman  (President  as 
Americans  call  it),  of  the  London,  Chatham  &  Dover  Railway 
Company,  and  had  offered  the  hospitality  of  his  road  when 
ever  General  Grant  traveled  over  it ;  as  in  fact  did  most  of 
the  railroad  companies  in  England. 

CONSULATE-GENERAL  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 
FOR  GREAT  BRITAIN  AND  IRELAND, 

LONDON,  Oct.  i8th,  1877. 

E.G. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  just  returned  this  A.  M.  from  Birmingham. 
The  reception  there  was  extremely  flattering,  and  the  speeches 
showed  not  only  present  warmth  of  sentiment  for  America  but 
that  it  had  been  the  same  during  the  trying  days  when  many 
other  communities  in  England  felt  and  spoke  quite  differently. —  I 
regret  that  I  shall  not  be  able  to  get  out  to  your  house  —  prob 
ably  —  during  my  stay  in  London.  Hope  however  that  you  will 
be  able  to  get  to  Bristol  Hotel.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Over 

P.  S. —  Will  you  be  kind  enough  to  let  me  know  if  Sir  —  Wat- 
kins  has  made  arrangements  for  our  departure  on  Wednesday  next ; 
and  if  so,  at  what  hour  we  will  start,  what  hour  arrive  in  Paris, 
and  at  what  depot  we  will  arrive. 

Letter  No.  Twenty-three. 

The  Government  had  placed  one  of  its  largest  vessels  in 
European  waters  at  the  disposal  of  General  Grant  whenever 
it  might  suit  his  convenience  to  travel  in  that  way. 

I  was  no  longer  able  to  be  absent  from  my  consular  post, 
and  when  General  Grant  again  left  England,  I  parted  com 
pany  with  him  for  a  while.  Our  correspondence  now  became 
more  regular  than  ever  before,  so  that  what  was  a  disadvant 
age  to  me,  may  prove  an  advantage  to  the  world  ;  for  at  this 
time  he  wrote  to  no  one  else  so  constantly  and  familiarly  on 
subjects  of  general  importance  and  interest. 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Mr.  Russell  Young,  the  European  correspondent  of  the 
New  York  Herald,  accompanied  General  Grant  during  the 
winter  of  1877-8.  Mr.  Young,  although  a  warm  political 
adherent  and  a  personal  admirer,  had  hardly  before  this  been 
intimate  with  Grant  ;  but  during  this  winter  he  became 
one  of  his  closest  companions  and  most  valued  friends.  He 
went  to  the  East  with  General  Grant  in  1878,  and  wrote  an 
account  of  the  journey,  based  upon  his  correspondence  with 
the  New  York  Herald  on  the  way.  In  1882,  at  General 
Grant's  urgent  desire,  President  Arthur  appointed  Mr.  Young 
Minister  to  China. 

The  joke  about  rough  weather  in  the  letter  which  fol 
lows  shows  that  General  Grant  had  already  begun  to  like 
Young,  for  it  was  only  his  favorites  that  he  ever  bantered 
or  teased. 

6,  EASTERN  TERRACE, 

BRIGHTON, 

Oct.  22d/77- 

DEAR  GENERAL,  —  We  leave  here  at  u  A.  M.  to-morrow;  will 
•be  at  Victoria  Stan  at  12.30.  It  will  not  be  necessary  for  you 
to  send  your  carriage  however  unless  you  are  recovered  suffi 
ciently  to  go  yourself.  We  have  a  landau  to  meet  us.  I  hope 
you  will  be  able  to  go  to  Boulogne  on  the  following  day,  I 
have  not  availed  myself  of  Sir  Edward  Watkin's  invitation  to 
take  other  guests  with  me,  but  if  you  will  write  a  note  to  Russell 
Young  saying  that  I  would  be  pleased  with  his  company  I  will  be 
obliged.  If  the  weather  should  be  rough  he  might  stop  in  Folke 
stone  until  the  boat  returns.  I  wish  you  would  write  a  letter  for 
me  to  the  Commander  of  the  Med"  Squadron  saying  that  about 
the  first  of  Decr  I  will  go  to  Spain  and  if  he  can  have  a  vessel 
at  Lisbon  I  will  join  him  at  that  port  about  ten  days  later.  If 
preferable  to  meet  me  at  some  Mediterranean  port  I  would  be 
glad  to  have  the  comdr  inform  me,  to  the  care  of  Drexel,  Hargous 
&  Co.,  Paris. 

As  the  time  approaches  I  am  anxious  to  get  off  to  the  Conti 
nent,  though  I  have  no  idea  that  I  shall  enjoy  my  visit  there  half 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU.    487 

so  much  as  in  England.     With  kind  regards  of  myself  and  family, 
I  am  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
•     Gen.  A.  BADEAU, 

U.  S.  Consul  Gen. 

Letter  No.  Twenty-four. 

As  soon  as  General  Grant  had  left  England,  I  resumed 
my  labors  on  his  history.  In  November  I  wrote  him,  asking 
for  information  in  regard  to  Mrs.  Grant's  visits  to  him  dur 
ing  the  war,  and  also  for  a  detailed  statement  of  the  points 
he  had  visited  in  the  preceding  summer  after  I  left  him  at 
Ragatz.  This  I  wanted  for  some  such  purpose  as  that  of  the 
present  volume. 

The  last  sentence  in  this  letter  refers  to  the  promise  of 
President  Hayes  to  retain  me  at  the  Consulate  General  at 
London.  Grant  had  heard  that  several  aspirants  were  at 
tempting  to  supplant  me,  and  therefore  had  written  to  Gen 
eral  Sherman  on  the  subject. 

PARIS,  Nov.  9th  /  77. 

DEAR  GENERAL,  —  In  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  5th  inst.  I 
cannot  give  you  definite  information  as  to  dates  when  Mrs.  Grant 
visited  me  at  City  Point.  She  went  there  however  soon  after  my 
Hd.  Qrs.  were  established  there.  She  returned  to  Burlington,  N.  J. 
after  a  short  visit  to  arrange  for  the  children's  schooling,  and 
went  back  to  City  Point  where  she  remained,  —  with  the  excep 
tion  of  one  or  two  short  visits  to  N.  J.  —  until  Lee's  surrender 
and  my  return  to  the  National  Capital.  Mrs.  Grant  made  a  short 
visit  to  me  —  the  first  time  after  leaving  Cairo  —  at  Corinth,  next 
at  Jackson,  Tenn.  then  at  Memphis  where  I  left  her  when  I  went 
to  Young's  Point,  at  Young's  Point  one  or  two  days  before  run 
ning  the  Vicksburg  Batteries,  and  at  Vicksburg  after  the  surren 
der.  She  again  visited  me  at  Nashville. 

On  leaving  Ragatz  we  traveled  to  Bale,  Switzerland,  lay  over 
Sunday  there ;  thence  to  Strasburg  where  we  stopped  five  or  six 
hours,  visiting  the  Cathedral,  fortifications,  &c. ;  thence  to  Metz 
for  the  night.  The  next  day,  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  was  spent 


488  GRANT   IN  PEACE. 

in  visiting  points  of  interest  in  and  about  Metz,  and  in  the  evening 
we  went  on  a  few  hours  travel  to  a  little  town  —  I  have  forgotten 
the  name  of  it  —  near  the  border  of  Belgium.  This  was  to  save 
a  too  early  start  from  Metz.  The  following  day  to  Antwerp  where 
we  spent  two  days  —  Thence  by  steamer  to  London. 

I  do  not  now  think  I  shall  visit  Portugal.  I  have  had  some  cor 
respondence  with  Adm1.  Le  Roy  —  who  has  taken  Worden's  place  — 
in  regard  to  the  route.  He  advises  against  sending  a  vessel  to 
Lisbon  at  this  season  of  the  year  on  account  of  the  insufficiency 
of  the  Harbor  for  large  vessels,  making  it  necessary  to  anchor  out 
side.  My  route  will  probably  be  through  Madrid  to  Cadiz,  thence 
up  the  Mediterranean.  I  will  write  a  letter  soon  to  Gen.  Sherman 
and  will  take  pains  to  say  a  word  in  the  direction  you  mention, 
and  will  also  remind  him  of  the  President's  promise  to  me. 

We  are  all  very  well.     I  have  seen  all  I  want  of  Paris  and  but 
for  engagements  ahead  would  leave  without  much  delay. 
With  kind  regards, 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Twenty-five. 

The  Porter  who  is  mentioned  is  General  Horace  Porter. 
The  letter  referred  to  contained  some  political  suggestions, 
in  regard  to  General  Grant ;  of  no  consequence  now. 

The  Comte  de  Paris  had  called  on  General  Grant  at  my 
house  in  London,  and  as  he  was  leaving  town  the  same  day, 
the  visit  had  not  been  returned.  As  General  Grant  was  now 
in  Paris,  I  had  suggested  to  him  to  pay  the  civility  at  this  time. 

HOTEL  BRISTOL, 

PARIS, 

Nov.  nth  /  77. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  Lest  you  may  want  Porter's  letter  I  return 
it.  I  wrote  to  Porter  but  did  not  tell  him  that  you  had  submitted 
it  to  Pierrepont  before  sending  it  to  me.  I  have  nothing  new  to 
say  to  you  only  that  the  Count  de  Paris  called  on  me  soon  after 
my  arrival  here.  I  was  out  at  the  time  so  I  did  not  see  him. 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  489 

But  I  called  at  his  house  soon  after  —  within  a  day  or  two  —  and 
found  that  he  was  living  in  the  country  about  six  hours,  by  rail, 
from  Paris.  I  am  to  meet  him  at  dinner  on  the  23d  when  he  comes 
in  for  the  night.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Twenty-six. 

This  extremely  interesting  and  important  historical  letter 
was  written  in  reply  to  one  from  me,  asking  for  information 
in  regard  to  General  Grant's  visit  to  the  North  in  August, 
1864,  when  he  relieved  Hunter,  and  placed  Sheridan  in 
command  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia.  When  I  made  the  inquiry 
I  was  preparing  the  account  of  Sheridan's  Campaign. 

A  large  number  of  boxes,  presents,  addresses,  freedoms  of 
cities,  etc.,  had  been  left  by  General  Grant  at  my  house  when 
he  quitted  England,  and  I  had  inquired  what  disposition  he 
wished  made  of  them. 

HOTEL  BRISTOL, 

PARIS, 

Nov.  1 7th  /  77. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  Your  letter  of  yesterday  reminds  me  that  I 
neglected  to  answer  yours  about  Sheridan.  As  you  may  remem 
ber  —  or  have  data  to  show  —  I  ordered  first  one  then  the  second 
Div.  of  Sheridan's  Cavalry  Corps  to  the  department  commanded 
by  Gen.  Hunter.  About  the  time  the  second  division  was  going 
I  visited  General  Hunter  at  Monocacy,  where  I  found  his  army 
encamped  promiscuously  around  over  the  fields  in  the  neighbor 
hood,  and  a  very  large  amount  of  railroad  rolling-stock  concen 
trated  about  there.  I  asked  Gen.  Hunter  where  the  enemy  was. 
He  said  he  did  not  know,  his  orders  kept  coming  so  rapidly  from 
Washington  directing  him  to  move  here  and  there  to  keep  between 
the  enemy  and  the  National  Capital  that  he  could  do  nothing 
towards  locating  or  pursuing  the  enemy.  I  told  him  that  I  would 
find  out  where  he  was,  and  put  the  whole  army,  railroad  trains  and 
all,  in  motion  for  the  Valley  of  Va.  knowing  full-well  —  no  matter 
where  the  enemy  might  be  at  the  time — that  when  the  rich  store- 


//  OF -HE 


490  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

house  of  the  Valley  of  Va.  was  threatened  the  enemy  would  be  in 
the  front  of  our  Army  to  defend  it.  I  then  wrote  out  at  Gen. 
Hunter's  table,  his  instructions.  After  reading  them  to  him  I  told 
him  that  Gen.  Sheridan  was  in  Washington  and  that  I  would  order 
him  up  at  once,  and  advised  Gen.  Hunter  to  put  Sheridan  in  com 
mand  of  the  Army  "  in  the  field,"  and  to  select  Dept.  HdQrs.  for 
himself  wherever  he  liked,  and  retain  general  command  himself. 
He  said  he  thought  I  had  better  relieve  him  altogether  because 
Gen.  Halleck  did  not  seem  to  repose  the  confidence  in  him  he 
should  have  in  a  Dept.  Commander.  I  then  telegraphed  Sheridan 
to  go  to  Monocacy  at  once  where  I  would  remain  to  meet  him. 
When  he  arrived  I  was  at  the  station  with  the  orders  written  out  for, 
and  addressed  to,  Gen.  Hunter.  The  whole  country  about,  —  which 
had  been  filled  but  a  few  hours  before  with  troops  and  trains  of 
cars  —  was  then  entirely  clear  from  all  appearance  of  warlike 
preparation.  In  a  short  time  Sheridan  started  for  his  new  com 
mand  and  I  back  to  Washington.  I  believe  this  is  all  the  infor 
mation  called  for  in  your  letter,  which  I  have  not  now  got. 

I  sent  all  the  addresses,  boxes,  £c.,  I  had  —  excepting  the  box 
given  by  the  City  of  London  —  to  the  U.  S.  before  leaving  London. 
The  latter  I  deposited  at  the  bank  of  Morton  Rose  &  Co.  I  wish, 
when  you  are  ready  to  do  so,  you  would  box  up  all  the  boxes, 
addresses,  albums,  &c.,  you  have  for  me,  have  my  name  marked 
outside,  and  deposit  them  at  the  same  place. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 


Letter  No.  Twenty-seven. 

This  letter  also  is  made  up  in  part  of  replies  to  inquiries 
from  me ;  some  about  Sheridan,  others  about  the  movements 
before  Petersburg.  I  had  also  asked  whether  the  General 
had  thought  to  write  to  Mr.  Pierrepont  after  his  visit  at 
the  Minister's  house,  and  the  efforts  of  Pierrepont  to  make 
the  stay  in  London  successful. 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT   TO   GEN.  BADEAU. 

PARIS,  FRANCE, 

Nov.  27th  /  77. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  met  Mr.  Lincoln  at  Ft.  Monroe  the  day 
after  the  Mine  explosion.  I  do  not  think  anything  was  said  about 
putting  Sheridan  in  command  of  "  the  Army  in  the  Field  "  under 
Hunter.  Having  sent  the  majority  of  Sheridan's  command  North 
I  sent  him  also.  He  did  not  join  it  however  until  I  telegraphed 
him  from  Monocacy,  to  Washington,  to  join  me  there.  I  remember 
distinctly  requesting  that  Sheridan  should  be  put  in  command  of 
the  forces  in  the  field,  and  of  receiving  a  reply  to  the  effect  that  it 
was  feared  he  was  too  young  for  so  important  a  command.  The 
magnanimous  action  of  Gen.  Hunter  enabled  me  to  give  him  the 
command  while  1  was  upon  the  field  from  which  he  started. 

I  do  not  recollect  anything  that  was  talked  about  while  in 
Washington,  on  my  return  from  Monocacy. 

I  wrote  Pierrepont  a  letter  in  reply  to  one  from  him  containing 
a  request  from  the  publishers  of  "  Men  of  Mark,"  asking  me  to  sit 
for  a  photograph  for  their  work,  adding  my  thanks  for  his  hospi 
talities  while  at  his  house.  —  I  wrote  to  Sherman  as  I  told  you 
I  would  do,  speaking  of  your  services  to  me,  and  of  the  President's 
promise  that  you  should  not  be  disturbed. 

Your  statement  is  correct  that  I  was  not  on  the  field  when 
Warren  carried  the  Weldon  road  nor  at  his  Ream's  Station  battle. 

I  have  given  up  my  visit  to  Spain  for  this  winter.  On  Satur 
day  of  this  week  we  start  for  Nice,  stopping  over  Sunday  at  Lyons, 
and  over  Tuesday  at  Marseilles.  From  Nice  we  will  take  the 
Vandalia  —  naval  vessel  —  and  sail  along  the  Mediterranean. 
Just  our  stopping  places  will  be  determined  after  we  go  aboard. 

All  my  family  are  well  and  join  in  best  regards  to  you,  and 
wishes  for  your  health  and  prosperity.  Whether  Jesse  goes  with 
us  will  depend  upon  a  letter  he  hopes  to  receive  from  Cornell 
University.  I  rather  think  however  his  mother  will  insist  upon 
his  going.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Letter  No.  Twenty-eight. 

This  letter  also  is  made  up  almost  exclusively  of  replies 
to  my  inquiries. 

In  one  of  my  chapters  I  had  compared  Grant's  method  of 


492 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


directing  simultaneous  campaigns  at  the  East  and  West  to 
"driving  four-in-hand,"  and  the  figure  had  evidently  pleased 
him,  who  was  so  good  a  driver.  It  is  to  this  that  he  alludes 
in  the  concluding  sentence  below. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  call  attention  to  his  anxiety  that  I 
should  complete  my  work.  He  knew  at  this  time  nothing 
of  literary  labor  or  historical  research,  and  it  probably  seemed 
to  him  that  I  could  have  accomplished  my  task  more  prompt 
ly.  He  learned  something  of  the  necessity  for  study  and  re 
vision  years  afterward,  when  he  was  engaged  upon  his  "  Per 
sonal  Memoirs." 

HOTEL  BRISTOL, 

PARIS, 
Nov.  3°th/77- 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  Your  letters  of  the  28th,  with  enclosures, 
were  received  this  morning.  I  took  time  to  read  your  chapter  of 
history  with  which  I  am  much  pleased,  and  find  nothing  to  correct. 
Being  my  last  day  in  Paris  — for  the  present  —  I  had  much  to  do, 
calls  to  return,  &c.,  and  to  dine  out  this  evening.  I  could  not 
answer  until  now  —  nearly  midnight. 

The  cattle  raid  took  place  while  I  was  away  from  City  Point.  I 
cannot  call  to  memory  the  time  of  my  visit  to  Burlington  to  see 
after  the  children's  schooling ;  but  Mrs.  Grant  never  went  with  me 
there  before  the  night  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  assassination. 

The  present  Atty.  Gen.  Devens  was,  I  think,  the  Cavalry  Gen. 
Gen.  Torbert  can  answer  that  question,  and  it  is  too  late  for  me 
to  ask  him.  He  goes  with  me  in  the  morning  however  and  I  will 
ask  him  then. 

I  believe  this  answers  all  your  questions  in  your  last  letters. 
For  the  next  fifteen  days  my  address  will  be  Nice,  France.  After 
that  anything  directed  to  Drexel,  Paris  will  reach  me.  But  it  is 
likely  you  will  have  my  directions. 

I  told  you  in  a  former  letter  that  I  had  written  to  Sherman  as 
I  stated  I  would.  I  also  wrote  to  Porter,  but  nothing  affecting 
your  status  in  your  present  position.  Porter  received  my  letter  I 
know  because  Buck  says  in  one  of  his  last  that  it  was  shown  to 
him. 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


493 


I  hope  you  will  persevere  in  your  work,  and  if  "  four-in-hand  " 
goes  slower  than  a  "  single  team  "  that  you  will  come  down  to  the 
faster  method  of  driving  one  at  a  time. 

With  kindest  regards, 

Your  obt.  svt, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Twenty-nine. 

This  letter  is  already  given  at  the  close  of  Chapter  I, 
where  it  seemed  pertinent.  I  had  asked  General  Grant  about 
material  for  the  political  memoir  which  I  always  intended 
should  follow  the  military  volumes.  He  looked  forward  to 
this  sequel  with  an  interest  quite  equal  to  that  he  felt  in  the 
earlier  history,  for  he  knew  that  his  civil  career  had  been 
harshly  criticized,  and  he  was  anxious  to  have  it  vindicated. 
He  offered  me  every  assistance  in  his  power,  and  furnished 
from  time  to  time  whatever  material  he  could,  in  advance. 
Mr.  Fish  has  been  good  enough  to  keep  the  promise  made 
for  him  by  General  Grant ;  and  I  am  indebted  to  him  for  not 
a  few  statements  in  this  volume  which  I  could  not  otherwise 
have  made  so  positively. 

NAPLES, 
December  i8th  /  77. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, —  Your  letter  and  enclosed  chapter  of 
history  were  received  here  on  our  arrival  yesterday.  I  have  read 
the  chapter  and  find  no  comments  to  make.  It  is  no  doubt  as 
correct  as  history  can  be  written,  "  except  when  you  speak  about 
me."  I  am  glad  to  see  you  are  progressing  so  well.  Hope 
Vol.  2,  will  soon  be  completed  and  that  the  book  will  find  large 
sale.  No  doubt  but  Gov.  Fish  will  take  great  pleasure  in  aiding 
you  in  your  next  book.  He  has  all  the  data  so  far  as  his  own 
Dept.  was  concerned.  It  was  his  habit  to  sum  up  the  proceedings 
of  each  day  before  leaving  his  office  and  to  keep  that  information 
for  his  private  journal. 

To-day  we  ascend  Mt.  Vesuvius,  to-morrow  visit  Pompeii  and 
Herculaneum.  About  Saturday,  the  22d  start  for  Palermo,  thence 


494 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


to  Malta  where  we  will  probably  spend  the  25th.  From  there 
we  go  to  Alexandria  and  up  the  Nile.  That  is  about  as  far  as  I 
have  definitely  planned,  but  think  on  our  return  from  the  Nile,  we 
will  go  to  Joppa  and  visit  Jerusalem  from  there,  possibly  Damas 
cus  and  other  points  of  interest  also,  and  take  the  ship  again  at 
Beyrout.  The  next  point  will  be  Smyrna,  then  Constantinople. 
I  am  beginning  to  enjoy  traveling  and  if  the  money  holds  out  or 
if  Consolidated  Va  Mining  stock  does,  I  will  not  be  back  to  the 
eastern  states  for  two  years  yet. 

Should  they  —  the  stocks  —  run  down  on  my  hands  and  stop 
dividends,  I  should  be  compelled  to  get  home  the  nearest  way. 

Jesse  is  entirely  well  and  himself  again  &  enjoys  his  travels 
under  these  changed  conditions  very  much.  I  wrote  a  letter  to 
Porter  a  good  while  ago  but  have  received  no  answer  yet. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Thirty. 

The  Babcock  spoken  of  in  this  letter  is  the  General  Bab- 
cock  who  had  been  private  secretary  to  Grant  during  the 
greater  part  of  his  second  Administration.  General  Grant 
often  spoke  of  him  to  me  with  great  sympathy,  and  assured  me 
that  be  believed  him  innocent  of  the  charges  brought  against 
him.  I  was  out  of  the  country  during  all  the  period  of 
Babcock's  trouble  and  trial,  and  I  asked  General  Grant  about 
him  when  we  met.  He  repeatedly  declared  that  he  would 
trust  him  with  every  pecuniary  interest  he  had  in  the  world. 
These  letters  contain  constant  messages  to  Babcock  or  refer 
ences  to  him  which  would  never  have  been  made  had  Grant 
entertained  a  doubt  of  Babcock's  innocence. 

CAIRO,  EGYPT, 

Feb.  4th  /  78. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  Your  letter  of  the  3d  of  Jany.,  enclosing 
a  chapter  of  your  book,  and  a  letter  from  Babcock  reached  me 
some  five  or  six  days  up  the  Nile  from  here.  There  was  no  use  in 
answering  earlier  because  the  reply  could  not  do  better  than  to 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


495 


come  by  the  boat  I  did.  Our  trip  has  been  a  most  enjoyable  one 
and  the  sights  exceed  in  colossal  grandeur  the  guide-book  descrip 
tions.  One  is  kept  in  constant  wonder  how  any  people  could 
have  moved  such  immense  blocks,  in  such  large  numbers,  for  so 
great  a  distance  as  most  of  them  had  to  be  moved,  and  put  them 
in  their  places.  The  Khedive  gave  me  a  special  boat,  and  sent 
with  me  one  of  his  household,  Sami  Bey,  an  educated  Egyptian 
who  speaks  English  well  — in  fact  he  was  educated  in  England  — 
and  a  German  Egyptologist  who  has  been  a  long  time  a  student 
here,  and  who  reads  all  the  inscriptions  in  the  Temples  &  Tombs 
with  facility.  His  presence  added  much  to  the  value  of  the 
journey. 

I  have  read  the  last  chapter  of  your  book  over  carefully  and  see 
nothing  to  correct  except  as  to  one  little  matter  of  fact.  My  recol 
lection  is  that  I  recommended  Sherman  Sheridan  and  Hancock 
for  promotion  precisely  as  you  say.  Sherman  and  Hancock's 
names  were  promptly  sent  to  the  Senate,  and  they  were  con 
firmed,  but  some  one  at  Washington  had  failed  up  to  that  time  to 
appreciate  Sheridan  as  I  did,  and  withheld  his  name.  He  was 
not  nominated  until  I  urged  his  promotion  a  second  time.  It  is 
possible  that  he  was  given  the  same  date  when  appointed  that  he 
would  have  had  if  appointed  when  first  recommended. 

We  leave  here  on  the  yth  to  take  up  our  travels  again.  I  have 
given  you  our  proposed  route  in  a  previous  letter  I  believe.  When 
you  write  to  Babcock  give  him  and  his  family  my  kindest  regards. 
All  my  family  join  me  in  desiring  to  be  kindly  remembered  to  you. 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Thirty-one. 

This  letter  refers  to  my  account  of  Sherman's  movements 
around  Atlanta. 

SMYRNA,  ASIA  MINOR, 

Feb.  22d  /  78. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL:  —  On  our  arrival  here  this  A.M.  I  found 
a  mail,  and  with  it  your  letter  and  the  enclosed  chapter.  I  have 
read  it  carefully  and  see  no  word  to  change.  I  am  glad  you  have 


496  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

submitted  it  to  Sherman.  He  must  feel  pleased  with  the  way  you 
have  treated  his  Atlanta  Campaign,  and  if  there  is  any  error,  in 
fact,  he  will  correct  it.  He  is  at  Washington  where  he  has  access 
to  all  the  records  and  if  there  is  any  mistake  in  minor  details  he 
will  be  able  to  inform  you.  You  no  doubt  received  back  the  for 
mer  chapter  sent  from  Cairo,  Egypt.  I  am  almost  afraid  to  send 
any  matter  of  importance,  by  mail,  from  this  wretchedly  governed 
country,  and  will  keep  this  until  a  steamer  is  going  to  some  more 
civilized  part,  or  until  I  get  to  Athens.  We  go  from  here  to  Con 
stantinople  first. 

Our  visit  to  Jerusalem  was  a  very  unpleasant  one.  The  roads 
are  bad,  and  it  rained,  blew  and  snowed  all  the  time.  We  left 
snow  six  inches  deep  in  Jerusalem.  I  wrote  to  Porter  several 
months  ago  but  have  received  no  reply  from  him.  He  got  my 
letter  I  know  because  Bucky  wrote  me  that  Porter  showed  it  to 
him.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Thirty-two. 

This  letter  seems  to  require  no  explanation. 

ROME,  ITALY, 
March  22d,  /  78. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL:  —  On  arrival  here  I  found  a  large  mail, 
and  in  it  yours  enclosing  a  chapter  of  your  book  with  letters  from 
Sherman,  Porter  &  Babcock.  I  return  the  whole  without  com 
ment,  seeing  nothing  absolutely  to  correct  or  change.  I  also 
return  two  little  slips  previously  received  —  at  Athens  I  believe  — 
which  seem  to  me  proper  addendums. 

I  observe  from  Porter's  letter  that  he  has  made  marginal 
notes  on  previous  chapters.  Of  course  I  cannot  tell  what  those 
notes  were,  but  knowing  that  you  have  done  Sherman  justice  and 
nothing  more,  I  suggest  that  you  change  nothing  that  relates  to 
him  or  his  movements.  Young  left  this  morning  for  London. 
He  will  be  there  about  the  time  you  receive  this  and  will  give  you 
a  graphic  account  of  all  we  have  seen.  I  will  only  state  that  my 
trip  up  the  Nile,  and  in  the  Levant  —  all  of  my  travels  out  of 
the  beaten  track — have  been  the  most  pleasant  of  my  life.  I 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


497 


should  like  to  do  the  same  thing  over  again  next  winter.  Most 
every  letter  I  get  from  the  states  —  like  Porter's  to  you  —  ask  me 
to  remain  absent.  They  have  designs  for  me  which  I  do  not  con 
template  for  myself.  It  is  probable  that  I  will  return  to  the 
United  States  either  in  the  fall  or  early  next  spring. 

Sherman  did  not  say  in  his  letter  to  me  what  the  President 
replied  when  he  notified  him  of  my  desire  for  your  retention,  and 
of  his  previous  promise  to  me  in  the  matter.  I  have  no  doubt  but 
it  is  all  right,  and  that  you  have  been  retained  to  this  time  solely  on 
account  of  that  promise.  You  know  there  has  been  a  terrible 
pressure  by  Reformers  for  your  place.  Mrs.  Grant  and  Jesse 
desire  to  be  most  kindly  remembered  to  you. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU, 

Consul  Gen1  of  the  U.  S. 

Letter  No.  Thirty-three. 

I  paid  General  Grant  a  visit  at  Rome  on  his  return  to 
Europe,  and  wrote  in  advance  asking  him  to  allow  his  courier 
to  secure  rooms  for  me. 

ROME,  ITALY, 
March  30*  /  78. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  have  your  letter  of  yesterday.  I  will 
instruct  Hartog  to  execute  your  commission  at  once.  I  have 
written  to  you  since  my  arrival  here  and  returned  the  last  of  your 
manuscript. 

We  leave  here  two  weeks  from  to-day  to  go  to  Florence  for  a 
week,  thence  to  Venice  for  about  the  same  time,  then  to  Milan 
and  on  to  Paris  where  we  expect  to  arrive  on  the  loth  of  May. 
We  will  remain  there  until  about  the  middle  of  July  and  make 
our  journey  North,  to  Sweden  &  Norway  after  that.  As  I  shall 
see  you  so  soon  I  will  say  nothing  of  what  we  have  seen,  or  of  the 
recent  news  from  home.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

32 


GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

Letter  No.  Thirty-four. 

This  memorandum  was  written  while  I  was  at  Rome,  and 
sent  to  my  rooms.  It  accompanied  a  letter  to  Russell 
Young,  which  General  Grant  wished  me  to  see  before  it  was 
forwarded. 

Read  this  and  mail  if  you  approve.  If  not,  retain  until 
to-morrow  and  make  your  suggestions  to  me.  Add  a  note  if  you 
choose  to  Young  and  send  with  mine.  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Thirty-five. 

The  Comte  de  Paris  wrote  to  me  about  this  time  asking 
for  information  in  regard  to  the  surrender  of  Vicksburg. 
General  Pemberton,  the  rebel  commander  at  Vicksburg,  had 
published  an  account  of  that  event  very  different  from  mine, 
which  I  had  obtained  from  Grant,  and  the  Comte  had  asked 
me  if  I  wished  to  make  any  reply.  I  forwarded  his  letter  to 
General  Grant,  who  wrote  as  follows  on  the  back  of  another 
letter  he  was  sending  to  me. 

To  General  A.  BADEAU, 

U.  S.  Consul  General, 

London,  Eng. 

I  return  Pemberton's  letter.  Your  statement  of  the  circum 
stances  attending  the  Vicksburg  surrender  are  as  absolutely 
correct  as  it  can  well  be  made.  I  presume  Bowen  did  ask  the 
interview  between  P.  and  myself  without  authority.  I  did  not 
propose  or  submit  to  the  settlement  of  terms  by  a  reference  to 
Commissioners.  Finding  that  we  were  about  to  separate  without 
coming  to  an  agreement  Bowen  —  who  seemed  very  anxious 
about  an  agreement  —  proposed  that  he  and  others  of  the  Reb 
Army,  and  Gen.  A.  J.  Smith  and  some  others  of  our  Army  who 
were  present  at  the  time,  should  consult  and  see  if  they  could  not 
agree  upon  terms  which  Pemberton  and  I  would  accept.  I 
declined  that  and  the  terms  were  finally  arranged  between  us 
through  a  correspondence  which  extended  late  into  the  night  of 
the  3d  of  July,  /  63.  U.  S.  GRANT. 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU.    499 

Letter  No.  Thirty-six. 

With  this  letter  General  Grant  enclosed  the  reply  to  the 
Comte  de  Paris  above  given.  He  also  refers  to  my  account 
of  the  explosion  of  Burnside's  Mine  at  Petersburg. 

While  I  was  at  Rome  with  General  Grant  I  was  laid  up 
for  a  week  or  more  with  a  lameness  in  a  wounded  leg.  I  had 
not  been  able  to  obtain  a  room  in  the  same  hotel  with  him, 
and  he  came  to  see  me  and  sit  with  me  daily  until  I 
recovered.  During  this  period  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  New 
York  Herald  contradicting  certain  statements  that  had  been 
published  by  ex-Secretary  Welles  of  Lincoln's  and  Johnson's 
Cabinets,  and  General  Richard  Taylor  of  the  Confederate 
army,  in  regard  to  the  Wilderness  campaign.  This  paper 
announced  that  it  was  written  with  Grant's  sanction,  and  in 
fact  it  was  read  and  revised  by  him  in  advance  of  publication. 
It  is  to  this  that  he  refers  in  the  following  letter. 

When  General  Grant  wrote  that  he  was  "  tired  "  of  "  going 
all  the  time,"  he  had  just  returned  from  Rome,  Florence, 
and  Venice  ;  but  from  Cairo  he  had  written  :  "  Our  trip  has 
been  a  most  enjoyable  one,  and  the  sights  exceed  in  colossal 
grandeur  the  guide-book  descriptions."  The  contrast  in  his 
impressions  and  emotions  is  characteristic.  The  works  of 
art  and  even  the  antiquities  of  Italy  were  tedious  to  him, 
while  the  Egyptian  monuments  excited  his  liveliest  interest. 
In  the  same  way  his  letters  from  China  and  Japan  and  India 
were  full  of  comments  on  the  people  and  institutions,  but 
European  civilization  seemed  to  provoke  only  comparatively 
languid  remarks.  Perhaps  it  was  too  much  like  our  own. 

PARIS,  FRANCE, 

May  i9th,  /  78. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  return  you  Porter's,  and  the  Count  de 
Paris'  letters  and  the  part  of  chapter  of  your  book.  I  feel  very 
sure  you  have  the  Vicksburg  surrender  right,  and  see  nothing 
wrong  in  the  printed  matter  you  send.  If  there  is  anything  it  is 
in  not  showing  the  failure  of  Warren  more  distinctly.  But  that  I 


500 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


think  you  did  in  the  chapter  of  which  this  is  to  form  a  part  —  or  a 
correction.  I  am  very  glad  you  sent  on  your  letter  to  the  Herald 
in  answer  to  Taylor  and  Welles.  Young's,  without  yours,  would 
not  have  much  point.  I  become  responsible  for  yours,  and  I  can 
very  well  afford  it  because  Taylor's  was  a  deadly  attack  upon  two 
now  dead  —  Lincoln  &  Stanton  —  and  Welles  upon  two  dead  per 
sons —  Stanton  and  Halleck  —  all  untrue  —  the  attacks  —  and  I 
feel  it  a  duty  to  relieve  all  three  of  aspersions  so  unjust  to  their 
memories. 

We  are  going  all  the  time  and  I  am  becoming  very  tired  of  it. 
Think  we  will  leave  several  weeks  earlier  than  we  expected.  Our 
contemplated  route,  as  you  know,  is  to  the  Hague,  Copenhagen, 
through  Sweden,  Norway,  then  back  to  St.  Petersburg,  through 
Prussia  &  Austria  to  quarters  for  next  winter. 

All  send  regards  to  you.  I  shall  write  to  Babcock  in  a  few 
days.  Yours  Truly, 

U.   S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Thirty-seven. 

General  Townsend,  then  Adjutant-General  of  the  Army, 
had  reported  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  without  due  examina 
tion,  and  without  any  inquiry  of  me,  that  I  did  not  come 
within  the  provisions  of  the  law  allowing  certain  retired 
officers  to  accept  diplomatic  rank,  and  in  consequence  my 
name  had  been  stricken  from  the  retired  list  of  the  army.  But 
I  at  once  laid  proof  before  the  Department,  through  General 
Sherman  the  General-in-Chief,  that  Townsend  was  wrong,  and 
the  order  dropping  me  had  been  promptly  rescinded.  General 
Grant,  as  I  have  elsewhere  stated,  was  very  much  interested 
in  this  matter,  for  I  had  been  retired  by  his  order  as  Presi 
dent,  to  enable  me  to  take  a  diplomatic  position. 

On  the  death  of  the  Duchess  of  Argyll  I  had  suggested 
that  the  General  should  write  to  the  Duke,  who  had  enter 
tained  him  at  Inverary. 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


501 


PARIS,  FRANCE, 

May  29th  /  78. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL,  —  I  am  just  in  receipt  of  your  letter  of 
the  27th — with  enclosures — and  hasten  to  answer  so  as  to  return 
the  papers  you  want  without  loss.  I  am  certain  you  need  not  feel 
alarmed  about  your  position  on  the  retired  list.  But  I  should 
not  trouble  myself  about  Townsend.  He  is  badly  beaten  as  the 
matter  stands.  I  wrote  to  Babcock  since  my  arrival  in  Paris. 
My  correspondence  is  large,  and  delays  occur  sometimes  ;  but  when 
I  sit  to  it  I  bring  up  all  arrears  —  that  I  intend  to  bring  up.  I  get 
letters  from  persons  with  whom  I  have  never  corresponded,  desir 
ing  answers,  but  whose  letters  I  do  not  answer.  B.'s  was  not  one 
of  that  class. 

I  wrote  the  Duke  of  Argyll  a  letter  of  condolence  the  very 
moment  I  heard  of  the  death  of  the  Duchess  —  day  before 
yesterday  I  think. 

We  leave  here  on  the  i5th  of  June  for  our  northern  trip. 
Jesse,  you  know,  goes  back.  He  &  Nellie  leave  on  Friday — 
day  after  to-morrow — for  London.  He  will  sail  on  the  4th  of 
June  from  Liverpool. 

With  kindest  regards  of  all,  I  am,  as  ever,  very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Thirty-eight. 

I  had  been  unwell  and  despondent  about  my  health 
when  General  Grant  wrote  me  the  letter  which  follows,  to 
encourage  me: 

PARIS,  FRANCE, 

June  ist,  /  78. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, — :I  am  much  obliged  for  your  kind  invita 
tion  for  Mrs.  Grant  &  I  to  visit  you,  but  we  will  not  be  able  to 
accept.  In  two  weeks  we  start  on  our  Northern  trip  and  will  not 
return  until  the  Autumn.  We  will  then  probably  visit  Spain  and 
settle  down  about  Nov.  for  the  winter.  Where  I  have  not  yet 
determined,  but  either  here  Nice  or  Southern  Italy. 

You  must  keep  up  your  courage.     There  is  no  reason  why  you 


502 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


may  not  have  many  years  before  you  yet.  I  return  Porter's  letter 
which  I  have  read  with  pleasure ;  also  one  from  Babcock  which  I 
find  on  my  table.  Yours  as  ever, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Thirty-nine. 

This  refers  to  certain  passages  in  Chapter  XXV  of  my 
History  of  Grant's  Campaigns. 

PARIS,  FRANCE, 

June  7th,  /  78. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  : — I  return  your  last  chapter,  or  part  of 
chapter,  without  comment.  It  seems  to  me  to  be  very  good,  and 
calculated  to  call  to  the  minds  of  some  of  the  Northern  gushers 
of  to-day  for  peace  and  fraternity  between  the  sections,  of  the 
terms  we  might  have  expected  had  the  South  been  successful.  I 
am  getting  tired  of  Paris  and  feel  almost  impatient  for  the  day — 
the  14  of  June — of  our  departure  to  arrive. 

Mrs.  Grant  joins  me  in  best  regards  to  you,  and  in  wishing  you 
good  health  and  happiness.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Forty. 

This  of  course  was  written  to  aid  me  in  my  account  of 
Sheridan's  Operations  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia. 

The  "letter  to  the  Herald"  is  the  one  I  wrote  at  Grant's 
desire,  referred  to  in  his  earlier  letter  of  May  19,  1878. 

Mrs.  Robeson  was  the  wife  of  Grant's  Secretary  of  the 
Navy. 

LEGATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

AT  THE  HAGUE, 

June  1 6"  778.       . 

DEAR  GENERAL, — Your  letter  of  the  i2th,  with  enclosure,  was 
received  before  my  departure  from  Paris.  But  I  had  not  time  to 
do  more  than  read  your  letter  before  leaving,  so  brought  the 
whole  here  to  examine  and  approve  or  otherwise.  I  have  made 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU.     503 

marginal  notes  in  pencil  of  all  I  have  to  say.  I  do  not  think 
there  is  anything  to  strike  out,  nor  anything  to  add  except  what 
you  can  get  from  the  notes  referred  to.  You  may  recollect  that 
when  I  visited  Sheridan,  at  Charlestown  I  had  a  plan  of  battle 
with  me  to  give  him.  But  I  found  him  so  ready  to  move  —  plan 
and  all  —  that  I  gave  him  no  order  whatever  except  the  authority 
to  move.  He  is  entitled  to  all  the  credit  of  his  great  victory,  and 
it  established  him  in  the  confidence  of  the  President  &  Sec. 
of  War  as  a  commander  to  be  trusted  with  the  fullest  discretion 
in  the  management  all  the  troops  under  him.  Before  that,  while 
they  highly  appreciated  him  as  a  commander  to  execute  they 
felt  a  little  nervous  about  giving  him  too  much  discretion. 

We  leave  here  on  Thursday  for  Amsterdam;  Saturday  for 
Hanover,  Monday  following  for  Berlin.  How  long  I  will  stay  in 
Berlin  I  cannot  say  but  probably  until  the  following  Saturday. 
We  will  then  go  to  Copenhagen,  breaking  the  journey  at  Hamburg. 
You  might  send  anything  you  have  for  me,  direct  according  to  this 
programme.  We  will  stay  in  Copenhagen  for  several  days  and 
then  go  direct  to  Norway,  thence  to  Sweden. 

I  am  glad  to  see  that  you  are  getting  on  so  well  with  Vol. 
II.  It  looks  now  as  if  it  might  be  out  the  coming  fall. 

Your  letter  to  the  Herald,  and  the  interview,  have  been  copied 
everywhere  in  the  states  much  to  the  gratification  of  friends  and 
the  confusion  of  enemies.  I  think  you  will  have  no  cause  of 
regret  for  writing  your  letter. 

With  Mrs.  Grant's  and  my  kindest  regards. 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

P.  S. — Remember  both  of  us  to  Mrs.  Robeson  if  she  is  still  in 
London.  Mrs.  Grant  &  I  regret  that  we  did  not  meet  her  before 
our  trip  north. 

Letter  No.  Forty-one. 

Russell  Young  had  published  in  The  New  York  Herald 
some  of  General  Grant's  conversations,  in  which  the  General 
made  one  or  two  statements  in  regard  to  losses,  which  were 
inaccurate,  and  which  he  would  undoubtedly  have  corrected 


504  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

upon  reference  to  the  records.  I  had  written  to  caution  him 
about  allowing  his  talk  to  be  printed  without  revision  by  some 
one  conversant  with  the  subject.  This  letter  is  his  reply. 

Young  of  course  acted  with  the  best  intentions,  and 
thought,  very  naturally,  that  whatever  General  Grant  said 
about  the  war  must  be  authoritative.  But  no  man's  memory 
is  infallible,  and  General  Grant's  more  than  once  played  him 
false.  What  I  wanted  was  for  him  to  make  no  statement  for 
print  on  important  historical  subjects  till  he  had  verified  his 
own  recollections. 

VIENNA,  AUSTRIA, 

Aug.  22d,  1878. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, — I  have  your  letter  of  the  iyth  with 
chapter  enclosed,  which  I  have  read  and  have  no  comments  to 
make  upon.  I  agree  with  you  in  the  impropriety  of  the  publica 
tion  of  my  "table  talk"  upon  military  or  other  matters.  There 
is  not  a  word  I  said  which  was  intended  for  publication  or  even 
to  be  taken  down.  But  traveling  together  as  long  as  Young  & 
I  did  conversation  naturally  covered  a  good  many  subjects  civil 
&  military.  Many  things  I  said  explained  matters,  or  put  a  new 
light  upon  them  to  Young,  so  that  he  noted  them  down.  He 
wrote  them  out  afterward  and  gave  me  the  manuscript  to  read — 
about  twice  as  much  as  is  published.  I  put  it  in  my  trunk  and 
forgot  it  for  several  months.  I  afterward  read  it  and  found  it  in 
the  main  correct,  erasing  however  all  relating  to  Civil  Administra 
tion.  Young  makes  an  error  in  stating  my  losses  from  the  Rapid 
Ann  to  the  James  River  which  I  did  not  notice  in  the  Manuscript. 
I  did  not  say  that  about  39,000  would  cover  my  losses  in  killed, 
wounded,  &  missing.  What  I  did  say  was  that  Welles,  Taylor  & 
Co.  would  soon  have  it  pass  into  history  that  we  had  a  100,000  men 
killed  in  getting  to  the  James  river,  when  we  could  have  gone  by 
boat,  without  loss,  and  ignoring  the  fact  that  Lee  sustained  any 
loss  whatever.  That  40,000, 1  thought  about  39,000, —  would  cover 
such  losses,  but  that  the  reports  from  time  to  time  would  show  a 
much  greater  loss.  I  explained  that  after  a  battle  every  Capt. 
Col  and  Brigade  Commander  liked  to  show  his  own  losses  as 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


505 


large  as  possible.  Consequently  we  had  a  full  report  of  every 
man  who  had  a  scratch  as  wounded.  Many  men  would  be 
reported  before  we  got  to  the  end  of  the  campaign,  in  that 
category,  two,  three  or  more  times,  yet  never  lost  any  time.  In 
the  same  way  many  men  would  be  reported  missing  who  would 
afterward  turn  up.  Others  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
unhurt,  and  would  be  exchanged  for.  I  made  a  full  statement  of 
how  these  reports  were  made  up.  Young  thought  he  was  doing 
right  in  this  publication,  and  thinks  now  that  he  has  done  me 
good  service.  I  do  not  think  it  will  do  any  harm,  but  I  will 
caution  him  for  the  future.  I  have  no  idea  now  of  making  the 
tour  around  the  world,  but  will  go  back  home  in  the  spring.  We 
will  stay  in  Austria  through  September  and  then  go  to  Spain  and 
probably  Portugal.  I  will  then  have  seen  every  country  in 
Europe  and  will  be  ready  to  sit  down  for  the  winter.  Mrs. 
Grant  joins  me  in  kindest  regards.  Very  Truly  Yours. 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Forty-two. 

I  had  prepared  in  advance  a  sketch  of  my  account  of  the 
origin  of  Sherman's  March  to  the  Sea,  and  submitted  it  to 
General  Grant,  and  this  interesting  letter  contains  his  reply. 

He  continues  the  references  to  the  publications  of  Young 
already  mentioned. 

ISCHL,  AUSTRIA, 

Aug.  29th,  /  78. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, —  Your  letter  of  the  22d  of  August  —  here 
with  returned  —  reached  me  just  before  leaving  Vienna.  The  out- 
fine  you  propose  for  your  history  of  "  the  March  to  the  Sea  "  is 
exactly  right.  Follow  it  and  give  all  the  letters  and  dispatches  in 
the  body  of  the  narrative.  When  you  have  it  in  type  send  a  copy 
to  Sherman.  You  have  certainly  divided  the  honors  of  the  cam 
paign  correctly.  The  particular  campaign  made  was  Sherman's 
conception  and  execution.  Supposing  that  I  was  to  remain  in  the 
West,  in  command,  I  had  conceived  earlier  a  different  Campaign, 
leading  practically  to  the  same  result.  Subsequent  events  would 


506  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

have  modified   that   plan   beyond   doubt,  even   had  I  remained. 
Events  shaped  Sherman's  campaign. 

Your  book  will  necessarily  be  criticised,  but  criticism  will  do 
no  harm  so  long  as  your  facts  are  right.  My  opinion-  is  that 
Young's  publication  of  "  table  talks  "  will  add  many  thousands  to 
the  number  of  readers  of  your  book.  People  will  look  to  that  as 
the  authentic  views  which  I  entertain.  The  other  will  be  looked 
upon  as  hastily  noted  recollections  of  what  was  said  in  conversa 
tion  without  the  data  at  hand  to  speak  with  entire  accuracy. 

I  shall  remain  here  some  eight  days  more  and  then  in  Salz 
burg  for  ten  days  or  more.  My  next  address  after  that  will  be  in 
Paris  though  but  for  a  short  time. 

I  wrote  Washburne  a  letter  telling  him  the  outrageous  stories 

had  told  me  about  him     *     *     *     * 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

Gen.  A.  BADEATJ.  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Forty-three. 

This  letter  continues  the  supply  of  information  Grant 
was  furnishing  me  in  regard  to  the  history  of  Sherman's 
March  to  the  Sea.  I  had  written  for  an  explanation  of  cer 
tain  dispatches  which  he  could  not  recall.  It  was  a  singular 
situation  :  he  was  writing  to  me  from  Paris,  Rome,  Egypt,  and 
from  Swiss  villages,  accounts  of  his  instructions  to  Sherman 
and  Sheridan,  his  own  battles  on  the  James,  and  the  strategy 
in  Georgia  and  the  Valley  of  Virginia,  and  always  insisting 
that  I  should  do  full  justice  to  his  great  lieutenants,  even  at 
the  sacrifice  of  some  of  the  credit  that  was  often  ascribed  to 
himself.  No  reader  can  have  failed  to  remark  the  magnanimity 
toward  Sherman  and  Sheridan  which  these  letters  display  ;  — 
letters  written  to  fix,  so  far  as  he  was  able,  the  status  that  all 
three  were  to  occupy  in  history ;  for  my  work  he  fully 
intended  should  be  the  only  authorized  expression  of  his 
views  on  the  war. 

RAGATZ,  SWITZERLAND, 

Sept.  i8th,  1878. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL,  —  Your  letter  of  the  i2th  of  Sept. 
reached  me  at  this  place  last  evening.  I  have  no  recollection 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


SO/ 


whatever  of  the  dispatches  you  speak  of  between  Sherman  and 
myself  about  the  4th  of  October,  /  64  and  my  subsequent  dis 
patch  saying  that  his  movement  should  be  independent  of  mine. 
I  remember  that  I  sent  a  ship-load  of  provisions  to  meet  him  on 
the  seacoast  wherever  he  might  come  out. 

I  will  be  in  Paris  at  the  Hotel  Liverpool,  on  the  25th  of  this 
month  to  remain  there  until  about  the  loth  of  Oct.  when  I 
expect  to  start  for  Spain.  Expecting  to  see  you  so  soon  I  will  write 
no  more  except  to  say  that  I  have  lost  twenty-five  pounds  weight, 
while  in  perfect  health  and  without  doing  anything  to  bring  about 
such  a  result.  It  makes  me  feel  much  more  comfortable. 

Yours  Truly, 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU.  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Forty-four. 

I  had  seen  a  statement  in  print  that  either  Mr.  Fish  or 
Mr.  Bancroft  Davis  intended  to  compose  a  history  of  Grant's 
Civil  Administration,  and  wrote  to  inquire  if  he  was  acquainted 
with  such  a  purpose  on  their  part ;  as  it  would  of  course  con 
flict  with  my  own  plan  of  a  political  history  to  follow  the 
military  one.  This  letter  is  General  Grant's  reply.  Several 
times  he  was  approached  by  letter,  or  in  person,  by  writers 
who  proposed  a  work  of  this  character  and  requested  his 
sanction  or  assistance  ;  but  he  always  replied  that  he  was 
pledged  to  give  all  the  aid  and  authority  he  could  in  such  an 
undertaking  exclusively  to  me. 

I  had  learned  that  several  retired  army  officers  holding 
civil  positions  were  drawing  retired  pay  in  addition  to  that 
of  their  other  offices,  and  I  had  discussed  with  him  the  propriety 
of  my  applying  for  such  pay. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  call  attention  to  his  constant  anxiety 
for  the  completion  of  his  military  history. 

PARIS,  FRANCE,  Oct.  3d  /  78. 

DEAR  GENERAL, — Your  letter  of  the  ist  is  just  at  hand.  I 
am  sorry  you  are  too  unwell  to  come  over  before  my  departure. 
The  latter  part  of  next  week  we  start  on  our  trip  through  Spain 


5o8  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

&  Portugal.  As  we  will  probably  visit  Algiers,  and  possibly  some 
other  points  in  the  Mediterranean  before  returning  to  Paris,  we 
may  not  return  here  before  December.  I  have  no  knowledge  of 
an  intention  on  the  part  of  either  Gov.  Fish  or  Judge  Davis  to 
write  a  civil  history  of  my  Civil  Administration.  If  they  should  do 
so  it  would  probably  be  confined  chiefly  to  matters  relating  to  the 
State  Dept,  foreign  relations,  &c.,  and  would  in  that  event 
be  a  great  help  to  the  preparation  of  the  volume  you  propose  to 
write. 

I  would  not  push  the  matter  of  back  pay  while  holding,  or 
wishing  to  hold  the  Consul-Generalship.  It  would  furnish  a  pre 
text  for  your  removal.  I  think  you  ought  to  hurry  up  Volume  II, 
however  and  get  advantage  of  the  present  desire  to  collect  war 
reminiscences.  We  are  all  well.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU.  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Consul-  General,  etc. 

Letter  No.  Forty-five. 

It  had  been  repeatedly  stated  by  hostile  critics  that  Grant 
intended  after  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  to  march  on 
Gordonsville,  in  Central  Virginia ;  and  I  had  found  the  dis 
patches  on  which  those  assertions  were  probably  founded. 
I  knew,  because  I  was  with  him  at  the  time,  that  he  had  no 
intention  to  make  this  movement,  but  I  wrote  to  ask  his  own 
explanation  or  construction  of  the  orders.  His  reply,  it  will 
be  seen,  corroborated  my  own  memory.  These  confidential 
communications  to  me,  I  have  said  before,  are  always  given 
in  full,  exactly  as  he  wrote  them,  even  with  the  little  inac 
curacies  of  familiar  correspondence.  He  never  cautioned  me 
about  their  use,  although  he  knew  that  I  sought  them  for  the 
purposes  of  my  history,  and  I  have  thought  it  better  to  pub 
lish  them  in  all  their  plainness,  and  sometimes  with  criticisms 
that  may  be  painful  to  others,  rather  than  subject  myself  to 
the  charge  of  mutilating  his  utterances.  Grant,  indeed,  never 
wrote  or  spoke  a  word  suggesting  that  I  should  keep  back, 
or  misrepresent,  or  cover  up,  any  fact,  or  act,  or  statement, 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  509 

except  the  two  or  three  utterances  in  favor  of  leniency  which 
these  letters  contain.  This  of  course  did  not  prevent  his 
making  secret  communications. 

LISBON,  PORTUGAL, 

Oct.  27th,  /  78. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  Your  letter  of  the  iyth  came  to  hand  in 
Madrid  where  I  was  so  busy  that  I  did  not  get  to  write  a 
letter  to  any  one.  I  can  give  no  explanation  of  the  dispatches  you 
speak  of  from  Spottsylvania,  of  loth  &  nth  of  May,  /  64,  to 
Meade  directing  him  to  be  prepared  in  a  certain  event  to  move  to 
Gordonsville.  The  only  thing  is  that  I  had  in  mind  the  possibility, 
if  things  favored  it,  of  moving  by  my  right  flank  instead  of  the 
left  as  we  had  been  doing  before.  Gordonsville  must  have  been 
put  in  without  much  reflection  knowing  that  if  we  did  move  to  the 
right  events  would  determine  where  we  would  march  to  with  [out] 
any  reference  to  the  original  orders. 

We  arrived  here  this  A.  M.,  at  five  o'clock  having  been  in  the 
cars  two  nights  and  one  day  from  Madrid,  without  getting  out  once 
by  the  way  for  meals.  Spain  may  contain  much  of  interest  to  see, 
but  the  accommodations  for  travel  are  horrible. 

Yours  as  ever,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No,  Forty-six. 

The  letter  from  General  Sherman  here  spoken  of  was  full 
of  indications  of  his  loyalty  to  Grant,  and  I  forwarded  it  to 
my  chief,  who  I  knew  would  be  gratified. 

The  passage  about  the  publication  of  my  history  was  in 
answer  to  certain  inquiries  of  mine.  It  had  been  suggested 
that  the  appearance  of  the  work  at  that  time  might  seem 
intended  to  affect  the  Presidential  nominations,  and  I  sought 
General  Grant's  views  so  that  I  might  conform  to  them.  His 
reply  is  characteristic.  He  hardly  ever  allowed  his  actions 
to  be  affected,  or  his  course  to  be  induced,  by  what  he  sup 
posed  would  be  said  of  either ;  he  had  learned,  as  most  men 
do  who  have  careers,  that  comment  is  apt  to  be  incorrect, 
and  that  the  opinion  and  the  talk  of  to-day  are,  more  often 
than  not,  reversed  by  the  verdict  of  to-morrow. 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Dec.  19,  /  78. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL,  —  I  have  your  letter  of  the  i;th,  with 
Sherman's  to  you  enclosed.  I  also  received  one  from  you  at  Pau, 
and  one  before  the  present  one  here  in  Paris.  I  should  have 
written  to  you  earlier  but  I  found  so  many  letters  to  answer  that  I 
deferred. 

It  is  impossible  yet  for  me  to  say  when  we  will  get  off  for  our 
trip  around  the  world.  The  steamer  on  which  we  are  to  sail  left 
the  states  on  the  loth  of  this  month.  If  she  crosses  the  Atlantic 
under  sail  it  will  be  about  the  last  of  Jany  before  she  will  be 
ready  for  us.  If  she  steams  over  it  may  be  as  early  as  the  i2th. 
Mrs.  Grant  &  I  want  to  see  Nellie  before  we  go,  and  have 
written  asking  her  to  come  here.  She  answers  fearing  that  she 
may  not  be  able  to  come,  but  has  written  Mr.  Sartoris,  who  is  in 
Ireland,  for  his  opinion.  If  she  does  not  come  we  will  likely  take 
a  run  over  to  London  for  a  few  days.  I  will  let  you  know  by  tele 
graph  if  we  go.  I  shall  be  very  glad,  if  we  do  not  go  there,  to 
see  you  here. 

I  am  very  glad  to  see  Sherman's  letter  to  you.  It  only  shows 
him  in  the  light  I  always  regarded  him ;  a  warm  friend  as  I  surely 
am  of  his. 

I  do  not  see  what  the  publication  of  your  book,  at  any  particu 
lar  time,  can  have  to  do  with  the  formation  of  public  opinion  as  to 
political  objects.  It  has  been  a  long  time  in  preparation  and  the 
public  has  known  all  about  it.  If  the  work  should  be  withheld 
the  public  might  say  that  there  was  an  object  in  that.  I  would  go 
on  as  fast  as  possible  and  when  the  work  is  ready  publish  it :  let 
the  public  say  what  they  please. 

Our  trip  through  Spain,  like  all  others,  was  very  delightful. 
We  received  marked  attention  from  the  officials  everywhere,  and 
no  place  more  marked  than  while  we  were  at  Gibraltar.  Lord  & 
Lady  Napier,  with  the  officers  of  the  garrison,  seemed  not  to 
be  able  to  do  too  much  for  us. 

Hoping  to  see  you  either  in  London  or  Paris  before  our  depar 
ture,  I  am  as  always,  Yours  Very  Truly, 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Consul-Gen,  of  the  U.  S., 

London,  Eng. 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  511 

Letter  No.  Forty-seven. 

I  had  been  requested  by  prominent  Irishmen  to  ask 
General  Grant  to  visit  their  country,  and  accordingly  wrote 
to  him  on  the  subject. 

The  Richmond  was  the  naval  vessel  placed  at  his  disposal 
by  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Borie  was  Grant's  first  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and 
one  of  his  most  intimate  and  valued  friends.  He  was  in  poor 
health  at  this  time,  and  it  was  thought  that  travel  might 
benefit  him.  He  was  especially  invited  by  General  Grant  to 
accompany  him  to  the  East. 

The  last  portion  of  this  letter  has  already  been  partly  ex 
plained.  I  had  been  informed  by  persons  intimate  with  the 
English  Royal  Family  that  a  letter  of  condolence  on  the 
death  of  the  Princess  Alice  would  not  be  unacceptable,  and 
had  therefore  suggested  it  to  General  Grant;  but  he  pre 
ferred  not  to  write  one. 

DEC.  24th/ 78. 

DEAR  GEN.,  —  I  have  just  this  moment  rec'd  yours  of  the 
2 1  st.  I  hasten  to  answer  so  that  you  may  respond  to  such 
inquiries  as  you  are  receiving  the  best  you  can.  Having  visited 
Europe  very  thoroughly,  except  Ireland,  I  did  think  of  running 
over  there  for  a  hasty  trip  before  my  departure  for  the  east.  It 
is  extremely  problematical  whether  I  can  go.  I  must  stay  here 
until  I  know  all  about  the  time  to  expect  the  Richmond  in  the 
Mediterranean ;  where  I  am  to  board  her ;  how  much  she  is  to 
await  my  orders,  &c.  The  mail  which  brings  news  to  the  loth  of 
Dec.  —  the  day  the  Richmond  was  to  sail  from  America  —  brings 
me  no  news  on  the  subject.  It  is  certain  that  I  cannot  go  to 
Ireland  —  that  is,  leave  here  for  there  —  before  the  second  of 
Jany.  Nellie  &  Mr.  Sartoris  come  here  this  week  to  remain  with 
us  until  our  departure  for  the  east.  We  will  not  go  to  London 
therefore  unless  I  should  go  to  Ireland.  You  had  better  come 
over  here  therefore,  and,  if  you  get  this  in  time,  why  not  come 
with  Young  this  week  ? 

Mr.  Borie  sails  on  Thursday,  the  26th,  by  the  steamer  Ohio 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

from    Phila.     He   will    accompany  me   on   the  whole   trip,  much 
to  both  Mrs.  Grant's  and  my  delight. 

Before  your  letter  suggesting  a  letter  of  condolence  to  the 
Prince  of  Wales  for  the  death  of  Princess  Alice,  and  requesting  a 
word  about  you  in  a  letter  of  thanks  you  supposed  I  would  write 
to  the  President  for  his  tender  of  a  ship  to  take  me  east,  I  had 
written  such  a  letter  —  as  the  latter  —  but  to  the  Sec.  of  the  Navy, 
from  whom  the  tender  came,  without  allusion  to  the  President 
On  the  whole  I  thought  it  out  of  place  —  in  the  estimation  of  the 
American  citizen  —  to  write  to  the  Queen,  or  for  her. 

We  will  be  glad  to  see  you  over  here  at  such  time  as  you  can 
best  come  before  my  departure.  By  the  second  of  Jany  I  will 
know  positively  whether  I  can  go  to  Ireland. 

With  kindest  regards  of  Mrs.  Grant  &  myself, 

Yours  Very  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Forty-eight. 

I  accompanied  General  Grant  on  his  visit  to  Ireland,  which 
lasted  about  a  week.  He  went  first  to  Dublin,  where  he  was 
entertained  by  the  Viceroy,  (the  Duke  of  Marlborougb),  at  the 
Vice-Regal  Lodge,  and  at  dinner  by  the  Chief  Secretary ; 
thence  he  proceeded  to  Belfast,  Londonderry,  and  the  North ; 
but  he  was  unable  to  go  to  the  West  or  South;  the  civic 
authorities  of  Cork  refused  to  invite  him  officially,  because  of 
some  utterances  hostile  to  the  Catholics  while  he  was  Presi 
dent,  which  those  functionaries  resented.  This  was  the  only 
instance  of  the  kind  that  occurred  to  Grant  in  Europe  or 
Asia.  Nearly  every  city  in  the  United  Kingdom  had  wel 
comed  him  officially  and  presented  him  with  its  freedom,  but 
Cork  preferred  to  be  singular. 

PARIS,  FRANCE, 

Dec.  28th/  78. 

DEAR  GENERAL,  —  I  have  again  concluded  to  visit  Ireland  be 
fore  my  departure  for  the  East.  General  Noyes  &  I  will  leave 
here  on  the  2d  of  Jany.  without  servants,  and  only  hand-bags, 
for  a  flying  visit  through  the  principal  cities.  We  expect  to  be  in 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 

Dublin  the  next  morning  after  we  leave,  only  passing  from  one 
station  to  the  other  in  London.  We  will  not  stop  more  than  one 
day  at  any  place  in  Ireland,  and  must  be  back  here  by  Saturday, 
the  nth  of  January.  You  might  make  your  arrangements  to  join 
us  in  London  on  our  return  and  come  to  Paris  with  us. 

I  have  no  information  yet  of  the  sailing  of  the  Richmond,  and 
can  form  no  idea  of  the  time  of  my  departure.  I  cannot  leave 
Paris  however  until  after  the  i5th.  Mr.  Borie,  who  goes  with  me, 
will  want  a  little  rest  here,  and  if  Fred  goes  he  cannot  arrive  in 
Paris  before  the  i5th.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU,  U.  S.  A. 

P.  S.  —  Since  sealing  this  a  cablegram  informs  me  that  Fred, 
sails  in  the  Britannic  on  Saturday,  to-day;  Mr.  Borie  not  until 
next  week.  TJ.  S.  G. 

Letter  No.  Forty-nine. 

In  passing  through  London  on  his  return  from  Ireland, 
General  Grant  was  met  by  Mr.  Welsh,  the  new  American 
Minister,  who  held  a  reception  for  him.  He  then  proceeded 
to  Paris,  where  he  was  joined  by  his  son,  Colonel  Grant,  and 
Mr.  Borie.  I  returned  with  him  to  Paris,  and  accompanied 
him  to  Marseilles,  from  which  place  he  sailed  for  the  East. 
After  this  I  did  not  see  him  again  till  the  spring  of  1880,  but 
in  the  meantime  he  kept  up  a  more  animated  correspondence 
with  me  than  ever. 

His  first  letter  was  from  Bombay.  The  Mr.  Welsh  spoken 
of  was  the  United  States  Minister  at  London,  and  Mr.  Hop- 
pin  was  the  First  Secretary  of  Legation. 

BOMBAY,  INDIA, 

Feby.  1 7th/ 79- 

MY  DEAR  BADEAU,  —  We  reached  this  place  on  the  i3th  after 
a  most  pleasant  voyage.  From  Suez  to  Bombay  the  temperature 
was  just  right  to  keep  all  the  passengers  on  deck  from  the  hour 
of  rising  in  the  morning  to  the  hour  of  retirement  in  the  evening. 
The  sky  was  clear  and  the  sea  so  smooth  that  you  might  almost 
33 


514  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

play  billiards  on  deck.  The  reception  here  has  been  most  cordial 
from  the  officials,  foreign  residents,  Parsee  merchants  and  the 
better  to  do  Hindoo  natives.  Myself  and  party  were  invited  to 
occupy  the  Government  House,  where  we  are  now  staying,  and 
where  we  have  received  princely  hospitalities.  Young  has  de 
scribed  the  whole  thing  very  fully  in  his  article  for  the  paper.  I 
hope  you  will  see  it. 

To-day  we  start  for  the  interior  where  we  expect  to  see  more 
characteristic  phases  of  Indian  life  &  habits.  Bombay  has  much 
in  common  with  European  cities.  It  is  a  manufacturing  and  com 
mercial  city.  The  old  —  Native  —  portion  of  the  city  however  is 
different  from  anything  I  have  yet  seen  either  in  Egypt  or  Turkey. 
Like  in  New  York  city  we  may  find  people  from  every  known  part 
of  the  world. 

The  party  are  all  well  and  join  me  in  kindest  regards  to  you. 
Please  present  my  compliments  to  Mr.  &  Miss  Welsh  and  Mr. 
Hoppin.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Fifty. 

CALCUTTA,  March  i5th/  79. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  We  have  now  done  India  from  Bombay  to 
Delhi  and  back  to  this  place.  We  leave  here  to-morrow  morning 
for  Singapore,  by  a  regular  steamer,  the  Richmond  not  having  put 
in  an  appearance  yet.  Our  visit  to  India  has  been  a  most  delight 
ful  one.  The  English  people  have  exceeded  themselves  in 
hospitalities.  No  where  but  at  one  place  have  we  been  permitted 
to  stop  at  a  hotel,  and  there  —  Jubulpore  • —  it  was  because  no 
official  had  the  spare  room  for  our  accommodation.  The  railroad 
officials  have  been  equally  attentive  giving  us  all  through  India 
two  special  cars,  provided  with  every  convenience,  including  bath 
rooms,  for  our  party  of  six. 

I  have  a  letter  from  a  cousin  of  mine  who  says  that  she  has 
been  informed  that  a  brother  of  her  grandfather,  by  the  name 
of  Mordecai  Levy  died  in  London  some  fifty  years  ago  leaving  a 
large  fortune  to  her  grandfather,  and  that  the  will  was  recorded,  as 
she  says,  in  parliament.  Will  you  do  me  the  favor  to  have  some 
one  examine  whether  they  can  find  any  such  record. 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU.     5x5 

Mrs.  Grant  and  all  my  party  desire  to  be  specially  remembered 
to  you.  I  will  continue  to  drop  you  a  line  occasionally,  but  you 
must  not  expect  much  to  interest  you.  Very  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Fifty-one. 

The  reference  at  the  beginning  of  this  letter  is  to  the 
account  of  Early's  failure  in  Sheridan's  campaign  in  the 
Valley,  in  my  Military  History. 

The  long  interval  between  this  letter  and  its  predecessor 
makes  me  believe  that  some  of  General  Grant's  communica 
tions  miscarried.  He  was  at  this  time  hardly  ever  a  month 
without  writing  to  me. 

The  reference  to  the  British  Government  has  been  ex 
plained  in  Chapter  XXXV. 

NAGASAKI,  JAPAN, 

June  22d /  79 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, —  The  two  enclosed  chapters  were  received 
at  Tientsin  China  just  on  the  eve  of  my  departure  from  there,  so 
I  brought  them  here  to  mail.  The  last  chapter  I  think  is  one  of 
the  best  in  the  book.  It  shows  Early  in  an  unpleasant  light  and 
shows  the  Southern  character  —  for  lying  —  as  it  should  be  shown. 
I  have  no  corrections  to  suggest  in  either  chapter. 

My  visit  through  China  was  a  pleasant  one  though  the  country 
presents  no  attractions  to  invite  the  visitor  to  make  the  second  trip. 
From  Canton  to  Peking  my  reception  by  the  Civil  &  Military 
authorities  was  the  most  cordial  ever  extended  to  any  foreigner  no 
matter  what  his  rank.  The  fact  is  Chinese  like  Americans  better, 
or  rather  perhaps  hate  them  less,  than  any  other  foreigners.  The 
reason  is  palpable.  We  are  the  only  power  that  recognize  their 
right  to  control  their  own  internal  affairs.  My  impression  is  that 
China  is  on  the  eve  of  a  great  revolution  that  will  land  her  among 
the  nations  of  progress.  They  have  the  elements  of  great  wealth 
and  great  power  too  and  not  more  than  a  generation  will  pass 
before  she  will  make  these  elements  felt. 

I  received  your  letter  suggesting  that  I  should  write  to  Mr. 
Welsh  on  my  departure  from  the  last  British  Colony,  in  time  to 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

have  written  from  Hong  Kong.  But  I  did  not  do  so,  because  I 
did  not  feel  like  making  acknowledgment  to  the  Govt.  for  any 
exhibition  of  respect  on  their  part  while  I  do  gratefully  acknowl 
edge  the  most  marked  hospitality  &  kindness  from  all  British 
officials  in  the  east.  I  do  not  care  to  write  the  reasons  for  dis 
tinguishing  between  the  people  —  official  &  unofficial  of  England 
and  the  Govt.  But  I  will  tell  you  some  day. 

We  arrived  at  this  place  yesterday  &  found  the  most  exten 
sive  arrangements  for  our  reception.  The  Japanese  have  made 
my  party  their  guests  during  our  stay  in  the  country  and  have 
a  house  here,  at  Kobi  and  Tokio,  fitted  up  for  our  accommodation. 

Mrs.  Grant,  Fred  &  Young  —  dubbed  the  Commodore  — 
join  me  in  kindest  regards  to  you.  It  looks  now  as  if  we  would 
leave  for  home  about  the  i  oth  of  August.  But  I  may  change  my 
mind  and  go  back  to  visit  Australia,  and  some  other  places  left 
out,  and  go  back  by  the  Sandwich  Islands.  In  this  case  we  will 
not  reach  San  Francisco  before  March. 

Yours  Truly,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Fifty-two. 

I  see  nothing  to  add  to  this  letter  by  way  of  explanation 
or  elucidation.  It  tells  its  own  story. 

TOKIO,  JAPAN, 

July   i6"/79- 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL:  —  Your  letter  inclosing  the  chapter  on 
Hatcher's  Run  reached  me  last  night.  I  have  read  it  carefully 
and  see  nothing  to  correct  unless  it  might  be  to  let  Warren  off  a 
little  lighter.  But  in  that  respect  do  as  you  please  for  I  think  you 
are  entirely  correct. 

We  have  now  been  in  Japan  for  nearly  a  month.  The  country 
is  most  beautiful  and  the  people  charming.  There  is  nothing  they 
are  prouder  of  than  their  institutions  of  learning,  from  their  com 
mon  schools  up  to  the  highest  college,  including  their  Military  and 
Naval  schools.  There  is  no  country  where  the  arrangements  are 
more  complete  for  giving  every  child,  male  and  female,  a  fair  com 
mon  school  education  than  in  Japan.  Their  higher  institutions 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 

compare  favorably  with  those  of  the  oldest  countries  of  the  highest 
civilization.  The  better  class  of  males  wear  the  European  costume 
and  many  of  the  ladies  are  beginning  to  adopt  it  also.  From 
China  to  Japan  the  change  is  very  great  both  in  the  people  and 
country.  But  I  thought  I  saw  germs  of  progress  in  China.  The 
country  has  great  resources,  and  a  wonderfully  industrious,  ingen 
ious  &  frugal  people.  The  end  of  this  century  will  probably  see 
China  looming  up. 

To-morrow  we  go  to  the  interior  for  a  week  or  two.  After 
that  1  shall  visit  some  other  points  of  interest  in  the  country  and 
set  sail  for  home  on  the  2yth  of  August.  I  dread  going  home  but 
must  do  so. 

Remember  Mrs.  Grant  and  I  to  Mr.  Welsh  and  his  family  with 
him,  and  be  assured  of  our  kind  regards  for  yourself.  Young  & 
Fred  join  me  in  this.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Fifty-three. 

The  beginning  of  this  letter  refers  to  the  chapter  in  my 
History  in  which  I  described  Grant's  life  at  City  Point. — The 
remarks  about  Japan  were  no  more  enthusiastic  than  his 
conversation  always  became  whenever  he  spoke  of  his  visit 
to  that  country.  The  impression  made  upon  him  there  was 
more  vivid  than  in  any  European  or  Asiatic  region.  He 
never  tired  of  describing  the  courtesies  he  had  received,  or 
the  character  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  marvelous  advance 
in  their  civilization  within  so  short  a  period. 

TOKIO,  JAPAN, 

August  ist  /  79. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  : — Your  letter  enclosing  the  within  chapter 
reached  me  in  the  interior  of  Japan — at  Nikko — just  the  evening 
before  I  started  on  my  return  here.  The  chapter  is  so  personal 
to  myself  that  I  can  say  nothing  about  it.  But  I  have  corrected 
two  or  three  little  errors  of  fact.  My  visit  to  Japan  has  been  the 
most  pleasant  of  all  my  travels.  The  country  is  beautifully  culti 
vated,  the  scenery  is  grand,  and  the  people,  from  the  highest  to 


tj!3  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

the  lowest,  the  most  kindly  and  the  most  cleanly  in  the  world. 
My  reception  and  entertainment  has  been  the  most  extravagant  I 
have  ever  known,  or  even  read,  of.  But  as  Young  will  probably 
give  a  full  description  of  which  you  will  read  not  long  after  receiv 
ing  this,  I  will  not  attempt  it.  You  speak  of  only  receiving  two 
letters  from  me  since  my  departure  from  Marseilles !  Probably 
since  your  last  letter  you  have  received  two  or  three  others.  At 
all  events  I  have  returned  all  your  chapters  with  letters  accom 
panying,  and  hope  you  have  received  them.  I  assure  you  that  I 
am  always  glad  to  hear  from  you  even  if  I  do  not  answer  as 
promptly  as  I  might. 

On  the  2yth  of  this  month  we  sail  for  San  Francisco.  At  the 
end  of  the  first  year  abroad  I  was  quite  homesick,  but  determined 
to  remain  to  see  every  country  in  Europe  at  least.  Now  at  the 
end  of  twenty-six  months  I  dread  going  back,  and  would  not  if 
there  was  a  line  of  steamers  between  here  and  Australia.  But  I 
shall  go  to  my  quiet  little  home  in  Galena  and  remain  there  until 
the  cold  drives  me  away.  Then  I  will  probably  go  south  —  possi 
bly  to  Havana  &  Mexico  —  to  remain  until  April.  Mrs.  Grant, 
Fred,  &  Young  desire  to  be  specially  remembered  to  you. 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen!  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Fifty-four. 

The  following  letter  requires  no  comment. 

TOKIO,  JAPAN, 

August  25*  /  79. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, — My  visit  to  this  interesting  country — 
and  abroad — is  now  drawing  to  a  close.  On  the  2d  of  Sept 
we  sail  for  San  Francisco.  Our  reception  and  entertainment  in 
Japan  has  exceeded  anything  preceding  it.  Young's  account  will 
not  be  very  full  until  his  book  comes  out  because  two  firms  have 
already  pirated  his  work  and  advertise  cheap  editions  compiled 
from  his  letters  to  the  Herald.  Since  learning  the  fact  he  has 
written  but  little  for  the  paper  intended  for  the  book. 

This  is  a  most  beautiful  country,  and  a  most  interesting  people. 
The  progress  they  have  made  in  their  changed  civilization  within 


LETTERS   OF  GEN.   GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.          519 

twelve  years  is  almost  incredible.  They  have  now  Military  and 
Naval  Academies,  Colleges,  Academies,  Engineering  schools, 
schools  of  science  and  free  schools,  for  male  &  female,  as  thoroughly 
organized,  and  on  as  high  a  basis  of  instruction,  as  any  country 
in  the  world.  Travel  in  the  interior  is  as  safe  for  an  unarmed, 
unprotected  foreigner  as  it  is  in  the  New  England  States.  Much 
safer  from  extortion.  This  is  marvelous  when  the  treatment  their 
people — and  all  eastern  peoples — receive  at  the  hands  of  the  aver 
age  foreigner  residing  among  them  [is  considered].  I  have  never 
been  so  struck  with  the  heartlessness  of  Nations  as  well  as  indi 
viduals  as  since  coming  to  the  east.  But  a  day  of  retribution  is 
sure  to  come.  These  people  are  becoming  strong  and  China  is 
sure  to  do  so  also.  When  they  do  a  different  policy  will  have  to 
prevail  from  that  enforced  now. 

I  send  to-day  addressed  to  your  care  a  small  box  containing 
some  small  presents  to  Nellie  which  I  wish  you  would  be  kind 
enough  to  pay  all  charges  upon,  and  forward  to  her,  with  the  bill 
for  the  amount  you  may  have  to  pay.  The  box  is  marked  :  Mrs. 
Nellie  Grant  Sartoris ;  care  General  A.  Badeau ;  U.  S.  Consul- 
General,  London,  England.  Mrs.  Grant,  Fred,  &  Young  join 
me  in  kindest  regards  to  you.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Fifty-five. 

The  reference  to  General  Grant's  intended  book  was 
of  course  a  banter.  He  often  used  to  tease  or  rally  his 
intimates,  and  the  more  he  liked  them,  the  more  he  some 
times  seemed  to  be  unmerciful.  He  never  teased  any  one 
half  so  much  as  he  did  Mrs.  Grant.  There  was  besides  a 
vein  of  real  humor  in  him  which  became  apparent  when  he 
felt  entirely  free  and  unrestrained.  I  had  mentioned  a  state 
ment  I  had  seen  that  he  intended  to  write  a  history  of  his 
campaigns,  and  this  letter  contains  his  comical  reply. 

Mrs.  Robeson  had  repeated  to  me  something  she  had 
heard  about  Grant's  candidacy  for  office  and  the  opposition 
which  was  likely  to  come  from  certain  quarters. 


520 


GRANT   IN    PEACE. 


TOKIO,  JAPAN, 

Aug.  30th  /  79. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL,  —  You  will  see  from  the  date  above  that 
we  did  not  get  away  from  here  on  the  27th  as  I  wrote  you  we 
would.  The  steamer  on  which  we  are  to  sail  postponed  her  depart 
ure  until  the  3d  of  Sept.  otherwise  I  should  not  have  received 
your  letter  of  the  9th  of  July.  I  do  not  know  how  it  can  be  that 
you  have  not  received  letters  from  me.  I  have  written  to  you 
oftener  than  to  any  one  else,  except  my  children  and  possibly 
Ammen.  I  have  received  since  leaving  you  at  Marseilles  three 
or  four  batches  of  your  book  and  returned  all  of  them.  I  hope 
you  have  received  them  all  back. 

Mrs.  Robeson  is  no  friend  of  mine  to  tell  you  of  my  intended 
book  in  competition  with  yours  when  she  knew  yours  was  not  yet 
in  print  and  might  be  changed  to  suit  the  altered  circumstances. 
On  looking  at  your  letter  again  I  see  that  Mrs.  R.  did  not  tell  you 
that,  but  you  got  your  information  from  an  obscure  paper  published 
in  the  western  part  of  Kansas.  Well,  I  thought  by  letting  the 
information  out  so  far  from  London  you  would  not  find  it  out 
before  your  work  was  completed  and  then  it  would  do  you  no 
good  nor  me  any  harm.  But  as  you  are  posted  now  I  give  you 
my  written  pledge  that  the  work  described  in  the  Wichita  Eagle 
shall  not  appear  in  time  to  do  you  any  harm. —  I  do  not  feel  bad 
over  the  information  Mrs.  Robeson  gave  you.  I  am  not  a  candi 
date  for  any  office  nor  would  I  hold  one  that  required  any  maneu 
vering  or  sacrifice  to  obtain. 

We  are  all  well.  Mrs.  Grant,  Fred,  &  Young  join  me  in 
kindest  regards  to  you.  Yours  Truly, 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

U.  S.  Consul-General. 

Letter  No.   Fifty-six. 

In  1864,  at  the  time  of  the  Presidential  election  when 
McClellan  was  a  candidate  against  Lincoln,  disturbances  were 
apprehended  in  New  York  by  the  Government,  and  General 
Butler  was  sent  to  that  city  to  assist  in  maintaining  the  pub 
lic  peace.  No  disorder  occurred,  but  General  Rawlins  told 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT   TO   GEN.  BADEAU. 


521 


me  shortly  afterward  that  Butler  had  intended,  in  case  of  a 
riot,  to  send  out  to  Orange  where  McClellan  was  living,  and 
have  him  tried  by  a  drum-head  court-martial  for  inciting  trea 
son,  and  if  found  guilty,  he  meant  to  hang  him  at  once.  I 
have,  as  General  Grant  said,  no  authority  for  this  statement 
but  Rawlins's  declaration  that  Butler  had  so  assured  him. 
Acting  upon  Grant's  advice  I  did  not  give  it  a  place  in  my 
history. 

I  was  expecting  to  return  to  America  in  the  spring  of 
1880,  to  bring  out  the  concluding  volumes  of  my  history,  and 
had  written  to  ask  General  Grant's  plans,  so  that  I  might 
meet  him  on  my  arrival  and  submit  to  him  such  portions  of 
the  work  as  he  had  not  seen.  I  was  very  anxious  to  bring 
out  the  book  before  the  nominations  for  President  could  be 
made,  in  the  hope  that  it  might  help  to  revive  the  enthusiasm 
for  Grant ;  but  with  all  my  efforts,  it  was  not  finished  until 
nearly  a  year  after  the  meeting  of  the  Convention  at  Chicago. 

GALENA,    ILL., 

Nov.  2ist,  1879. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL,  —  I  have  just  read  the  enclosed  and  see 
nothing  to  suggest  in  the  way  of  change,  except  there  are  three  or 
four  typographical  errors  which  you  will  correct.  I  have  no  on.e 
with  me  now  and  have  consequently  mail  enough  to  keep  about 
six  hours  a  day  reading  and  answering  such  as  must  be  answered. 
You  must  be  satisfied  therefore  with  a  very  unsatisfactory  letter. 
There  is  one  omission  I  would  suggest  in  the  notes  to  the  first 
chapter  here  returned.  I  doubt  the  policy  of  giving  Butler's  inten 
tion  to  hang  McClellan  in  a  certain  contingency.  He  might  deny 
it  and  your  authority  for  the  statement — Rawlins  —  is  dead.  The 
papers  have  probably  kept  you  posted  as  to  the  manner  of  recep 
tions  I  have  had  since  my  arrival  in  San  Francisco.  They  have 
been  very  flattering.  I  go  East  so  as  to  reach  Phila  on  the 
1 6th  of  Dec.  I  will  remain  there  until  I  go  to  take  up  winter 
quarters.  My  present  intention  is  to  go  to  Havana  and  the 
City  of  Mexico  and  return  to  Galena  about  the  last  of  April  next 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

year.  In  this  case  I  will  not  meet  you  on  your  arrival.  But  you 
can  get  your  book  out  just  as  well  without  me.  I  think  you  can 
not  get  it  out  too  soon  after  your  return  to  America.  It  will  be 
the  most  authentic  book  published  on  the  war,  and  I  think  the 
most  truthful  history  —  except  what  you  say  about  me  —  published 
this  many  a  day. 

Mrs.  Grant  joins  me  in  kindest  regards  and  well  wishes  for  you. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

Gen.  A.  BADEAU.  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Fifty-seven. 

Grant's  reference  to  Stanton  in  this  letter,  is  characteristic. 
It  has  been  thought  and  said  that  a  hostility  existed  between 
these  two  great  men,  and  because  Grant  did  not  offer  Stanton 
a  place  in  his  Cabinet,  I  have  heard  it  asserted  that  the  Sec 
retary  went  broken-hearted  and  disappointed  to  his  grave. 
Yet  Stanton  had  supported  Grant  in  the  canvass  of  1868, 
and  though  I  doubt  not  there  had  been  a  time  when  he 
hoped  that  his  own  great  services  to  the  country  would  secure 
him  the  very  highest  political  reward,  he  soon  saw  that  the 
tide  had  set  irresistibly  toward  Grant.  It  was  he  who 
announced  to  Grant  his  first  nomination  at  Cincinnati,  and  he 
manifested  no  half-heartedness  afterward. 

Neither  did  Grant  ever  entertain  any  serious  ill-feeling 
toward  Stanton.  The  little  differences  that  had  arisen 
between  them  in  their  official  relations  never  affected  their 
action,  and  Grant  retained  his  respect  for  Stanton  to  the  last. 
He  did  not,  indeed,  invite  him  to  a  position  in  his  Cabinet,  for 
he  felt  that  it  would  be  difficult  for  Stanton  to  serve  under 
one  who  had  so  long  been  his  subordinate,  and  the  delicacy  of 
the  situation  was  not  inviting.  It  is  also  true  that  he  knew 
Stanton's  imperious  temper,  and  was  not  anxious  to  bring 
himself  into  contact  with  it ;  for  Grant  certainly  would  not 
have  submitted  as  President,  to  what  he  had  thought  proper  to 
endure  as  a  nominal  inferior.  More  than  all,  he  wanted  to 
enter  upon  his  new  functions  with  men  who  had  not  been 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU.     523 

complicated  by  their  past  relations,  especially  in  the  very 
positions  which  cabinet  ministers  would  hold.  Had  both 
Seward  and  Stanton  been  more  personally  intimate  with 
Grant,  or  had  their  fitness  for  their  posts  been  still  more 
marked,  I  doubt  whether  he  would  have  sought  an  association 
with  either  of  them  when  he  became  President.  But  this 
implied  no  failure  to  appreciate  their  ability  or  services. 

It  is  possible  that  in  his  new  position,  Grant  forgot,  tfor  a 
while,  his  old  superior ;  and  he  may  have  seemed  in  the  press 
of  public  cares,  and  amid  the  importance  of  the  highest  pub 
lic  duties,  even  to  neglect  the  faithful  patriot  who  had  done 
and  suffered  so  much  for  the  cause  with  which  Grant  had 
triumphed ;  but  when  it  was  told  him  that  Stanton  was  ill 
and  depressed  in  body  and  mind,  I  know  that  he  was  both 
shocked  and  grieved.  I  was  in  Washington  at  the  time,  and 
on  duty  at  the  Executive  Mansion.  A  seat  on  the  Supreme 
Court  bench  was  vacant,  and  Grant  was  aware  that  this  had 
long  been  an  object  of  Stanton's  legitimate  ambition.  He 
went  at  once,  President  though  he  was,  to  Stanton's  house, 
and  offered  the  sick  man  the  position,  and  the  broken 
statesman  was  greatly  touched  and  gratified  by  the  recogni 
tion  of  his  services  from  him  who  was  now  the  representative 
of  the  Republic.  The  interview  took  place  in  the  same 
room  where  Grant  had  once  told  the  Secretary  that  he  was  to 
supersede  him. 

But  the  great  War  Minister  was  worn  out  in  the  service 
of  his  country.  His  efforts  and  labors  had  told  on  him  as 
much  as  if  they  had  occurred  in  the  field ;  the  offer  was 
grateful  to  him,  but  it  came  too  late,  or  only  in  time  to  soothe 
his  dying  hours.  He  never  sat  on  the  bench  to  which  he  had 
been  elevated,  and  within  a  week  Grant  went  to  the  same 
house  to  Stanton's  funeral. 

When  one  remembers  the  great  men  whom  that  great  era 
developed,  the  positions  they  occupied,  the  achievements  they 
performed,  the  ambitions  they  cherished,  and  how  almost 


524 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


invariably  their  careers  came  to  a  disastrous  close,  the  little 
ness  of  worldly  success  is  terribly  and  sadly  taught.  Seward, 
Chase,  Sumner,  Stanton,  and  Greeley  all  aspired  to  the  Presi 
dency,  and  each  died  without  reaching  the  goal,  each  under  the 
shadow  of  defeat  and  disappointment  ;  while  others  on  the 
national  side,  like  Johnson,  Hancock,  and  McClellan,  failed 
of  an  election.  Then  there  is  the  long  list  of  soldiers,  men 
of  ability  and  patriotism,  who  were  superseded  :  including 
Halleck,  McClellan,  Burnside,  Hooker,  Rosecrans,  Buell,  Pope, 
and  Warren;  as  well  as  Banks,  and  Butler,  and  McDowell, 
and  even  Scott ;  while  Meade  and  Thomas  doubtless  felt  that 
they  had  deserved  what  others  gained.  Every  one  of  these 
men  was  surpassed  by  Grant,  to  say  nothing  of  the  soldiers 
whom  he  vanquished  in  the  field ;  yet  Grant  himself,  who 
seemed  so  long  the  favorite  of  fate,  was  deserted  at  the  last, 
and  hurled  into  an  abyss  of  misfortune  into  which  every  one 
of  the  others  might  have  looked  and  pitied  him. 

The  canal  mentioned  in  this  letter  was  the  Nicaragua 
Canal,  in  the  construction  of  which  Grant  took  the  greatest 
interest,  both  while  he  was  President  and  afterward. 

PHILADELPHIA,  PA., 

Dec.  27th,   /  79. 

MY  DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  have  now  been  in  Phila  nearly  two 
weeks  and  have  been  kept  so  busy  all  the  time  that  I  have 
not  been  able  to  glance  over  the  morning  papers  even  except  two 
or  three  times.  The  trip  from  Chicago  here  has  been  a  very 
fatiguing  one  though  very  gratifying.  No  doubt  you  have  seen 
fuller  accounts  of  it  than  I  would  give  if  I  was  going  to  describe 
it.  The  reception  at  Louisville  however  astonished  me.  Not 
withstanding  a  heavy  rain  storm  when  I  reached  there,  and  ankle 
deep  mud  in  the  streets,  the  way  was  packed  with  people  through 
out  the  whole  line  marked  out  for  the  procession.  The  windows 
were  crowded  with  ladies  &  children  waving  their  handkerchiefs, 
and  the  houses  all  decorated  with  stars  &  stripes.  The  people 
seemed  very  cordial  &  enthusiastic.  The  reception  here  has 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.   GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  525 

been  simply  overwhelming. —  To-day  I  start  for  Cuba  &  Mexico. 
Sheridan  &  wife,  Fred  &  his  wife  &  Kittie  Felt,  Mrs.  Grant  & 
I  make  up  the  party.  We  will  stop  over  in  Washington  until 
the  3o11!  We  go  to  Flo.  by  rail  and  cross  over  to  Havana 
from  there.  In  the  two  last  chapters  of  your  book  I  have  seen 
nothing  to  criticise.  Your  chapter  on  Stanton  is  the  best  pen 
picture  of  a  historical  character  I  ever  read.  I  venture  to  predict 
that  it  will  be  so  considered  by  critics  when  it  comes  before  the 
public.  The  fact  is  I  think  the  whole  book  will  rank  among  the 
most  truthful,  and  best  written,  histories  ever  presented  to  the  pub 
lic.  It  will  be  criticised  of  course  by  friends  of  some  Generals 
who  do  not  rank  in  your  estimation  as  they  do  in  their  own,  and 
by  personal  enemies.  But  you  will  find  on  the  whole  favorable 
criticisms. 

I  expect  to  be  back  in  Galena  as  soon  as  the  weather  gets 
pleasant  in  the  spring,  and  to  remain  there  until  time  to  go  to 
Long  Branch.  I  will  then  have  the  summer  to  arrange  for  a  per 
manent  home  and  occupation.  It  may  be  the  Canal  in  which 
case  I  will  live  in  New  York  City.  It  must  be  occupation  or  a 
country  home.  My  means  will  not  admit  of  a  city  home  without 
employment  to  supplement  them.  All  my  family  join  in  kindest 
regards  to  you.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Fifty-eight. 

I  returned  to  the  United  States,  on  leave,  in  April,  1880, 
but  Grant  was  in  Galena.  I  went  out  to  see  him  in  May, 
just  before  the  Chicago  Convention  that  nominated  Garfield 
for  the  Presidency.  After  the  result  was  known  I  wrote  to 
him,  of  course,  as  warmly  as  I  knew  how,  and  yet  without 
saying  too  much  of  his  defeat  —  the  first  in  his  career.  The 
manly  but  touching  letter  which  follows  was  his  acknowl 
edgment. 

The  sentence  mentioning  Porter  and  Seligman  refers  to 
some  business  propositions  that  were  made  to  him  after  the 
failure  of  his  political  friends  at  Chicago,  for  they  knew  now 
that  he  must  turn  his  attention  to  his  own  affairs ;  as  he  was 
far  from  rich,  or  even  independent. 


526 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


June  23rd,  1880. 

MY  DEAR  BADEAU, —  Your  letter  of  the  i9th(is  just  received, 
I  will  be  very  glad  to  see  you  before  your  return  to  England.  I 
will  not  be  going  east,  however,  before  the  latter  part  of  Novem 
ber.  In  one  week  I  will  be  starting  west  and  may  remain  absent 
six  we'eks.  I  may  get  tired  in  three  weeks  and  return  here.  In 
any  event  I  expect  to  get  back  before  the  end  of  August. 

Since  writing  the  above  I  have  read  the  admirable  chapter 
which  accompanied  your  letter.  There  is  no  criticism  to  make 
upon  it.  If  you  want  it  returned  write  or  telegraph  me.  Suppos 
ing  you  have  a  copy  I  do  not  return  it  with  this. —  I  am  glad  you 
are  getting  on  so  well  with  your  book.  Hope  to  see  it  out  before 
you  return  to  England.  It  will  not  probably  have  so  great  a  sale, 
at  once,  as  would  have  had  the  result  at  Chicago  been  what 
many  thought  it  would  be.  But  it  will  have  a  k)»g  run,  finding  a 
market  long  after  you  and  I  are  gone.  Tell  Porter  that  I  received 
his  letter,  and  Seligman's.  I  answered  Seligman  both  by  telegraph 
&  letter,  declining  his  offer.  Seligman  will  no  doubt  allow  him 
to  see  my  letter. 

We  are  all  well  here  and  Mrs.  Grant  and  Jesse,  who  is  here 
for  a  day  or  two,  join  me  in  kindest  regards. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Letter  No.  Fifty-nine. 

This  note  was  accompanied  by  a  portion  of  what  I  had 
written  on  Thomas's  Nashville  campaign  for  my  history. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  neglected  to  enclose  this  in  my  last  letter. 
I  gave  your  summing  up  of  Thomas'  characteristics  to  the  press 
thinking  it  appropriate  as  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumber 
land  were  about  meeting  in  Washington  to  unveil  the  Equestrian 
Statue  to  his  memory.  All  well. 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Letter  No.  Sixty. 

For  months  after  his  defeat  at  Chicago,  Grant  was  turn 
ing  over  in  his  mind  the  business  he  should  adopt ;  considering 
many  offers  and  examining  various  enterprises,  as  the  next 
letter  shows  very  fully. 


LETTERS   OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  527 

MANITOU  SPRINGS,  COL., 

July  28th,  1880. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  Your  letter  of  the  1 8th  of  July,  with  chapter 
enclosed,  only  reached  me  on  the  26th,  at  Leadville.  I  have  read 
the  chapter  over  carefully  and  see  nothing  to  criticise.  In  your 
letter  you  say  that  you  sent  me  the  first  part  of  "  Fort  Fisher  " 
some  weeks  ago,  before  the  receipt  of  my  letter.  The  last  I  have 
received  from  you,  before  your  letter  of  the  i8th,  was  the  chapter 
which  I  approved  in  my  letter  from  Galena.  I  think  now,  I  will 
be  in  New  York  City  soon  after  my  return  to  Galena.  The 
probabilities  are  that  I  shall  make  my  home  there.  But  this  is 
not  entirely  certain.  I  am  obliged  to  do  something  to  supplement 
my  means  to  live  upon  and  I  have  very  favorable  offers  there. 
Fortunately  none  of  my  children  are  a  tax  upon  me.  If  they  were 
we  would  all  have  to  retire  to  the  farm  and  work  that. 

I  have  been  looking  at  the  mines  in  New  Mexico  and  in  this 
state  and  natter  myself  that  I  have  obtained  something  of  an 
insight  into  the  resources  of  the  two  —  the  state  and  territory  — 
and  a  large  insight  in  the  way  mines  are  managed.  Without  going 
into  details  I  would  not  buy  stock  in  any  mine  in  the  country, 
when  the  stock  is  thrown  upon  the  market,  any  more  than  I  would 
buy  lottery  tickets.  The  mines  are  producing  largely,  but  those 
quoted  pay  no  dividends  to  the  stockholders  unless  it  is  to  put  up 
the  price  of  the  stocks  so  the  knowing  ones  can  sell  out.  Porter  & 
Co.  have  a  magnificent  mine,  managed  by  a  thoroughly  competent 
and  honest  man.  It  is  so  opened  that  they  will  get  out  all  there 
is  in  it  in  the  most  economical  manner,  and  the  dividends  will  be 
regular,  subject  to  no  vicissitudes  except  strikes,  epidemics  or 
earthquakes.  I  go  on  Saturday  to  the  Garrison  and  probably 
from  there  to  the  San  Juan  region.  That  visit  over  I  will  have 
seen  a  large  part  of  the  Mining  region. 

My  family  are  all  well.  Buck  is  with  me  and  Fred,  is  on  his 
way  between  Santa  Fe  and  here.  The  climate  of  this  place  is 
perfect.  While  you  are  sweltering  in  New  York  cloth  clothing  is 
comfortable  here.  All  desire  to  be  remembered  to  you. 

Yours  Truly, 

U.   S.  GRANT. 


528  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Letter  No.  Sixty-one. 

At  the  close  of  this  letter,  Grant  alludes  to  the  joke  of  one 
of  the  rebel  soldiers  in  Sherman's  Atlanta  campaign.  It  was 
proposed  to  blow  up  a  tunnel  on  the  road  over  which 
Sherman  brought  his  supplies.  "  Oh  h — 11,"  exclaimed  the 
Confederate,  "Don't  you  know  that  Sherman  carries  dupli 
cate  tunnels  with  him  on  this  march?" 

MANITOU  SPRINGS,  COL., 

Aug.  i2th,  1880. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  returned  here  day  before  yesterday 
and  found  a  mail  awaiting  me  which  has  required  all  my  spare 
time  until  now  just  to  read.  In  it  I  find  your  two  letters,  and  the 
first  part  of  the  chapter  on  Fort  Fisher.  I  have  read  it  carefully 
and  do  not  see  how  a  word  can  be  changed.  All  that  you  say 
that  exception  can  be  taken  to  is  supported  by  quotations,  or 
citations  to,  orders  and  letters  of  instruction  of  the  time.  I  have 
been  away  from  here  for  ten  days  visiting  parts  of  Colorado  I  had 
never  seen  before.  The  trip  was  a  very  hard  one  though  full  of 
interest.  I  am  satisfied  this  state  has  a  great  destiny  before  it. 
The  new  regions  that  I  visited  will  show  greater  mineral  resources 
than  all  that  has  been  heretofore  discovered  in  the  state  besides 
considerable  agricultural  resources.  But  I  will  see  you  in 
September,  when  I  shall  be  in  New  York,  and  then  I  can  tell  yot 
more  than  I  can  write.  When  I  go  to  New  York  it  will  be  deter 
mined  whether  I  accept  the  Presidency  of  the  Mining  Co.  to 
which  I  have  been  elected.  One  thing  is  certain,  I  must  do 
something  to  supplement  my  income  or  continue  to  live  in  Galena 
or  on  a  farm.  I  have  not  got  the  means  to  live  in  a  city. 

With  kindest  regards  of  Mrs.  Grant,  Fred.  &  Buck  — the 
latter  has  just  left  —  I  am  as  ever,  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

P.  S.  I  do  not  return  the  chapter  on  F.  F.  supposing  you 
have  a  duplicate  as  Sherman's  men  had  of  all  the  R.  R.  tunnels 
the  rebels  destroyed. 


LETTERS   OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  529 

Letter  No.   Sixty-two. 

Chapter  XXXI  of  my  "  Military  History  "  which  Grant  so 
highly  approved,  is  the  one  which  shows  more  plainly  than 
any  other  how  absolutely  he  directed  the  movements  of  all 
the  armies,  and  gives  him  the  credit  to  which  he  was  entitled 
for  the  comprehensive  strategy  which  did  so  much  to  bring 
about  the  success  of  the  Union  armies  ;  without  which  indeed 
all  the  effort  of  those  armies  would  have  failed. 

I  need  not  call  attention  to  General  Grant's  remarks  about 
Thomas  and  Canby;  they  show  at  least  that  I  have  not 
misapprehended  nor  misrepresented  his  own  opinions  of  those 
soldiers,  and  justify  the  plainness  with  which  I  speak  of  other 
eminent  individuals  in  the  present  volume. 

The  visit  to  Boston  to  which  he  invited  me,  had  a  semi- 
political  character,  and  was  turned  to  good  account  in  favor 
of  Garfield  by  the  Republicans.  During  the  journey,  which 
extended  to  other  places  than  Boston,  Grant  was  present  at  a 
number  of  political  meetings,  at  all  of  which  he  made  short 
addresses,  so  that  the  popular  enthusiasm  for  him  was  con 
verted  into  capital  for  the  candidate  who  had  defeated  him  at 
Chicago. 

GALENA,   ILL., 
Sept.  2oth  /8o. 

MY  DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  have  just  read  your  last  chapter 
furnished  me.  It  is  admirable.  You  have  not  written  one  better, 
nor  one  more  interesting.  I  am  glad  you  have  put  so  distinctly 
before  your  readers  the  vexatious  delays  of  Thomas  and  Canby. 
They  were  both  excellent  men;  but  possessed  fatal  defects  to 
being  successful  directors  or  executors  of  great  military  move 
ments,  unless  on  the  defensive.  You  give  true  history  in  regard 
to  them,  and  furnish  the  proof  as  you  go  along.  While  I  would 
not  wish  to  detract  from  any  one  I  think  history  should  record  the 
truth. —  I  read  this  chapter  out  loud  to  Mrs.  Grant.  She  wants 
me  to  say  that  she  was  much  interested.  I  have  been  compelled 
to  delay  my  departure  to  the  east  one  week  to  enable  me  to  keep 
an  engagement  to  meet  my  old  regiment  at  a  reunion,  which  I  had 
34 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

promised  last  fall  to  do,  but  had  forgotten  the  date  of  the  meeting 
when  I  arranged  to  start  on  the  last  of  this  month.  I  shall  hope 
to  meet  you  then  and  would  like  to  have  you  go  on  to  Boston  with 
me  for  four  or  five  days  if  it  would  not  interfere  with  your  book  too 
much.  Tell  Porter  of  my  delay. 

With  kind  regards  of  Mrs.  Grant  &  myself. 

Yours  Truly,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Sixty-three. 

After  the  visit  to  Boston,  I  was  almost  constantly  with 
General  Grant  for  four  or  five  months.  I  had  rooms  near 
him  in  New  York,  and  saw  him  daily.  During  the  latter  part 
of  the  winter,  I  was  laid  up  for  six  weeks  with  a  lameness, 
and  he  often  came  and  sat  with  me,  discussing  public  affairs 
or  his  own,  or  reading  and  revising  the  chapters  of  my  history 
on  which  I  was  still  engaged.  I  was  still  Consul-General  at 
London,  and  my  leave  of  absence  having  been  renewed  once 
or  twice,  he  gave  me  the  advice  contained  in  the  following 
letter.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  Mr.  Evarts  was 
Secretary  of  State,  and  Colonel  John  Hay,  Assistant-Secre 
tary  under  President  Hayes. 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

Dec.  4th  /  80. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  would  advise  that  you  drop  a  private  note 
to  Asst.  Sec.  Hay  saying  that  you  would  like  to  have  your  leave  ex 
tended  to  about  the  20th,  or  last  of  Jan.  to  insure  getting  your 
book  in  the  hands  of  the  printer  before  leaving.  I  will  be  going 
to  Washington  on  Monday  the  13*  inst.  and  will  speak  to  Hay,  or 
Evarts,  to  have  your  leave  extended  if  you  wish.  It  is  a  pity  the 
book  cannot  be  out  by  the  holidays.  Business  is  then  suspended 
and  many  persons  might  read  it  who  later  will  not  have  the  time. 
Sincerely  Yours,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Sixty-four. 

This  note  was  written  immediately  after  the  inauguration 
of  Garfield,  in  March,  1881.  Grant  was  still  in  no  actual 
business,  and  his  means,  as  I  have  said,  were  limited ;  he  had 


LETTERS   OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  $$l 

no  secretary,  and  the  accumulation  of  his  correspondence 
often  annoyed  him.  I  therefore  offered  to  assist  him  as  of  old. 
He  expected  to  remain  in  New  York,  and  had  agreed  to 
recommend  me  to  the  new  Administration  for  the  "Naval 
Office  "  in  that  city,  which  would  place  me  permanently  where 
I  could  be  near  him.  At  this  time  he  had  no  doubt  that 
a  mere  suggestion  from  him  to  the  President  would  be  suffi 
cient  ;  the  obligations  of  Garfield  were  so  conspicuous. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  Much  obliged  for  your  offer  of  services  ;  but 
company  have  been  coming  in  all  day,  so  that  all  I  could  do  has 
been  to  answer  a  few  letters.  In  the  morning  I  go  to  Washington 
and'  will  take  that  occasion  to  talk  to  Conkling  and  the  President 
about  your  transfer  to  New  York.  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Letter  No.  Sixty-five. 

General  Grant  recommended  Mr.  Russell  Young  to  the 
new  Administration,  either  for  the  mission  to  Mexico  or 
to  China  or  Japan. 

March  nth/8i. 

DEAR  GENERAL, — I  will  call  over  to  see  you  a  while  this  after 
noon  if  I  can.  Young  will  not  probably  go  to  Mexico  because 
there  will  hardly  be  a  change  there.  If  there  should  be  a  change 
in  China  or  Japan  he  would  have  one  of  those  places.  I  will 
tell  you  this  evening  about  your  chances  for  the  Naval  office. 
Conkling  is  willing.  Yours,  U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Sixty-six. 

In  Chapter  XXXVII  of  this  volume,  I  have  given  the 
history  of  General  Grant's  recommendation  of  myself  to 
Garfield.  On  the  24th  of  March,  1881,  I  took  the  following 
letter  to  the  new  President : 

NEW  YORK,  March  i6th,  1881. 
His  Excellency, 

JA'S  A.  GARFIELD, 

President  of  U.  States: 

DEAR  SIR, — I  take  great  pleasure  in  introducing  to  you 
General  Badeau,  formerly  of  my  staff,  and  now  Consul-General 


532 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


at  London.  You  may  not  be  aware  that  General  Badeau  has 
been  engaged  for  fifteen  years  on  a  history  of  the  Rebellion  so  far 
as  my  connection  with  it  is  concerned.  That  work  is  now  com 
plete  and  in  the  hands  of  the  publishers.  When  I  was  in  Wash 
ington  last  week  I  meant  to  speak  to  you  of  him,  but  do  not 
remember  whether  I  did.  Lest  I  should  not  have  done  so,  I  will 
now  state  that  it  was  my  intention  to  have  asked  his  retention  in 
his  present  office  unless  he  could  receive  the  post  of  Naval  Officer 
of  this  port.  I  would  not  ask  the  latter  position  unless  it  met 
with  the  approval  of  the  Senators  from  this  state  and  the  Repre 
sentatives  from  this  city  and  Brooklyn. 

Very  truly  yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Before  this  letter  was  delivered  my  name  was  sent  to  the 
Senate  as  Charge  d'Affaires  at  Copenhagen.  Grant  at  once 
sent  me  the  following  telegram  from  New  York : 

NEW  YORK,  March  24. 
General  BADEAU,  Riggs  House,  Washington,  D.  C.: 

See  the  President  at  once  with  my  letter.  Ask  him  to  with 
draw  your  nomination,  and  if  he  cannot  leave  you  in  London,  ask 
him  to  give  you  either  Italy  or  Naval  Office  in  this  city.  Show 
him  this  dispatch  as  my  endorsement  of  you  for  either  place. 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Letter  No.  Sixty-seven. 

As  the  President  was  disinclined  to  reconsider  his  appoint 
ment,  Grant  sent  me  this  second  telegram,  which  also  I 
submitted  to  Garfield.  The  result  is  described  in  Chapter 

XXXVII. 

NEW  YORK, 

March  25. 
General  A.  BADEAU,  Riggs  House,  Washington,  D.  C. : 

I  advise  you  to  decline  Copenhagen  and  stick  to  London 
unless  you  can  get  Naval  Office,  Italy,  or  some  equally  good 
place.  Advise  with  Conkling  and  Platt.  It  would  be  better  to 
come  here  without  government  appointment  than  to  take  Copen 
hagen.  U.  S.  GRANT. 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  533 

Letter  No.  Sixty-eight. 

As  elsewhere  related,  Garfield  persisted  in  his  nomina 
tions,  which,  however,  were  opposed  in  the  Senate,  and  I 
returned  to  my  post  in  England  to  await  the  result,  while 
General  Grant  went  to  Mexico  to  arrange  for  the  organization 
of  a  railroad  connecting  that  country  with  the  United  States. 
This  was  the  enterprise  in  which  Mr.  Romero  took  so  deep 
an  interest. 

From  Mexico  Grant  wrote  to  the  Hon.  J.  P.  Jones  of  the 
United  States  Senate,  a  letter  condemning  Garfield's  course. 
This  letter  was  published  and  excited  great  attention.  In  it 
Grant  said:  "The  change  of  Badeau  and  Cramer,  the  two 
appointments  in  which  I  felt  a  strong  personal  interest,  was 
very  distasteful  to  me;  the  first,  because  of  our  personal 
relations,  and  my  wish  that  he  should  be  kept  where  his  office 
would  support  him  until  he  finished  some  work  he  is  engaged 
upon,  and  which  he  could  do  without  interfering  with  his 
public  duties."  This  work  was  Grant's  political  history, 
the  military  one  being  complete. 

From  Mexico  General  Grant  wrote  to  me  also  the  follow 
ing  letter: 

CITY  OF  MEXICO, 

May  yth,  1881. 

DEAR  GENERAL, — I  received  your  several  letters  written  since 
my  departure  from  New  York,  and  your  telegram.  The  latter  I 
answered  at  once  saying  stick  to  London  or  its  equivalent.  The 
operator  refused  to  send  the  dispatch  on  the  prepayment.  I  then 
sent  my  pass  —  which  I  have  over  the  Mexican  cable  &  Western 
Union  —  when  they  received  it.  I  supposed  of  course  you  would 
get  the  reply.  I  am  completely  disgusted  with  Garfield's  course. 
It  is  too  late  now  for  him  to  do  anything  to  restore  him  to  my 
confidence.  I  will  never  again  lend  my  active  aid  to  the  support 
of  a  Presidential  candidate  who  has  not  strength  enough  to  appear 
before  a  convention  as  a  candidate,  but  gets  in  simply  by  the 
adherents  of  prominent  candidates  preferring  any  outsider  to 
either  of  the  candidates  before  the  Convention  save  their  own.' 


534 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


Garfield  has  shown  that  he  is  not  possessed  of  the  backbone  of 
an  angle-worm.  I  hope  his  nominations  may  be  defeated  and  you 
left  where  you  are  until  you  are  ready  to  withdraw  voluntarily.  I 
see  no  note  of  your  book  coming  out  yet.  It  looks  as  if  the 
Appletons  were  in  no  hurry. 

My  business  here  progresses  favorably  so  far  as  the  President 
and  the  departments  are  concerned.  I  have  heard  nothing  yet  of 
any  opposition  in  Congress.  Before  this  reaches  you  I  will  be  on 
my  way  home. 

I  never  would  have  undertaken  the  work  I  am  now  engaged  in 
for  any  possible  gain  that  can  accrue  to  myself.  But  I  have  been 
much  impressed  with  the  resources  of  this  country,  and  have  enter 
tained  a  much  higher  opinion  of  these  people  than  the  world  at 
large  generally  do,  and  of  their  capacity  to  develope  their  re 
sources,  with  aid  and  encouragement  from  outside.  I  felt  that 
this  development  must  come  soon,  and  the  country  furnishing  the 
means  would  receive  the  greatest  benefit  from  the  increased  com 
merce.  I  wanted  it  to  be  ours.  Besides  we  want  to  encourage 
republican  government,  and  particularly  on  this  continent.  Then 
too  it  is  an  advantage  for  us  to  pay  for  our  imports  with  the 
products  of  our  soil  &  manufactures  as  far  as  possible.  This 
we  do  not  do  now  with  countries  from  which  we  receive  tropical 
&  semi-tropical  products.  Mexico  can  furnish  all  the  commodi 
ties  and  will  want  in  return  what  we  have  to  sell. 

I  will  always  be  glad  to  hear  from  you  and  will  write  in  return 
occasionally.  You  know  I  have  a  great  many  letters  to  write, 
and  probably  will  have  to  write  more  in  the  future.  But  I  have 
learned  one  thing  in  this  trip  that  I  wish  I  had  learned  twenty 
years  ago.  I  brought  along  a  stenographer  as  Sec.  I  find  no 
trouble  whatever  in  dictating  letters,  speeches  &  reports.  It 
saves  a  world  of  trouble.  With  best  regards  of  Mrs.  Grant  & 
myself.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Sixty-nine. 

It  is  not  fair  to  Grant  that  the  last  letter  should  be  read 
without  the  one  which  immediately  succeeded  it.  If  his  bitter 
ness  towards  him  whom  he  considered  a  disloyal  compeer  is 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  535 

remembered,  the  sympathy  he  felt  for  the  stricken  President 
should  also  be  recalled.  I  reprint  the  second  letter  although 
it  has  already  been  given  with  other  surroundings. 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

July  27*,  1881. 

MY  DEAR  GEN.  BADEAU, —  I  am  just  this  day  in  receipt 
of  two  letters  from  you  of  the  latter  part  of  June.  Why  they 
have  been  so  long  coming  I  cannot  conceive. —  A  few  days  after 
your  letters  were  written,  as  you  know  —  the  dastardly  attempt  was 
made  upon  the  President's  life.  This  of  course  has  put  a  stop  to 
all  communication  on  the  subject  of  foreign  appointments,  in  fact 
all  Presidential  appointments.  I  had  told  Porter  before  this  terri 
ble  crime  that  I  thought  probably  you  had  better  after  all  accept 
the  Copenhagen  appointment  for  the  present.  Whether  Porter 
had  an  opportunity  to  mention  the  subject  before  the  wounding  of 
the  President  or  not  I  do  not  know. —  This  attempt  upon  the  life 
of  Gen.  Garfield  produced  a  shock  upon  the  public  mind  but 
little  less  than  that  produced  by  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
The  intensity  of  feeling  has  somewhat  died  out  in  consequence  of 
the  favorable  reports  of  the  patient's  condition  from  day  to  day ; 
but  now  more  alarm  is  being  felt  for  his  safety.  I  myself  have 
felt  until  within  the  last  three  or  four  days  that  there  was  scarcely 
a  doubt  about  his  recovery.  Now  however  I  fear  the  chances 
are  largely  against  it.  But  by  the  time  this  reaches  you  more 
certainty  will  be  felt  one  way  or  the  other.  The  crime  is  a  dis 
grace  to  our  country,  and  yet  cannot  be  punished  as  it  deserves. 

I  have  been  very  busy  though  not  accomplishing  much,  which 
must  be  my  excuse  for  not  writing  sooner. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Seventy. 

At  last  my  successor  to  London  was  confirmed,  and  on 
his  arrival  in  England,  in  September,  1881,  I  returned  to  this 
country,  and  resumed  my  old  habit  of  constant  association 
with  General  Grant.  The  new  President,  Arthur,  was  in 
New  York  in  October,  and  General  Grant  called  on  him.  He 


536  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

told  me  the  same  day  that  Arthur  had  introduced  the  subject 
of  providing  an  appointment  for  me.  Arthur  had  urged  me 
a  few  months  before  to  decline  the  nomination  to  Copenhagen 
which  Garfield  offered  me,  and  my  whole  course  in  that 
matter  had  been  advised  and  endorsed  by  him  and  Senator 
Conkling  as  strongly  as  by  Grant.  He  now  admitted  to 
Grant  that  he  felt  bound  to  offer  me  a  place  at  least  equal  to 
that  from  which  I  had  been  removed.  He  said  to  General 
Grant  that  he  meant  to  appoint  me  Minister  to  Italy. 

By  General  Grant's  advice,  I  waited  on  the  President  the 
next  day.  Arthur  had  been  my  acquaintance  for  more  than 
twenty  years.  I  knew  both  him  and  his  wife  before  their 
marriage,  and  had  always  been  on  pleasant  and  personal 
terms  with  him.  He  was  at  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  and 
received  me  in  a  parlor  full  of  visitors ;  but  he  took  me  by 
the  hand  and  led  me  at  once  into  his  bedroom,  which  was 
crowded  with  clothes,  so  that  he  sat  on  the  bedstead  and  I  on 
a  trunk  while  we  talked.  He  adverted  at  once  to  my  position, 
and,  without  waiting  for  me  to  ask  or  suggest  anything, 
declared  that  he  meant  to  give  me  the  mission  to  Italy.  Mr. 
Marsh,  the  incumbent,  was  old  and  infirm,  and  had  long  been 
unable  to  perform  his  duties,  and  Arthur  said  that  I  might 
rely  upon  his  promise ;  but  of  course  there  was  a  press  of 
important  matters  that  had  precedence.  His  Cabinet  was  not 
re-formed,  and  he  always  moved  slowly ;  and  I  heard  no  more 
from  him  for  months.  During  the  winter  he  was  again  in 
New  York,  and  again  assured  General  Grant  that  I  should 
receive  the  Italian  Mission,  but  I  did  not  approach  him  at 
that  time. 

In  January,  however,  I  went  to  Washington,  and  he 
received  me  by  appointment  in  the  evening.  Again  he 
promised  to  nominate  me  to  Italy,  but  he  said  there  was  a 
difficulty  about  removing  Mr.  Marsh,  who  was  the  friend  and 
relative  of  Senator  Edmunds.  The  President,  however, 
informed  me  that  he  meant  to  nominate  Mr.  Edmunds  to  a 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU.     537 

vacant  seat  on  the  Supreme  Court  bench,  and  then  any  obli 
gations  to  the  Senator  would  be  fulfilled,  after  which  my 
appointment  would  be  made.  He  did  offer  Edmunds  the 
judgeship,  but  it  was  declined,  and  nothing  more  was  said  to 
me. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  I  received  the  following  letter 
from  General  Grant.  The  first  sentence  refers  to  my  "  Military 
History,"  which  was  sold  by  subscription,  and  Grant  wanted 
to  make  out  a  list  of  his  personal  friends  to  whom  the  can 
vassers  might  offer  the  book. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  think  it  would  be  well  if  the  Appletons 
would  send  one  of  their  canvassers  for  this  city  to  me. 

I  hardly  know  how  to  advise  you  to  proceed  in  your  personal 
matter.  But  I  think  I  would  see  the  President  and  if  he  is  not 
inclined  to  remove  Marsh  I  would  suggest  the  Consul-Generalship 
of  Paris  or  London.  There  may  be  some  hesitation  about  the 
removal  of  the  latter,  but  I-  am  told  there  wrould  not  be  in  regard 
to  the  former.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Seventy-one. 

In  accordance  with  General  Grant's  advice  I  wrote  a  note 
requesting  a  second  interview  with  the  President,  and  received 
no  answer.  I  reported  this  to  the  General,  who  thereupon 
wrote  me  this  letter. 

The  Mr.  Hamilton  spoken  of  was  the  late  John  C.  Ham 
ilton  of  New  York,  father-in-law  of  General  Halleck.  It  was 
this  relationship  which  made  his  commendation  notable ;  for 
I  had  been  obliged  to  say  many  things  in  my  history,  which 

were  unfavorable  to  Halleck. 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

Feb'y  3d,  1882. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  have  your  letter  of  the  ist.  It  is  possible 
the  President's  Sec.  —  knowing  how  the  President  is  op 
pressed  by  calls  —  never  laid  your  letter  before  him.  At  all  events 
I  would  assume  that  he  had  not,  and  would  lay  my  business  before 


538  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

him.  The  President  has  spoken  in  the  kindest  terms  of  you,  and 
suggested  himself,  before  I  mentioned  it,  the  Italian  Mission.  I 
would  suggest  that  you  go  in  to  see  him  in  his  office  hours  and  say 
that  you  would  not  take  up  his  time  now,  but  if  he  would  name  a 
time  you  would  like  to  call  when  he  could  give  you  a  few  minutes. 
Of  course  you  are  at  liberty  to  use  any  letter  or  saying  of  mine. 

Old  Mr.  Hamilton  was  in  to  see  me  a  few  days  ago.  He  had 
just  finished  reading  your  book  and  was  in  extasies  over  it.  He 
had  not  one  word  of  unfavorable  comment. 

The  Appletons  have  not  yet  sent  an  Agent  to  me.  —  I  hope  you 
may  be  speedily  relieved  from  your  suspense  by  Presidential 
action.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Seventy-two. 

The  volume  General  Grant  here  refers  to  is  his  political 
history,  which,  as  the  military  work  was  complete,  I  was  now 
about  to  begin. 

There  were  some  conversations  between  Mr.  George 
Jones  and  several  of  my  friends,  at  this  time,  in  regard  to  my 
joining  the  staff  of  the  New  York  Times,  which  will  explain 
the  concluding  sentences  of  this  letter. 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

Feb'y  i6tk,  1882. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  have  your  letter  of  yesterday,  and  received 
in  time  yours  of  a  few  days  ago.  I  think  there  is  no  doubt  but 
the  President  is  disposed  to  do  something  for  you.  But,  to  this 
time,  he  has  seemed  averse  to  making  any  removals  no  matter  how 
offensive  the  parties  in  place  have  been  to  him  and  his  friends.  I 
hope  this  will  not  continue.  Exactly  what  to  suggest  I  am  at  loss 
to  think  of.  Something  in  Washington  would  suit  your  purpose  of 
writing  the  volume  you  speak  of  better  than  elsewhere.  But  what 
is  there  of  sufficient  dignity  and  compensation  that  would  give 
you  the  time.  I  have  no  doubt  but  they  would  be  glad  to  give 
you  the  place  vacated  —  or  to  be  vacated  by  young  Elaine.  If 
that  would  do  suggest  it  to  the  Sec.  or  Asst.  Sec.  and  no  doubt  it 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


539 


could  be  brought  about.      Refer  to  me  in  this  or  any  other  matter 
for  your  benefit. 

George  Jones  and  his  wife  dine  with  me  on  Saturday  next.  I 
will  see  what  he  might  be  willing  to  do  in  the  direction  you  sug 
gest.  With  a  fair  compensation  from  that  quarter,  your  retired 
pay  and  what  you  might  pick  up  in  other  ways,  might  be  better, 
pecuniarily  than  an  official  position  in  Washington. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Seventy-three. 

General  Grant  had  suggested  one  of  the  railroad  inspector 
ships  in  the  gift  of  the  President  as  an  appointment  that 
might  be  acceptable  to  me.  He  knew  that  I  intended  to 
devote  as  much  of  my  time  and  labor  as  I  could  command  to 
his  Political  Memoirs,  and  he  felt  that  he  should  in  turn 
do  all  in  his  power  to  advance  my  interests. 

NEW  YORK  CITY,  Feb'y  i8th,  1882. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  Yours  of  yesterday  received.  I  wrote  the 
President  this  morning  suggesting  Austria  and  said  that  your 
qualifications  for  the  office  were  equal  to  those  of  any  representa 
tive  we  have  had  at  that  court  in  twenty  years.  I  also  said  that 
you  spoke  the  German,  French  &  Spanish  languages,  and  that 
I  believed  you  did  the  Italian  also.  Am  I  right  ?  I  marked  the 
letter  "  Personal "  on  the  envelope,  and  signed  my  name,  so  that  it 
might  go  direct  to  the  President.  I  think  I  would  call  upon  him 
again  if  I  were  in  your  place  even  if  I  did  not  mention  the 
Austrian  Mission.  He  would  be  apt  to  speak  of  my  letter.  You 
might  speak  of  the  railroad  inspectorship. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Seventy-four. 

The  boxes  referred  to  were  left  by  me  at  the  White  House 
when  I  went  abroad.  They  contained  a  few  private  papers  of 
my  own,  but  were  principally  filled  with  the  material  and 
proofs  for  the  first  volume  of  my  Military  History  of  Grant. 


54O  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

In  the  various  removals  that  took  place  after  General  Grant's 
Presidency,  they  had  remained  unopened,  but  at  last  they 
were  examined  by  some  one  unused  to  the  care  of  papers  and 
manuscripts,  and  were  thrown  into  inextricable  confusion. 
While  I  was  living  at  General  Grant's  house  in  1884,  I  was 
shown  a  huge  mass  of  papers,  and  told  by  the  servants  that 
mine  were  among  them  ;  but  none  of  the  family  knew  any 
thing  of  the  matter,  and  I  could  find  nothing  of  importance 
that  belonged  to  me. 

The  names  omitted  in  the  last  part  of  the  following  letter 
are  those  of  four  important  Republicans  with  whom  Grant 
was  on  bad  terms. 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

Feb'y  2ist,  1882. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, —  The  boxes  you  refer  to  are  at  my  house. 
They  were  pried  open  and  discovering  that  they  contained 
only  papers  were  put  in  the  store  room  where  they  now  are.  —  I 
shall  take  no  notice  of  Shipherd  for  the  present.  He  stated 
truthfully,  in  a  published  interview  that  I  had  no  interest  in  the 
Peruvian  Co.  and  never  had.  I  do  not  recognize  the  right 
of  reporters  and  sensational  writers  to  call  upon  me  for  an  explana 
tion  whenever  my  name  is  mentioned.  If  I  should  say  anything 
to  a  reporter  it  would  be  that  the  greatest  objection  I  had  to  the 
statements  of  Mr.  Shipherd  was  that  he  associated  my  name  with 

those  of , , & .     But  this  was  partially 

relieved  by  the  many  good  names  on  his  list. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.   S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Seventy-five. 

I  have  no  copy  of  the  letter  to  the  President  here  referred 
to  which  I  submitted  to  General  Grant.  It  was  not  forwarded 
to  the  President. 

March  7*,  1882. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  Your  proposed  letter  to  the  President  is  in 
good  enough  tone ;  but  I  think  I  would  not  send  it,  but  instead 


LETTERS   OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  541 

would  call  and  say  in  substance  the  same  thing.     If  I  did  send 
the  letter  I  would  omit  what  is  here  marked  out. 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Seventy-six. 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

March  nth,  1882. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  The  story  about  my  failure  was  all  a  pure 
fiction,  invented  with  many  other  lies  on  the  stock  board  to 
depress  stocks. 

I  have  nothing  to  do  with  their  speculations  and  I  think  it 
great  presumption  to  use  my  name  in  any  way  to  effect  their 
purposes.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.   S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Seventy-seven. 

During  the  winter  I  called  on  the  President  once  or  twice 
again,  but  with  little  result.  He  once  said  that  the  Secretary 
of  State  had  proposed  the  mission  to  Lisbon  for  me,  but  that 
he  himself  had  declared  he  could  not  ask  me  to  accept  the 
post,  as  he  had  urged  me  to  decline  Copenhagen,  which  was 
of  equal  importance.  Mr.  Edmunds  still  supported  his 
relative,  and  I  at  no  time  suggested  that  Mr.  Marsh  should 
be  requested  to  resign  ;  nor  did  General  Grant,  on  my  account. 
Finally,  the  Secretary  of  State  sent  for  me,  and  inquired  if 
money  was  an  object  to  me.  I  replied  that  the  pay  of  an 
office  was  certainly  a  consideration,  for  I  was  not  a  rich  man, 
but  that  money  was  not  my  principal  object.  Here  the 
Secretary  interrupted  and  said :  "  I  understand.  You  were 
removed  because  of  political  considerations,  and  you  think 
you  should  be  vindicated,  now  that  your  friends  are  in  power." 
I  said  that  was  my  position.  He  then  inquired  if  I  would  be 
willing  to  take  a  Consulate-General  temporarily,  with  the 
express  understanding  that  my  acceptance  should  not  affect 
my  claims  to  a  diplomatic  place ;  and  stated  that  Havana, 
Japan,  and  Rio  Janeiro  were  at  his  disposal,  and  I  might  take 


542 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


my  choice  of  them.  I  replied  that  Havana  was  the  only  one 
I  could  possibly  accept,  as  that  was  the  only  one  in  which  I 
would  not  be  subordinate  to  a  Minister,  the  Consul-General 
at  Havana  exercising  in  reality  diplomatic  functions,  and  re 
porting  direct  to  the  State  Department,  and  in  no  way  to  the 
Minister  to  Spain.  I  asked  for  time  to  consider  the  proposi 
tion,  and  referred  it  to  Grant,  who  replied  by  telegram  as  fol 
lows  : 

NEW  YORK,  April  5,  1882 
General  BADEAU,  1407  H  Street,  Washington: 
I  would  accept  with  conditions  named. 

U.   S.  GRANT. 

I  followed  General  Grant's  advice,  but  not  until  I  had 
gone  to  New  York  to  consult  him  in  person.  Then  I  wrote 
to  the  Secretary  of  State  that,  relying  upon  his  pledge,  I 
accepted  the  post  of  Consul-General  at  Havana.  Mr.  Freling- 
huysen  replied,  also  in  writing,  promising  me  that  Havana 
should  not  be  a  finality,  and  declaring  that  he  would  look 
after  my  interests  in  the  matter  as  carefully  as  a  lawyer 
would  for  those  of  a  client.  My  name  was  accordingly  sent 
to  the  Senate,  and  I  was  confirmed.  But  it  was  arranged 
that  I  should  not  go  to  my  post  until  after  the  yellow  fever 
season  was  past,  and  I  remained  at  the  North  during  the 
summer. 

In  July,  Mr.  Marsh,  the  Minister  to  Italy,  died  very 
suddenly,  and  General  Grant  at  once  wrote  to  the  President, 
reminding  him  of  his  promise  to  send  me  to  Italy.  Mr.  Conk- 
ling  also  wrote  to  Arthur  in  my  favor ;  and  I  addressed  both 
the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  recalling  their 
pledges.  Mr.  W.  W.  Astor,  however,  was  immediately  ap 
pointed  and  confirmed  as  Minister  to  Italy.  Both  he  and  his 
father  had  been  aware  of  my  expectations,  and  Mr.  John  J. 
Astor  had  congratulated  me  upon  the  prospect.  They  both 
wrote  at  once,  and  assured  me  that  the  appointment  was 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT   TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  543 

entirely  unexpected  and  unsolicited  by  either  of  them.  Mr. 
John  Astor  told  me  that  when  he  read  the  announcement  of 
the  death  of  Mr.  Marsh,  he  exclaimed  :  "  Now  General  Badeau 
will  get  his  mission." 

Mr.  Arthur  wrote  the  following  letter  to  General  Grant : 

Thursday.  EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 

August  3.  WASHINGTON. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  GRANT, —  I  would  have  been  glad  to  be 
able  to  gratify  you  by  the  appointment  of  General  Badeau  to  the 
Italian  Mission,  but  there  were  so  many  embarassments  in  the 
way  (of  which  I  will  tell  you  when  I  have  the  opportunity)  that  I 
could  not  well  do  so.  I  had  thought  that  the  General  was  satisfied 
with  his  present  place,  the  emoluments  of  which  certainly  amount 
to  much  more  than  the  salary  of  the  Minister  to  Italy. 

I  suppose  however  that  he  would  rather  be  in  Europe. 

It  looks  now  like  adjournment  on  Saturday  night  which  I 
earnestly  hope  for. 

With  sincere  regards  for  Mrs.  Grant  &  yourself,  I  am 

Faithfully  Yours, 

CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 

General  GRANT, 

New  York. 

No  other  explanation  was  ever  offered  to  General  Grant 
or  to  me,  of  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Arthur  and  Mr.  Freling- 
huysen. 

By  the  advice  of  General  Grant,  I  did  not  resign  the 
appointment  to  Havana. 

Letter  No.  Seventy-eight. 

General  Grant  sent  copies  of  my  history  to  all  of  the 
sovereigns  or  ministers  who  had  entertained  him  during  his 
journey  around  the  world.  These  volumes  were  bound 
expressly,  and  were  sent  when  possible  through  the  State 
Department,  or  the  Legations  at  the  various  countries  that 
General  Grant  had  visited.  It  is  to  these  that  he  refers  in 


544 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


the  following  letter.     Lytton  was  the  Earl  Lytton,  Viceroy  of 
India. 

NEW  YORK,  June  26"  /  82. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  am  sorry  I  have  been  out  every  time  you 
called  recently.  I  want  to  see  you  before  you  go. —  The  very  day 
after  I  saw  you  last  letters  began  to  come  in  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  the  book.  Nearly  all  have  now  been  acknowledged  — 
I  will  be  in  town  again  on  Thursday.  If  you  can  come  in  then 
go  down  and  spend  the  night  with  me  at  the  Branch.  If  you 
can  not  come  then  go  down  to  the  Branch  on  Saturday  and  stay 
over  Sunday.  If  you  can  go  on  Thursday  stay  the  balance  of  the 
week.  We  have  no  company  invited  for  this  week,  consequently 
plenty  of  room.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

P.  S.  The  mail  laying  before  me  when  you  were  in  had  the 
acknowledgment  from  Lytton,  the  first  received.  Next  I  believe 
was  from  the  King  of  Siam. 

U.  S.  G. 

Letter  No.  Seventy-nine. 

This  note  accompanied  the  article  of  General  Pleasanton, 
to  which  it  refers  : 

In  cleaning  up  my  desk  to  go  to  the  city  I  find  Pleasanton's 
criticisms  on  your  book.  You  will  find  that  after  all  it  was 
Thomas  and  Rosecrans  —  principally  Pleasanton  —  who  captured 
Richmond. 

U.  S.  G. 

Letter  No.  Eighty. 

General  Grant  had  met  Colonel  Chesney,  the  eminent 
British  soldier  and  military  critic,  in  India,  and  the  letter  and 
lecture  which  he  forwarded  contained  some  highly  favorable 
comments  on  my  history  as  well  as  on  Grant's  career. 

Lieutenant  Green  of  the  Engineer  Corps,  was  engaged  at 
this  time  in  the  preparation  of  a  short  history  of  the  Vicks- 
burg  campaign,  and  during  the  summer  he  had  read  a  part 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 

of  it  to  General  Grant  in  my  presence,  to  invite  remark.  It 
is  to  this  work  that  General  Grant  refers  in  the  following 
letter : 

N.  Y.,  Sept.  2  ist/ 1882. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  We  moved  to  the  city  yesterday.  I  find  in 
my  desk  your  letters  inclosing  one  from  Colonel  Chesney  —  here 
with  returned  —  and  his  lecture.  I  will  read  the  latter  when  I  go 
home  this  evening. 

Green  was  at  my  house,  at  the  Branch,  Monday  evening  and 
read  the  second  part  of  his  book.  He  will  be  up  early  next  week 
to  finish  it.  He  has  found  a  probable  error  of  4,000  in  his  state 
ment  of  numbers  at  Vicksburg.  The  tri-monthly  returns  for  the 
end  of  Ap'l,  and  the  monthly  return  for  same  date  disagree  by 
that  number.  He  finds  that  Scott  takes  the  monthly  return  as  the 
correct  one  when  the  two  disagree.  This  reduces  the  number. 
His  second  part  was  quite  as  interesting  as  the  first.  I  will  be 
much  mistaken  if  his  book  is  not  regarded  as  far  the  best  of  the 
series.  Green  felt  much  complimented  when  I  told  him  what  you 
thought  of  his  work.  Yours  Very  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

P.  S.  We  will  be  pleased  to  see  you  at  the  house  when 'you 
come  to  town. 

U.  S.  G. 

Letter  No.  Eighty-one. 

When  this  letter  was  written  I  had  arrived  at  my  post  in 
Havana. 

Mr.  Thomas  Hughes,  the  well-known  English  author  and 
political  economist,  had  a  son  in  Texas,  and  I  had  asked  Gen 
eral  Grant  for  letters  to  some  of  the  important  people  in  that 
region  for  the  young  man,  who  was  an  especial  favorite  and 
friend  of  mine. 

The  appointment  mentioned  by  General  Grant  was  the 
Vice-Presidency  of  the  international  telegraph  line  between 
the  United  States  and  Cuba.  The  position  was  held  by  an 
Englishman,  and  the  control  of  all  telegraphic  messages 
between  the  Consul-General  of  the  United  States  and  his 
35 


546  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

own  Government  was  thus  in  the  hands  of  a  foreigner.  It 
was  proposed  that  this  should  be  transferred  to  the  Consul- 
General,  ex  officio.  Mr.  Jay  Gould  was  the  principal  owner  of 
the  stock  of  the  company,  and  General  Grant's  business 
relations  with  Gould  at  that  time  warranted  him  in  making 
the  request.  He  did  apply  to  Gould,  who  referred  him  to  Dr. 
Norvin  Green,  the  President  of  the  Western  Union,  as  well 
as  of  the  Cuban  Telegraph  Company.  General  Grant  made 
the  application  to  Dr.  Green,  who  paid  no  attention  to  his 
request,  and  the  place  with  its  powers  and  appurtenances 
remained  in  the  hands  of  an  Englishman. 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

Dec.  ub,  1882. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  BADEAU, —  I  have  your  letter  of  the  ist 
instant,  enclosing  one  from  Hughes  and  also  your  previous  letter. 
I  did  not  write  to  you  before  because  I  expected  to  see  your  Vice- 
Consul,  Williams,  but  he  has  not  called  on  me  yet.  Of  course  I 
will  help  you  if  I  can  to  obtain  the  appointment  you  ask.  In 
regard  to  the  matter  Hughes  speaks  of,  I  wrote  the  letter  he  re 
quested  long  ago,  just  after  you  spoke  to  me  about  possibly  the 
second  time,  and  in  time  I  should  think  for  them  to  have  received 
it,  and  informed  their  father  before  the  date  of  his  letter  to  you. 
If  however  they  have  not  received  my  letter  —  it  was  a  general 
letter  to  railroad  officials  connected  with  international  roads 
between  this  country  and  Mexico  —  I  will  be  glad  to  write  them 
another. 

I  have  no  special  news  to  write  you  from  here.  Congress  has 
met  and  the  overwhelming  defeat  of  the  republicans  seems  to  have 
put  both  parties  on  their  guard.  It  looks  now  as  if  the  interests 
of  the  country  were  to  be  more  considered  —  by  many  I  fear  as 
the  best  means  of  serving  a  party  —  than  party  interests.  But 
there  is  abundant  time  for  either  party  to  do  foolish  things  and 
both  parties  have  men  capable  of  them. 

I  hope  you  will  find  your  new  station  an  agreeable  one.  I 
believe  you  will,  for  a  time,  and  wish  for  you  a  more  pleasant  one 
in  the  near  future.  But  I  can  hardly  say  I  expect  much  from  this 
Administration.  It  is  too  slow. 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


547 


Buck  sails  for  Europe  day  after  to-morrow.  Jesse  &  wife  think 
of  going  to  Mexico  this  winter.  If  they  do  they  may  drop  in  upon 
you. 

Hurry  up  your  book  on  English  life.  It  will  be  interesting  I 
think  to  many  readers. 

With  kind  regards  from  all  my  family, 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Eighty-two. 

This  letter  is  already  given,  with  full  explanations,  in 
Chapter  XL,  on  "  Grant  and  Mexico." 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

Feb'y  4th,   1883. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  I  have  had  three  or  four  letters  from  you 
since  my  last.  The  last  one  was  through  the  State  Department. 
I  had  heard  before  that  the  English  had  sent  their  Vice  Consul  to 
Cuba  to  Mexico,  ostensibly  to  renew  intercourse  with  that  gov 
ernment,  but  more  particularly  to  co-operate  with  the  Germans 
and  French  to  defeat  a  Commercial  Treaty  with  the  United  States. 
I  sent  your  letter,  with  one  from  myself,  to  the  Sec.  of  State. — 
You  should  by  all  means  write  to  the  Sec.  of  State  saying  to  him 
substantially  what  you  say  to  me  in  your  letter  of  the  3d  of  January. 
Of  course  I  cannot  send  that  letter. 

We  were  successful  in  negotiating  a  Commercial  Treaty,  which 
is  practically  ratified  so  far  as  the  Mexican  Govt.  is  concerned. 
We  will  see  what  our  Senate  will  do  with  it,  if  the  President  sends 
it  in.  It  was  delivered  to  the  Sec.  of  State  two  weeks  ago,  with 
report ;  but  so  far  it  has  not  seen  the  light. 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Eighty-three. 

The  first  part  of  this  letter  is  already  printed  in  Chapter 
XL  of  this  volume,  on  "  Grant  and  Mexico,"  and  requires  no 
further  explanation. 

I  do  not  remember  that  I  ever  requested  General  Grant  to 


548  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

recommend  my  appointment  as  Minister  to  Spain,  but  when 
that  post  became  vacant  the  State  Department  requested  him 
to  mention  the  names  of  several  suitable  persons  for  the  place, 
and  he  made  a  list  of  two  or  more  ;  my  name  was  first,  and  Mr. 
Foster's  second  ;  and  Foster  was  appointed.  General  Grant 
thought  this  selection  was  made  because  my  name  was  so 
identified  with  his  own,  and  because  Arthur  was  unwilling  to 
seem  too  much  under  his  influence.  Grant  frequently  said 
to  me  that  at  this  time  his  friendship  was  a  detriment  to  me, 
as  it  provoked  many  enmities  which  I  might  otherwise  have 
escaped ;  and  in  the  eyes  of  Mr.  Arthur,  it  was,  he  thought, 
especially  a  disadvantage  ;  for  Arthur  was  then  most  anxious 
to  propitiate  Grant's  enemies. 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

Feb'y  28th,  1883. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  BADEAU,  —  I  was  much  pleased  to.  receive 
your  letter  of  the  22d  inst.  I  was  tempted  to  give  what  you  say 
about  the  use  of  Mexican  tobacco ;  its  use  in  Cuba ;  the  feeling  of 
the  Cubans  in  regard  to  the  effect  of  the  treaty  &c.  to  the  press. 
Of  course  I  should  only  have  given  it  as  from  a  friend  of  mine 
writing  from  Havana.  But  on  reflection  I  concluded  that  the  pub 
lic  would  know  who  my  friend  in  Cuba  was,  so  I  concluded  not  to. 
I  wish  however  you  would  write  the  same  thing  to  the  State 
Dept.  You  will  learn  by  the  mail  that  carries  this  that  considera 
tion  of  the  treaty  has  been  deferred  until  December  next.  This  I 
fear  will  defeat  the  treaty  in  Mexico  where  there  will  be  untiring 
efforts,  by  foreign  merchants  and  diplomats  to  prejudice  the  Gov 
ernment  against  it. 

You  will  see  —  or  have  seen  —  that  J.  W.  Foster  has  been 
appointed  to  Spain.  Foster  did  not  want  the  place  but  has 
accepted  it  temporarily,  as  I  understand,  to  transact  a  special  and 
important  mission  which  will  probably  occupy  but  a  few  months. 
In  some  way  that  I  am  not  quite  well  enough  informed  to  write 
about,  a  question  has  arisen  in  regard  to  what  constitutes  a  natural 
ization  of  a  Spanish  subject,  to  make  him  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States.  The  present  Sec.  is  not  willing  that  Spain  should  inter- 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 


549 


pret  our  laws  on  the  subject. —  Confidentially  I  do  not  doubt  but 
that  Arthur  would  be  very  glad  to  have  you  succeed  Foster. 
But  he  seems  more  afraid  of  his  enemies,  and  through  this  fear, 
more  influenced  by  them,  than  guided  either  by  his  judgment, 
personal  feelings  or  friendly  influences.  I  hope  he  will  prove  me 
wrong  in  this  judgment. 

I  saw  Gould  a  few  weeks  ago  about  your  apt.  as  superin 
tendent  of  American  telegraph  interests  in  Cuba,  and  he  seemed 
interested.  He  asked  me  to  write  the  President  of  the  Co.  on 
the  subject  and  he  would  speak  to  him  personally.  I  did  so. 

Mrs.  Grant  tells  me  to  say  that  she  is  just  reading  your  history 
and  thinks  more  of  you  than  ever.  She  is  now  in  the  second 
volume.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Eighty-four. 

The  Rev.  Alonzo  Flack,  the  head-master  of  a  considerable 
boarding-school  in  New  York,  had  written  to  Gen.  Grant  pro 
posing  that  the  Appletons,  my  publishers,  should  get  up  a 
school  edition  of  the  "  Military  History  of  Grant."  The 
General  forwarded  the  letter  to  me  with  the  following 
endorsement. 

I  have  answered  Mr.  Flack  approving  his  idea  and  told  him 
that  you  had  suggested  the  same  thing  yourself.  I  also  told  him 
that  I  would  forward  this  letter  to  you. 

U.  S.  G. 

March  31**,  1883. 

Letter  No.  Eighty-five. 

This  letter  was  written  to  aid  me  in  a  report  I  was  making 
to  the  Government  on  the  defenses  of  Havana. 

NEW  YORK  CITY,  Apl.  30*,  1883. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  beg  your  pardon  for  not  answering  your 
letter  requesting  my  views  about  the  capabilities  of  the  defenses 
of  the  harbor  of  Havana  to  resist  any  navy.  I  supposed  I  had 
answered  it,  but  your  last  letter  reminds  me  that  I  have  not.  On 
my  visit  to  Havana  three  years  ago  I  had  the  opportunity  of  see- 


550  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

ing  the  forts  and  armament.  Both  are  formidable,  and  with 
additions  that  could  easily  be  made  before  any  country  could 
attack  them,  impregnable  from  direct  attack.  But  I  should  not 
regard  Havana  as  a  difficult  place  to  capture  with  a  combined 
Army  and  Navy.  It  would  have  to  be  done  however  by  effect 
ing  a  landing  elsewhere  and  cutting  off  land  communications  with 
army  while  the  Navy  would  perform  the  same  service  in  the  water. 
The  hostility  of  the  native  population  to  the  Spanish  Authority 
would  make  this  a  comparatively  easy  task  for  any  first  class 
power,  and  especially  easy  for  the  United  States  in  case  of  a  war 
with  Spain.  I  have  no  special  news  to  write  you.  Buck  & 
Jesse  have  returned  from  abroad  all  well. 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Letter  No.  Eighty-six. 

This  refers  to  the  suit  brought  by  me  in  the  Court  of 
Claims  to  defend  my  right  to  a  position  in  the  army.  The 
War  Department  uniformly  held  that  this  right  was  undoubted, 
but  one  of  the  auditors  of  the  Treasury  took  a  different  view, 
and  the  matter  was  referred  to  the  Court  of  Claims,  as  I  have 
already  explained.  General  Sickles,  as  well  as  myself,  had 
been  retired  by  President  Grant  in  order  to  enable  him  to 
accept  diplomatic  rank,  and  he  had  written  to  General  Grant 
to  obtain  some  information  in  regard  to  the  General's  action 
as  President.  The  letter  was  not  answered  promptly,  and 
General  Sickles  inquired  of  me  if  it  had  been  received. 

NEW  YORK  CITY,  June  2ist,  1883. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  am  just  in  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the 
1 6th  inst.  I  have  been  absent  from  the  city  most  of  the  time  for 
six  or  seven  weeks,  returning  for  a  couple  of  days  twice  during  the 
time.  General  Sickles  wrote  me  a  letter  on  the  subject  referred  to 
in  yours  during  these  absences.  Mails  accumulated  so  that  I 
did  not  get  to  his  letter  until  some  time  after  it  was  written.  I 
then  found  a  second  letter  from  him,  on  a  different  subject,  and 
answered  both  in  one  letter.  I  have  not  heard  from  him  since, 
but  hope  my  letter  was  satisfactory. 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU. 

When  you  come  North,  and  visit  Long  Branch,  come  directly 
to  my  house.  Whether  I  have  company  or  not  there  will  always  be 
a  room  for  you.  Of  course  I  mean  this  as  an  invitation  to  you  to 
come  to  Long  Branch  notwithstanding  the  ambiguity  of  the  pre 
ceding  sentence.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Eighty-seven. 

This  was  written  when  I  was  in  the  United  States 
on  a  leave  of  absence  from  my  post  in  Havana.  In  the  con 
cluding  sentence  General  Grant  refers  to  the  fact  that  I  had 
been  ill  from  the  effects  of  the  climate. 

LONG  BRANCH,  N  J., 

Aug.  27th,  /  83. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  am  just  now  in  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the 
24th  inst.  It  is  the  first  I  had  heard  of  your  arrival  though  I  sup 
posed  you  were  some  place  in  the  Catskills.  Jesse  and  family 
expect  to  go  to  the  Kaaterskill  house  to-morrow,  his  family  to 
remain  until  he  and  I  return  from  our  trip  over  the  North  Pacific 
railroad.  We  start  on  that  trip  on  Thursday  next.  It  is  probable 
that  we  will  go  no  further  than  where  the  two  ends  are  to  be 
united  —  the  last  spike  driven.  In  that  case  we  will  be  back 
from  the  12th  to  i/j.th  of  Sept.  I  am  sorry  that  I  cannot  see 
you  before  starting ;  but  I  presume  I  will  be  back  before  you  will 
want  to  go  to  Washington.  I  would  suggest  that  you  write  to  the 
Sec.  of  State  a  note  saying  that  from  your  condition  owing  to  your 
long  delay  in  Havana  that  you  will  not  go  to  Washington  until 
after  the  first  frost.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Eighty-eight. 

The  first  part  of  this  letter  is  given  in  Chapter  XXXIX 
on  "  Grant  and  Elaine." 

The  paper  spoken  of  recommended  an  absolute  protection 
by  the  Government  of  American  citizens  and  American  in 
terests  in  the  Island  of  Cuba.  General  Grant  was  strongly 


552  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

in  favor  of  my  views,  but  the  Administration  took  a  course 
diametrically  opposite  to  that  which  I  proposed.  The  result 
was  the  Spanish  Treaty,  which  was  so  universally  condemned 
by  the  country,  and  so  ignominiously  defeated  in  Congress  in 
1884. 

The  postscript  refers  to  an  article  on  General  Sheridan 
which  I  was  writing  for  The  Century  Magazine,  and  which  I 
had  read  to  General  Grant.  Indeed  Grant  furnished  some 
entirely  new  and  very  interesting  material  for  the  article. 

NEW  YORK,  October  25th  /  83. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  have  your  letter  of  yesterday.  I  write 
because  of  your  allusion  to  hearing  a  rumor  that  Elaine  and  I  had 
formed  a  combination  politically.  You  may  deny  the  statement 
most  peremptorily.  I  have  not  seen  Elaine  to  speak  to  him  since 
a  long  time  before  the  Convention  of  /  80.  We  have  had  no 
communication  in  writing,  through  other  parties  nor  in  any  direct 
or  indirect  way.  The  republican  party  cannot  be  saved,  if  it  is  to 
be  saved  at  all,  by  tricks  and  combinations  of  politicians.  I  read 
yesterday  a  circumstantial  account  of  Elaine  &  I  spending  a  week 
or  two  together  recently  when  without  doubt  we  had  fixed  up 
matters  for  /  84,  Elaine  to  be  President  and  I  Senator  from  this 
state.  The  republican  party  to  be  saved  must  have  a  decisive 
declared  policy.  It  has  now  no  observable  policy  except  to 
peddle  out  patronage  to  soreheads  in  order  to  bring  them  back 
into  the  fold,  and  avoid  any  positive  declaration  upon  all  leading 
questions.  I  hope  you  may  be  able  to  get  your  paper  before  the 
President  and  Secretary  of  State  and  that  they  may  be  induced  to 
take  strong  and  declared  grounds  on  the  subject  it  treats  of. 

We  are  all  well.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

P.  S.  Sheridan  may  be  in  Washington  when  you  receive  the 
proof-sheets  of  your  article.  If  so  get  him  to  revise  for  you  all  of 
it  preceding  his  appointment  as  Colonel. 

U.  S.  G. 


LETTERS  OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO  GEN.  BADEAU.     553 

Letter  No.  Eighty-nine. 

I  had  wanted  to  use  some  money  unexpectedly  just 
before  returning  to  my  post,  and  had  borrowed  it  from 
General  Grant.  The  draft  spoken  of  was  in  repayment. 

Grant  had  been  requested  to  make  a  speech  at  the  annual 
meeting  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  asked  me  to 
prepare  him  a  summary  of  its  history,  which  I  had  forwarded. 

He  had  promised  to  pay  me  a  visit  with  Mrs.  Grant  at 
Havana,  but  the  circumstances  he  relates  prevented  me  from 
receiving  this  great  pleasure.  I  had  anticipated  important 
results  from  his  study  of  the  situation  in  Cuba,  with  such  lights 
as  my  official  position  and  knowledge  would  have  enabled  me 
to  render,  and  the  change  in  his  plans  was  a  great  disappoint 
ment  to  me, 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 
Dec.  24th,  1883. 

DEAR  GENERAL,  —  I  am  in  receipt  —  and  have  been  several 
days — of  your  letter  inclosing  draft  for  $600.00.  I  also  received 
your  sketch  of  the  battles  in  which  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
participated.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  it.  If  I  conclude 
to  write  an  address  for  the  meeting  of  the  Society  next  year,  of 
the  nature  I  spoke  of,  it  will  aid  me  greatly.  In  my  indolence 
I  may  postpone  the  consideration  of  the  subject  until  too  late, 
and  may  then  be  compelled  to  say  what  I  do  say,  extemporane 
ously.  But  even  in  this  case  I  would  have  the  memorandum 
to  refer  to.  I  am  afraid  now  that  I  will  be  deprived  of  the  visit 
I  had  promised  myself  this  winter.  You  know  we  have  a  good 
corps  of  servants,  carriages  and  three  teams  of  horses  and  we  do 
not  like  to  leave  the  house  and  all  these  things  to  run  themselves. 
We  had  expected  Fred  and  his  family  to  come  and  enjoy  these 
things.  But  he  says  now  that  he  cannot  leave  his  own  luxuries  of 
the  same  sort.  Unless  Jesse  will  move  into  our  house  we  will 
have  to  stay  and  watch  them. 

There  is  nothing  new  here  since  you  left.  It  is  now  understood 
that  there  is  no  concealment  of  Arthur's  candidacy.  At  this  time 
no  other  person  looms  up  so  that  unless  there  is  a  change  within 


554  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

the  next  sixty  days  he  will  be  renominated  without  much  opposi 
tion.  I  feel  however  that  he  will  not  get  the  nomination  although 
it  is  impossible  to  predict  who  may. — My  family  are  all  well  and 
doing  well.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Ninety. 

On  Christmas  Day  the  news  of  General  Grant's  fall  on 
the  ice  the  night  before  was  telegraphed  to  Havana,  and  I  at 
once  inquired  the  extent  of  his  injuries,  and  received  the 
following  reply : 

NEW  YORK, 

Dec.  27,  1883. 

A.  BADEAU,  American  Consul-General,  Havana,  Cuba  : 
Painful  but  not  dangerous. 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Ninety-one. 

There  was  some  talk  of  the  physicians  sending  General 
Grant  as  far  south  as  Havana,  when  he  should  be  sufficiently 
recovered  from  the  effects  of  his  fall,  and  I  wrote  at  once  to 
renew  my  invitation  that  he  would  come  as  my  guest. 

In  December  the  editors  of  The  Century  Magazine  had 
written  to  me,  asking  if  I  could  not  induce  General  Grant  to 
prepare,  "either  with  or  without  my  assistance,"  one  or  two 
military  papers  for  their  magazine.  I  laid  the  matter  before 
him  and  the  last  sentence  in  this  letter  was  his  reply : 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 
Jan'y  21,  '84. 

DEAR  GENERAL  BADEAU,  —  I  have  your  several  letters,  all 
received  on  due  time,  but  as  I  have  to  dictate,  I  will  not  now 
undertake  to  answer  them.  I  am  still  a  great  sufferer,  confined 
to  my  room  and  have  not  had  my  clothes  on  since  Christmas  Eve, 
when  I  received  my  injury.  It  is  barely  possible  that  Mrs.  Grant 
and  I  may  get  down  to  Bermuda  and  Havana  this  winter,  if  I 
should  recover  sufficiently  to  travel  in  time  to  make  our  visit.  I 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU. 


555 


will  say,  however,  that  I  have  no  idea  of  undertaking  the  task  of 
writing  any  of  the  articles  the  Century  requests. 
With  kind  regards  of  the  family. 

Very  truly  yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Per  F.  F.  Wood. 

Letter  No.  Ninety-two. 

Mr.  George  Jones,  the  proprietor  of  The  New  York  Times, 
was  passing  a  part  of  the  winter  in  Cuba,  and  gave  a 
report  of  General  Grant's  condition  that  made  me  feel  anx 
ious,  and  I  had  written  to  make  particular  inquiries.  The 
General's  reply  shows  that  Mr.  Jones  appreciated  the  injury 
more  exactly  than  the  patient,  who  was  always  sanguine  —  until 
he  was  struck  by  that  blow,  which  he  seemed  to  know  from 
the  beginning  was  mortal. 

UNITED  BANK  BUILDING, 
WALL  ST.  &  BROADWAY, 
NEW  YORK,  Feb'y  27  1884. 
General  A..  BADEAU, 

Havana,  Cuba. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL,  —  I  am  in  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the 
2ist  of  Feb'y  and  hasten  to  write  to  you  to  say  that  Mr.  George 
Jones  had  entirely  overestimated  my  condition.  I  think  the 
injury  that  I  received  from  my  fall  has  been  well  this  last  six 
weeks,  but  we  have  had  a  very  horrid  winter  here,  and  it  has 
given  me  what  I  never  had  before  in  my  life  —  the  rheumatism, 
and  it  has  settled  in  the  injured  leg,  but  on  the  opposite  side 
from  the  injury,  and  is  very  painful  and  prevents  my  being  able 
to  walk  except  with  crutches,  and  as  yet  I  have  only  written  one 
or  two  notes  myself  but  have  simply  confined  myself  to  dictating 
such  answers  as  I  have  to  give  to  letters.  I  drive  out  every  good 
day  and  have  been  intending  to  go  South  for  warmer  and  drier 
weather  than  we  have  had  here,  but  I  put  it  off  from  week  to 
week  and  do  not  feel  sure  that  I  will  get  away  at  all. 

Very  truly  yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
per  Frank  F.  Wood. 


556  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Letter  No.   Ninety-three. 

My  situation  in  Havana  had  become  disagreeable  and  I 
consulted  my  friend  and  former  chief  as  to  the  course  I  should 
take.  This  dispatch  is  his  acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  of 
my  inquiry. 

NEW  YORK,  Feby  28,  1884. 
BADEAU,  U.  S.  Consul,  Havana,  Cuba. 

Dispatch  received.     Letter  by  mail.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.   Ninety-four. 

In  March  General  Grant  was  so  much  better  that  he  was 
able  to  travel,  and  was  ordered  by  his  physicians  to  Washing 
ton  and  Fortress  Monroe.  At  this  time  the  Government  had 
decided  on  a  course  toward  Cuba  directly  the  opposite  of 
that  which  I  had  advised,  and  one  that  seemed  to  me  most 
disadvantageous  to  American  interests,  while  it  grossly 
neglected  American  citizens,  who  were  frequently  fined  and 
imprisoned  without  cause.  I  had  also  reported  culpable 
frauds  at  the  Consulate  which  the  State  Department  failed 
to  investigate;  and  I  became  anxious  to  give  up  the  post. 
A  vacancy  occurred  in  the  mission  to  Russia,  and  I  asked 
General  Grant  whether  it  would  be  advisable  for  him  to 
solicit  the  appointment  for  -me.  This  letter  is  his  reply. 

The  3d  of  June  was  the  date  fixed  for  the  assembling  of 
the  Presidential  Nominating  Convention  at  Chicago. 

UNITED  BANK  BUILDING, 

WALL  ST.  &  BROADWAY, 

NEW  YORK,  Mch.  3,  1884. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  BADEAU, — Your  dispatch  was  duly  received 
and  an  answer  returned  saying  letter  by  mail. —  Under  the  circum 
stances  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  comply  with  your  request.  In 
the  first  place  I  am  sure  it  would  not  have  benefitted  you  in  the 
least.  The  President  is  now  openly  a  candidate  for  the  nomination 
in  June  next,  and  knows  well  that  I  am  opposed  to  it.  Besides 
that,  judging  from  the  past  I  doubt  very  much  whether  any 
appointment  will  be  made  until  after  the  action  of  the  Chicago 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT   TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  557 

Convention  in  June  is  known.  There  are  now  many  vacancies 
existing,  some  of  which  have  existed  for  a  year  and  over,  and 
among  them  very  important  offices  for  which  no  nominations  have 
yet  been  sent  to  the  Senate  —  offices  such  as  judges  of  United 
States  Courts  for  the  States  and  Territories,  United  States  Mar 
shals  &c.,  which  must  cause  great  inconvenience  to  the  public 
service  in  the  States  and  Territories  where  these  vacancies  exist. 
Further,  I  would  not  like  to  ask  a  favor  from  a  President  whose 
Administration  I  have  been  free  to  criticise  and  have  no  doubt 
but  what  my  words  have  been  reported  to  him  very  much  exag 
gerated.  If  I  had  been  able  to  get  out  I  would  have  tried  to  see 
some  person  or  persons  who  think  better  of  the  Administration 
than  I  do  and  ask  them  verbally  to  send  a  note  urging  your 
appointment,  but  repeat  I  am  sure  to  do  no  good  between  this 
and  the  3rd  of  June. 

My  condition  is  improving  —  in  fact  I  believe  I  am  as  well  as  I 
ever  was  except  the  rheumatism  has  set  in  in  the  injured  part  of  my 
leg,  and  the  weather  this  winter  has  been  the  worst  ever  known  in 
New  York  for  the  rheumatism.  I  hope  in  a  day  or  two  to  get  off. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
per  Frank  F.  Wood. 

Letter  No.  Ninety-five. 

This  dispatch  was  on  the  same  subject  as  the  preceding 
letter.  The  nominations  for  President  were  to  be  made  in 
June,  and  General  Grant  thought  that  the  action  of  Mr.  Arthur 
would  depend  upon  the  result  at  Chicago.  I  did  not  take 
Grant's  advice,  for  I  knew  that  if  Arthur  was  nominated  he 
could  snap  his  fingers  at  me,  while  in  advance  he  might  fear 
disclosure ;  but  the  hidden  influences  that  opposed  me  were 
too  strong,  and  my  positive  assertions  of  criminality  in  my 
own  Consulate  were  ignored. 

FORT  MONROE,  VA.,  March  14,  1884. 
BADEAU,  Consul- General,  Havana,  Cuba. 

Received  your  letter  referred  to.  I  advise  patience  until  after 
June  Convention.  You  understand  why  positive  action  need  not 
be  effected  before  that.  U.  S.  GRANT. 


558  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

Letter  No.   Ninety-six. 

My  situation  had  by  this  time  become  intolerable,  and  I 
had  written  again  to  General  Grant,  telling  him  that  I  should 
be  compelled  to  resign.  I  had  been  for  years  in  the  habit  of 
consulting  him  upon  many  of  the  most  important  actions  of 
my  life,  and  I  now  thought  it  proper  to  take  his  opinion. 

He  was  quite  right  in  the  view  that  he  took.  The  Gov 
ernment,  when  they  found  that  I  opposed  them  on  one  point, 
attacked  me  in  every  way ;  the  suits  in  the  courts  which  had 
no  possible  connection  with  my  dispute  with  the  State  Depart 
ment  were  pressed  in  the  most  offensive  manner ;  and  it  took 
me  years  to  vindicate  myself  from  aspersions  and  insinua 
tions  which  the  subordinates  of  Mr.  Arthur  thought  it  policy 
to  fling  abroad.  Four  separate  decisions  of  the  courts  in  my 
favor  have  sufficiently  proved  that  the  power  of  the  United 
Government  can  be  maliciously  and  wickedly  used  to  injure 
a  public  servant  who  refuses  to  submit  to  wrong  or  counte 
nance  corruption.  But  General  Grant  was  right  in  what  he 
said ;  my  matters  before  the  courts  would  have  been  better 
served  by  quiet ;  that  is,  I  should  have  had  proper  and  fair 
decisions  without  the  trouble  and  expense  and  delay  of  the 
law,  had  I  been  satisfied  to  submit  in  silence  to  indignity  and 
injustice  in  other  affairs. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C., 

Apl.  8th,  1884. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  have  now  been  here  three  weeks.  We  go 
back  to  New  York  on  Saturday  next.  I  am  still  on  crutches,  and 
will  probably  be  on  them,  for  a  month  or  two  yet.  I  have  had 
but  one  opportunity  to  talk  to  the  Sec.  of  State  and  then  did  not 
bring  up  your  matter  because  the  Sec.  had  said  to  me  on  the  street 
that  he  wanted  to  come  over  and  see  me  and  have  a  talk.  This 
was  when  I  first  arrived.  I  saw  him  at  the  State  Dept.  a  day  or 
two  after,  but  there  was  a  clerk  in  the  office  and  the  Asst.  Sec. 
came  in  frequently.  I  will  try  to  have  a  conversation  before  my 
departure.  Of  course  I  could  not  ask  anything  from  the  President 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU. 


559 


having  taken  decided  grounds  against  his  nomination.  Then 
too  it  looks  as  though  the  appointing  power  was  being  worked  for 
all  it  is  worth  to  name  delegates  to  Chicago.  I  am  satisfied  that 
the  vacant  foreign  missions  will  not  be  filled  until  after  the  Chicago 
convention. 

In  my  telegram  to  you  I  scarcely  knew  what  to  say  in  the  limit 
of  a  dispatch.  The  idea  I  wanted  to  convey  was  that  I  thought 
it  better  that  you  should  have  no  rupture  with  the  department 
unless  you  wanted  to  leave  the  service.  You  have  matters  pend 
ing  before  the  Court  of  Claims  that  probably  would  be  better 
served  by  quiet.  The  administration  has  seemed  to  me  to  be  a 
sort  of  ad  interim  one  endeavoring  to  offend  no  one,  and  to  avoid 
positive  action  which  would  draw  criticism.  Probably  the  Admin 
istration  has  fewer  enemies  —  outspoken  ones  —  than  any  pre 
ceding  it.  It  has  fewer  positive  hearty  friends  than  any  except 
Hayes  possibly.  But  Arthur  will  probably  go  into  the  convention 
second  in  the  number  of  supporters  when  he  would  not  probably 
have  a  single  vote  if  it  was  not  for  his  army  of  officials,  and  the 
vacancies  he  has  to  fill.  Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Letter  No.  Ninety-seven. 

In  April  I  resigned  my  position  at  Havana,  and  of  course 
immediately  on  my  return  to  New  York  I  saw  General  Grant. 
Only  a  few  days  later  occurred  the  failure  of  "  Grant  and 
Ward." 

During  the  winter  the  editors  of  The  Century  Magazine 
had  requested  me  to  write  an  article  on  Grant's  personal 
characteristics  so  far  as  they  affected  his  public  career. 
When  I  consulted  them  in  regard  to  this  paper,  they  renewed 
their  endeavors  to  procure  a  contribution  from  himself.  I 
was  living  out  of  town  at  the  time  and  he  wrote  me  this 
note  in  reply  to  the  message  of  the  editors. 

3  EAST  66th  STREET, 

June  4th  /  84. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  do  not  feel  now  as  though  I  could  under 
take  the  articles  asked  for  by  the  Century.  Possibly  when  I  get 


560  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

to  the  country  I  may  feel  differently.  But  I  would  not  have  the 
Editors  of  the  Magazine  delay  on  such  an  uncertainty.  When 
you  come  to  the  city  we  will  always  be  glad  to  see  you. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
Gen.  A.  BADEAU. 

Letter  No.  Ninety-eight. 

In  June  General  Grant  finally  began  the  preparation  of 
an  article  on  the  battle  of  Shiloh,  and  showed  it  to  me.  We 
worked  it  over  together,  and  when  it  was,  as  he  thought,  com 
plete,  he  sent  it  to  the  editors ;  after  which  he  wrote  to  me 
as  follows : 

LONG  BRANCH,  N.  J., 

July  3d  /34. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  Yesterday  I  received  a  letter  from  the  Editor 
of  the  Century  expressing  himself  much  pleased  with  my  article 
on  Shiloh,  but  expressing  the  hope  that  when  the  proof  came  to 
me  I  would  put  in  some  of  the  incidents  of  the  second  days  fight. 
My  recollection  is  that  M°Cook's  division  was  not  under  fire  at 
Shiloh  at  all.  I  am  not  sure  about  Crittenden's.  Did  Buell  have 
any  of  his  army  with  him  the  second  day  except  Nelson's  division. 

I  commenced  on  the  Vicksburg  campaign  to-day  and  have 
made  considerable  progress  so  far  as  pages  covered.  But  I  have 
not  gone  far  from  my  base. 

I  do  not  think  I  will  be  able  to  get  through  the  Wilderness 
before  you  go  to  the  Mountains.  But  I  will  take  Vicksburg  and 
will  be  glad  to  see  you  here.  In  fact  I  do  not  want  to  submit  my 
article  until  you  have  approved  it.  Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  Ninety-nine. 

Grant's  literary  labors  continued  and  he  constantly  desired 
my  assistance,  which  of  course  it  was  a  great  pleasure  to  me 
to  render.  I  visited  him  repeatedly  at  Long  Branch,  and 
spent  many  days  revising  the  papers  he  had  written  and 
discussing  the  future  ones  in  advance. 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  561 

On  the  day  when  the  State  Department  sent  me  several  of 
its  most  hostile  dispatches  to  Cuba,  one  of  the  Comptrollers 
of  the  Treasury  decided  adversely  to  me  a  matter  that  con 
cerned  my  London  accounts ;  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury,  Mr.  Folger,  refused  to  overrule  him,  though  I  was  in 
formed  privately  by  one  of  his  important  subordinates  that 
Folger  held  my  contention  to  be  right,  in  law.  It  is  to  this 
that  General  Grant's  postscript  refers. 

I  may  be  permitted  to  add  that  the  United  States  courts 
have  three  times  decided  this  point  in  my  favor. 

LONG  BRANCH,  N.  J., 

July  9th,/ 84. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  have  your  letter  of  the  7th.  I  write  a  little 
daily  on  the  Vicksburg  campaign.  Probably  will  have  the  draft 
completed  by  this  day  week.  I  may  not  commence  the  Wilder 
ness  article  for  some  time  after,  so  when  you  want  to  run  down,  or 
rather  when  your  article  is  ready  —  after  next  Wednesday  —  I  will 
be  ready  with  Vicksburg  and  will  be  glad  to  see  you. 

My  family  are  all  well  and  join  in  kindest  regards  to  you. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

P.  S.  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  the  Sec.  of  the  Treasury  is  with 
you  in  your  controversy  with  the  Comptroller.  U.  S.  G. 

Letter  No.  One  Hundred. 

This  letter  tells  its  own  story.  I  have  nothing  to  add 
except  that  I  went  promptly  at  the  call  of  my  old  commander, 
ready  and  happy  to  be  of  service  to  him.  I  was  busy  at  the 
mountains  preparing  my  own  article  on  his  character,  and 
whether  with  him  or  absent,  still  engaged  in  his  behalf. 

LONG  BRANCH,  N.  J., 

July  2ist,  1884. 

DEAR  BADEAU, —  I  have  worked  on  Vicksburg  every  day 
since  you  left  here,  from  two  to  five  hours  each  day.  It  will  be 
finished,  ready  for  revision,  to-morrow.  If  you  feel  like  a  change 

36  v 


562  GRANT  IN   PEACE. 

of  Mountain  to  sea  air  for  a  while  I  will  be  glad  to  see  you.     If 
you  are  not  through  your  article  you  can  finish  it  here. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  One  Hundred  and  One. 

When  I  went  to  General  Grant's  house  after  this  invita 
tion  he  informed  me  that  he  wanted  to  write  his  "  Memoirs," 
and  particularly  desired  my  assistance.  Indeed,  he  said  he 
should  not  think  of  attempting  the  work  unless  with  my  aid 
— and  concurrence;  for  he  had  always  promised  that  my 
history  should  take  the  place  of  all  he  would  have  to  say  on 
the  subject.  He  accordingly  made  me  a  formal  proposition 
which  he  requested  me  to  keep  entirely  secret  between  him 
and  me,  not  divulging  it  even  to  his  family ;  and  I  accepted 
his  terms.  I  stayed  ten  days  at  his  house,  planning  the  entire 
work  with  him,  revising  once  more  what  he  had  written 
about  Vicksburg  and  Shiloh,  and  mapping  out  what  was  yet 
to  be  done  with  the  articles  on  Chattanooga  and  the  Wilder 
ness  for  The  Century  Magazine. 

LONG  BRANCH,  N.  J., 

July  26th,  1884. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  If  you  can  come  down  after  next  Wednes 
day  I  will  be  glad  to  see  you  for  at  least  a  week.  I  have  finished 
Vicksburg,  but  have  not  read  it  over  yet.  Shiloh  was  brought 
back  to  me  by  the  editor  with  some  suggestions.  I  have  added 
enough  to  make  a  page  or  two  of  the  Century,  and  I  think 
improved  it.  The  latter  part  of  the  Vicksburg  paper  I  think 
better  than  the  first,  but  all  wanting  improvement. 

I  mention  after  Wednesday  next  for  your  coming  because,  on 
that  day,  Nellie  sails  for  Europe.  Monday,  and  till  she  leaves  here, 
everybody  will  be  busy  with  her  packing. 

I  have  written  you  one  letter  since  you  went  to  Tannersville. 

Yours  Very  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 


LETTERS   OF  GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  563 

Letter  No.  One  Hundred  and  Two. 

I  had  asked  General  Grant  for  the  name  of  a  wine  mer 
chant,  for  a  friend,  and  he  sent  me  this  reply. 

The  remainder  of  the  note  tells  its  own  story.  He  was 
already  contemplating  the  "  Memoir." 

August  26th,  1884. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  I  am  just  in  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the 
23rd.  I  do  not  remember  the  name  or  the  address  of  the  Agent 
for  the  sale  of  the  California  Champaign.  I  have  however  written 
to  Mr.  Frank  Wood,  2  Wall  St.  to  send  it  to  you.  You  will  prob 
ably  get  his  letter  about  as  soon  as  you  do  this.  I  gave  him  your 
address.  The  name  of  the  wine  is  Eclipse,  Extra. 

I  will  be  very  glad  to  see  you  when  we  get  to  our  house  in  town. 
I  shall  hope  to  have  "The  Wilderness,"  "  Chattanooga,"  and  possi 
bly  the  biographical  part  of  my  book  ready  by  that  time.  I  do 
not  expect  to  be  in  the  city,  to  stop,  before  the  last  of  September. 
Fred  has  not  gone  west  yet,  and  may  not  go. 

Yours  Truly, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  One  Hundred  and  Three. 

I  had  made  some  suggestions  in  regard  to  the  publication 
of  his  work,  in  which,  as  I  have  intimated,  I  was  to  have  a 
pecuniary  interest;  and  this  letter  is  his  reply: 

Sept  13th,  1884. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  I  have  your  letter  of  the  9th  instant.  There 
will  be  time  enough  to  make  the  arrangements  for  publication 
when  my  book  is  completed.  Rosswell  Smith  has  been  here  to 
see.  There  will  be  no  difficulty  about  the  publication  at  any  time 
if  they  are  to  be  the  publishers.  My  own  opinion  is  that  they 
would  be  the  best  publishers.  But  I  will  make  no  committal  until 
about  the  time  for  publication.  I  find  that  firm  has  emancipated 
itself  from  the  "General  Agency"  for  the  sale  of  books  and 
procuring  advertisements  which  enables  them  to  sell  books  and 
advertise  much  cheaper  than  firms  using  "  The  Agency,"  and  still 
receive  the  same  themselves  that  others  do.  The  agency  demands 


564 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


fifty-five  per  cent,  for  their  services.     It  cost  the  Century  *  *  * 
using  their  own  agency. 

I  have  just  finished  Chattanooga.  I  shall  go  on  to  complete 
my  work  up  to  where  the  Wilderness  Campaign  begins,  and  then 
go  back  to  the  beginning. 

When  we  get  to  Washington  [of  course  this  should  be  New 
York]  I  shall  have  a  room  for  you  where  you  will  always  be  wel 
come,  and  I  shall  be  specially  glad  to  have  you,  as  soon  as  we  are 
settled,  to  go  over  with  me  the  remaining  articles  for  the  Century. 
We  will  spend  a  week  or  ten  days  with  Buck  before  we  settle  down 
in  the  city. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  One  Hundred   and  Four. 

The  arrangements  at  General  Grant's  house,  which  he  de 
scribes  in  this  letter,  were  all  carried  out.  The  "  small  room 
at  the  head  of  the  stairs  "  was  that  in  which  he  wrote  the 
greater  part  of  his  Personal  Memoir.  The  articles  for  The 
Century  were  re-made  there,  and  all  the  biographical  part 
of  the  first  volume,  the  story  of  the  Mexican  war,  the  begin 
ning  of  his  military  career,  indeed,  all  of  the  work  down  to  the 
Wilderness  Campaign,  and  even  the  first  draft  of  that  —  all 
were  written  and  revised  in  that  room,  with  me  sitting  by  his 
side. 

I  was,  however,  not  ready  at  that  time  to  go  to  him.  I  was 
writing  a  book  myself,  intended  to  show  the  circumstances  and 
tell  the  story  of  my  Havana  career;  and  this  I  was  extremely 
anxious  should  appear  during  Arthur's  Presidency;  first, 
because  it  was  more  manly  to  attack  the  Administration 
while  it  was  in  power,  and  next,  because  when  Arthur  went 
out  of  office  the  interest  of  the  theme  would  be  greatly 
lessened.  So  I  wrote  to  General  Grant  that  I  preferred  to 
remain  where  I  was,  in  the  mountains,  a  few  weeks  longer, 
till  I  could  complete  my  own  book.  This  was  his  reply. 


LETTERS   OF   GEN.  GRANT  TO   GEN.  BADEAU.  565 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

Oct.  2nd,  1884. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  We  are  at  home  now,  and  settled,  and  will  be 
glad  to  see  you  on  Monday  next,  or  any  day  thereafter  that  may 
suit  your  convenience  best.  I  finished  the  Wilderness  Campaign 
about  a  week  before  leaving  Long  Branch  and  have  done  nothing 
since.  I  propose  however  going  to  work  next  Monday,  and  to  , 
continue  busily  until  I  am  done.  As  I  told  you  in  a  previous 
letter  there  will  be  a  room  for  you  all  the  time  you  want  to  spend 
with  us.  There  is  room  also  for  you  to  work  on  your  own  book. 
I  have  taken  the  front  room,  —  the  small  one  —  at  the  head  of  the 
stairs  for  my  work,  and  converted  the  boudoir  into  a  bed  room. 
Where  I  now  am  there  is  a  table  to  write  upon,  and  a  large  desk. 

Very  Truly  Yours, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

Letter  No.  One  Hundred  and  Five. 

General  Grant  still  pressed  me  to  go  to  him  promptly,  and 
after  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  in  which  he  seemed  so  urgent, 
I  gave  up  the  completion  of  my  own  work  and  went  to  his 
house  where  I  remained  until  the  first  week  in  May ;  during 
the  greater  part  of  his  literary  labor,  and  of  his  illness.  He 
had  arrived  at  the  close  of  the  Wilderness  Campaign  when 
he  stopped  work  in  March,  never  expecting  to  resume  it ;  but 
I  continued  revising  it,  by  his  desire,  for  sometime  afterward. 
In  May  I  ceased  my  connection  with  his  book. 

This  is  the  last  letter  in  his  own  hand  that  General  Grant 
ever  wrote  to  me : 

Oct.  8th,  1884. 

DEAR  BADEAU,  —  Your  letter  just  received.  The  articles  I 
have  to  examine  were  completed  about  the  ioth  of  Sept.  Of 
course  it  will  not  hurt  to  let  them  rest  two  weeks  longer.  But  I 
will  be  glad  to  see  you  when  you  are  ready  to  come.  You  had 
better  bring  your  [own  work]  with  you  too  when  you  do  come. 
There  will  be  room  for  you  and  me  both  in  my  room.  If  there 
is  not  a  table  can  be  put  up  in  your  bed-room. 

Yours  Truly, 
U.  S.  GRANT. 


T 


CHAPTER    LI. 

MISCELLANEOUS   CORRESPONDENCE. 
No.  One. 

GENERAL    GRANT   TO    PRESIDENT   JOHNSON. 

HIS  letter  of  course  was  written  during  the  period  of 
Johnson's  dispute  with  Congress.  As  the  subsequent 
correspondence  shows,  it  was  withdrawn,  but  it  is  evidence  of 
Grant's  strong  feeling  on  the  subject  of  the  removal  of 
Sheridan. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

WASHINGTON,  Aug.  26,  1867. 
To 

His  Excellency, 

A.  JOHNSON, 

President  of  the  United  States  ; 

SIR,  —  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  the  fol 
lowing  letter,  to  wit : 

"EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Aug.  26,  1867. 

SIR,  —  In  consequence  of  the  unfavorable  condition  of  the 
health  of  Major-General  George  H.  Thomas,  as  reported  to  you  in 
Surgeon  Hasson's  dispatch  of  the  2ist  instant,  my  order  dated 
August  17,  1867,  is  hereby  modified  so  as  to  assign  Major-General 
Winfield  S.  Hancock  to  the  command  of  the  Fifth  Military  District, 
created  by  the  Act  of  Congress  passed  March  2,  1867,  and  of  the 
Military  Department  comprising  the  States  of  Louisiana  and  Texas. 
On  being  relieved  from  the  command  of  the  Department  of  the 
Missouri  by  Major-General  P.  H.  Sheridan,  Major-General  Han- 


MISCELLANEOUS   CORRESPONDENCE.  567 

cock  will  proceed  directly  to  New  Orleans,  Louisiana,  and  assum 
ing  the  command  to  which  he  is  hereby  assigned  will,  when  neces 
sary  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the  laws,  exercise  any  and  all  powers 
conferred  by  Acts  of  Congress  upon  District  Commanders,  and 
any  and  all  authority  pertaining  to  officers  in  command  of  Military 
Departments. 

Major-General  P.  H.  Sheridan  will  at  once  turn  over  his  present 
command  to  the  officer  next  in  rank  to  himself,  and  proceeding 
without  delay  to  Fort  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  will  relieve  Major- 
General  Hancock  of  the  command  of  the  Department  of  the 
Missouri. 

Major-General  George  H.  Thomas  will,  until  further  orders, 
remain  in  command  of  the  Department  of  the  Cumberland. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

Gen9 1 U.  S.  GRANT, 

Secretary  of  War,  ad  interim" 

To  it  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  reply :  Gen 
eral  Thomas  has  not  yet  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  order 
assigning  him  to  the  command  of  the  5th  Military  District.  My 
recommendation  to  have  the  order  assigning  him  to  that  command 
suspended  was  based  principally  on  the  fact  that  the  yellow  fever 
has  become  epidemic,  and  some  time  since  orders  were  issued,  at 
the  suggestion  of  General  Sheridan,  authorizing  all  officers  then 
absent  from  the  5th  Military  District,  on  application  to  the  Adju 
tant  General  of  the  Army,  to  remain  absent  until  the  1 5th  of  Oc 
tober.  A  copy  of  the  dispatch  on  which  this  order,  or  circular, 
was  based,  and  the  circular  itself,  were  forwarded  with  my  recom 
mendation  for  the  suspension  of  General  Thomas'  order.  Before 
substituting  General  Hancock  or  any  one  else  for  General  Thomas 
to  command  the  5th  Military  District,  his  objections,  if  he  makes 
any,  should  be  heard,  or  else  the  order  for  the  change  should  be 
based  on  other  grounds.  Unless  there  are  very  grave  public  rea 
sons,  no  officer  should  be  sent  to  Louisiana  now. 

Your  letter  quoted  above  will  leave  the  5th  Military  District 
without  a  commander  of  the  rank  required  by  law  during  the  period 
necessary  to  effect  the  contemplated  change  of  commanders.  In 


^ 68  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

fact,  it  orders  General  Sheridan  to  turn  over  his  command  to  an 
officer  absolutely  incompetent  by  law  to  fill  it.  I  assume  that  you 
will  change  this  part  of  your  instructions  so  as  to  admit  of  General 
Sheridan  remaining  where  he  now  is  until  relieved  by  an  officer  of 
the  requisite  rank. 

The  Act  of  Congress  of  July  19,  1867,  throws  much  of  the  re 
sponsibility  of  executing  faithfully  the  reconstruction  laws  of  Con 
gress  on  the  General  of  the  Army.  I  am  bound  by  the  responsi 
bility  thus  imposed  on  me.  I  approve  all  General  Sheridan's 
orders  to  this  date,  and  therefore  must  insist  on  instructing  his 
successor  to  carry  out  those  orders  so  far  as  I  am  authorized  to  do 
so  by  Acts  of  Congress. 

Having  the  responsibility  placed  on  me  that  I  have  in  regard 
to  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  Congress  in  the  districts  composing 
the  States  not  represented  in  Congress,  I  claim  that  I  ought  to  be 
consulted  as  to  the  agents  who  are  to  aid  me  in  this  duty.  But 
the  right  existing  with  the  President  to  name  District  Commanders, 
I  cannot  decline  to  publish  the  order  so  far  as  it  affects  change  of 
commanders.  I  do  protest,  however,  against  the  details  of  the 
order;  I  do  more:  I  emphatically  decline  yielding  any  of  the 
powers  given  the  General  of  the  Army  by  the  laws  of  Congress. 

In  the  present  changes  the  country  sees  but  one  object,  no 
matter  whether  it  interprets  the  objects  of  the  Executive  rightly  or 
not.  The  object  seen  is  the  defeat  of  the  laws  of  Congress  for 
restoring  peace,  union,  and  representation  to  the  ten  States  now 
not  represented.  This  course  affects  the  peace  of  the  whole  coun 
try,  North  and  South,  and  the  finances  of  the  country,  unfavorably. 
The  South  is  the  most  affected  by  it,  and  through  the  South  the 
whole  country  feels  the  agitation  which  is  kept  up.  It  is  patent  to 
every  one  that  opposition  to  Congress  has  induced  the  measures 
which  now  stand  on  the  statute  books  as  the  laws  of  the  land,  and 
has  induced  the  loyal  people  of  this  country  to  sustain  those  meas 
ures.  Will  not  further  opposition  necessarily  result  in'more  strin 
gent  measures  against  the  South?  The  people  had  come  to  look 
upon  the  reconstruction  policy  of  the  country  as  settled,  whether 
it  pleased  them  or  not.  They  acquiesced  in  it,  and  at  least  the 
great  mass  of  people,  irrespective  of  political  creed,  desired  to  see 


MISCELLANEOUS   CORRESPONDENCE.  569 

it  executed  and  the  country  restored  to  quiet,  ready  to  meet  the 
great  financial  issue  before  us. 

I  would  not  venture  to  write  as  I  do  if  I  was  not  greatly  in 
earnest;  if  I  did  not  see  great  dangers  to  the  quiet  and  prosperity 
of  the  country  in  the  course  being  pursued. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

U.  S.  GRANT, 

Sec.  of  War, 

Ad  int. 
No.  Two. 

GENERAL    GRANT    TO    PRESIDENT    JOHNSON. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Aug.  28,  1867. 
His  Excellency, 

A.  JOHNSON, 

President  of  the  United  States  : 

SIR, —  I  have  the  honor  very  respectfully  to  request  permission 
to  withdraw  my  letter  of  the  26th  inst. 

Very  Respectfully, 

Your  Obt.  Servt, 

U.  S.  GRANT, 
Sec*y  of  War, 

Ad  Int. 

No.  Three. 

PRESIDENT  JOHNSON  TO  GENERAL  GRANT. 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Aug.  28,  1867. 

SIR, —  I  have  received  your  communication  of  this  date,  and 
in  compliance  with  your  request,  return  herewith  your  letter  of  the 

26th  instant. 

Very  Respectfully, 

and  Truly  Yours, 

ANDREW  JOHNSON. 
General  U.  S.  GRANT, 

Secretary  of  War,  ad  interim. 


GRANT  IN  PEACE. 

No.  Four. 
EDWIN  BOOTH  TO  GENERAL  GRANT. 

This  is  the  letter  referred  to  in  Chapter  XIII,  on  "Grant 
in  the  Cabinet." 

BARNUM'S  HOTEL, 

BALTIMORE, 
Sept.   nth, 

1867. 
Genl.  U.  S.  GRANT, 

SIR, —  Having  once  received  a  promise  from  Mr.  Stanton  that 
the  family  of  John  Wilkes  Booth  should  be  permitted  to  obtain 
the  body  when  sufficient  time  had  elapsed,  I  yielded  to  the 
entreaties  of  my  mother  and  applied  for  it  to  the  "  Secretary  of 
War  " —  I  fear  too  soon,  for  the  letter  was  unheeded  —  if,  indeed,  it 
ever  reached  him. 

I  now  appeal  to  you  on  behalf  of  my  heartbroken  mother  —  that 
she  may  receive  the  remains  of  her  son. 

You,  sir,  can  understand  what  a  consolation  it  would  be  to  an 
aged  parent  to  have  the  privilege  of  visiting  the  grave  of  her  child, 
and  I  feel  assured  that  you  will,  even  in  the  midst  of  your  most 
pressing  duties,  feel  a  touch  of  sympathy  for  her,  one  of  the 
greatest  sufferers  living. 

May  I  not  hope,  too,  that  you  will  listen  to  our  entreaties  and 
send  me  some  encouragement  —  some  information  as  to  how  and 
when  the  remains  may  be  obtained  ? 

By  so  doing  you  will  receive  the  gratitude  of  a  most  unhappy 
family,  and  will  —  I  am  sure  —  be  justified  by  all  right  thinking 
minds  should  the  matter  ever  become  known  to  others  than 
ourselves. 

I  shall  remain  in  Baltimore  two  weeks  from  the  date  of  this 
letter  —  during  which  time  I  could  send  a  trustworthy  person  to 
bring  hither  and  privately  bury  the  remains  in  the  family  grounds, 
thus  relieving  my  poor  mother  of  much  misery. 

Apologizing  for  my  intrusion,  and  anxiously  awaiting  a  reply  to 

this,  I  am  Sir,  with  great  respect, 

Yr.  obt.  sevt., 

EDWIN  BOOTH. 


MISCELLANEOUS  CORRESPONDENCE. 


571 


No.  Five. 
GENERAL    GRANT   TO    GENERAL    GARFIELD. 

This  letter  was  written  after  Grant's  first  nomination  as 
President.  Garfield  was  in  Congress  at  the  time,  and  the 
communication  referred  to  a  previous  recommendation  of  the 
General-in-Chief. 

The  address  and  signature  were  not  preserved  in  the  pen 
ciled  copy  taken  at  the  time  by  one  of  the  aides-de-camp  of 
Grant,  and  transferred  to  me.  The  letter  was  endorsed : 
"  Gen.  Grant  to  Gen.  Garfield,  June  19,  1868.  About  increase 
of  Army  pay." 

"  In  recommending  a  continuance  of  the  same  increase  to  the 
pay  of  officers  of  the  army  given  for  the  fiscal  year  just  ending,  I 
did  it  on  mature  deliberation  and  under  the  firm  conviction  that  it 
is  necessary  to  their  decent  support.  The  pay  of  the  army  is  now 
what  it  was  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion  within  a  few  dol 
lars,  and  which  is  offset  by  the  income  tax,  whilst  the  cost  of 
living  has  increased  in  a  proportion  familiar  to  every  one. 

"  P.  S.  The  pay  of  all,  or  nearly  all,  who  are  employed  by  the 
Gov't,  except  army  officers,  has  been  increased  in  the  last  seven 

years." 

No.  Six. 

GENERAL  GRANT  TO  MR.  BLEST-GANA, 

Chilian  Minister  to  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Blest-Gana  had  been  the  Chilian  Minister  at  Wash 
ington  nearly  a  year  when  Grant  was  elected  President,  and  he 
wrote  at  once  to  offer  his  congratulations.  I  have  elsewhere 
told  of  the  respect  Grant  always  showed  for  the  representa 
tives  of  the  various  American  republics,  and  the  more  than 
amicable  relations  he  strove  to  maintain  with  them  all,  both 
in  their  personal  and  official  capacities. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C., 

Nov.  27th,  1868. 
SR.  D.  A.  BLEST-GANA, 

Minister,   etc, 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Your  esteemed  congratulatory  letter  is  rec'd. 
Please  accept  my  thanks  for  the  kind  expressions  it  contains  both 


572  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

towards   me   personally   and   to    the   government  of   the   United 
States. 

The  tendency  of  the  world  at  this  time  seems  to  be  towards 
free  government.  May  it  go  on  until  all  are  as  free  as  we  are, 
and  as  prosperous.  I  hope  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when 
Republican  Governments,  especially  those  on  this  continent,  will 
be  in  such  sympathy  with  each  other  as  to  be  a  mutual  support, 
and  be  an  —  —  to  all  others. 

Please  present  my  kind  regards  to  Madame  Blest,  and  accept 
the  assurance  of  my  esteem.  Yours  Truly, 

U.    S.  GRANT. 

No.  Seven. 
GENERAL    BADEAU    TO    SENOR    SARMIENTO, 

President  of  the  Argentine  Republic. 

The  following  letter  was  written  by  the  direction  of 
General  Grant,  then  President-elect,  who  did  not,  however, 
desire  to  make  himself  the  recommendation  which  the  corres 
pondence  suggests.  Sarmiento  had  been  Minister  of  the 
Argentine  Republic  to  the  United  States,  and  in  that  capacity 
had  made  the  acquaintance  of  Grant.  I  also  had  known  him 
as  Minister,  on  terms  which  made  the  form  of  this  communi 
cation  not  inappropriate. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Nov.  29,  1868. 
His  Excellency 

SENOR  DON  D.  F.  SARMIENTO, 

President  of  the  Argentine  Republic: 

MY  DEAR  SIR, —  I  have  lately  read  in  the  newspapers  that  the 
Argentine  Republic  proposes  offering  the  command  of  its  armies 
to  one  of  the  successful  generals  of  the  United  States  in  the  recent 
<war.  It  would  of  course  be  impertinent  in  me  to  make  any  sug 
gestion  in  a  matter  of  so  much  importance ;  but  if  there  should  be 
any  foundation  for  the  report  alluded  to,  I  am  sure  you  will  be 
glad  to  know  the  opinions  of  General  Grant.  I  have  several  times 
heard  him  say  that  he  hoped  in  case  such  a  plan  should  be  carried 
out,  that  the  Argentine  Republic  would  secure  the  services  of  a 


MISCELLANEOUS  CORRESPONDENCE. 


573 


soldier  of  real  talent  and  not  any  of  the  adventurers  who  would  be 
most  likely  to  be  pressed  upon  its  attention.  If  there  should  be 
any  probability  like  that  I  mention,  the  advice  of  some  very 
prominent  American  soldier  would  doubtless  assist  materially  in 
furthering  the  objects  of  the  Argentine  Republic. 

Trusting  that  this  note  may  not  be  deemed  officious,  and 
making  my  warmest  congratulations,  my  dear  Sir  and  President, 
upon  your  accession  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  your  country,  I  am, 
with  the  best  wishes  for  the  success  of  your  administration  and 
the  prosperity  of  your  people, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

ADAM  BADEAU, 

Brvt.  Brig.-Gen.  and  A.D.C. 

to  GENERAL  GRANT. 

No.  Eight. 
GENERAL    BADEAU    TO    MR.    BURLINGAME, 

Chinese  Minister,   etc.,  etc. 

This  letter,  like  its  predecessor  in  this  series,  was  written 
by  the  direction  of  General  Grant,  then  President-elect ;  and 
of  course  was  submitted  to  him  before  it  was  sent.  Burlin- 
game  had  originally  been  United  States  Minister  to  China, 
but  resigned  that  post  in  order  to  accept  a  roving  but  import 
ant  commission,  that  of  Chinese  Minister  both  to  this  country 
and  to  the  prominent  European  Governments.  It  was  his 
object  to  establish  more  intimate  relations  between  the 
Chinese  and  the  Western  powers,  and  had  he  lived  he  might 
have  initiated  a  policy  of  importance  to  the  world  and  of 
especial  advantage  to  this  country.  He  visited  first  the 
United  States,  and  then  England,  France,  Prussia,  and 
Russia,  but  at  St.  Petersburg  his  career  was  suddenly  cut 
short  at  its  very  meridian.  His  death  was  a  loss  to  modern 
civilization. 

While  in  this  country  in  1868,  he  established  relations 
with  General  Grant  that  were  unusually  cordial.  Upon  the 
death  of  Rawlins  he  was  very  desirous  to  enter  Grant's 


574  GRANT   IN    PEACE. 

Cabinet,  and,  as  I  was  then  returning  to  America,  he  com 
missioned  me  to  say  to  the  President  that  he  would  willingly 
resign  his  diplomatic  position  for  the  sake  of  a  place  in  the 
United  States  Government.  But  Grant  appointed  Belknap. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

WASHINGTON,  D.   C.,  Dec.   28,  1868. 
HON.  ANSON  BURLINGAME, 

Chinese   Minister, 

6-<r.,    6^. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, —  General  Grant  directs  me  to  write  to  you  and 
say  that  Dr.  Wm.  Martin,  Professor  of  International  Law  in  the 
Imperial  College  of  China,  has  inquired  of  him  whether  Brevet 
Major-General  Emory  Upton,  an  officer  of  the  American  army, 
would  be  a  suitable  person  to  instruct  the  Chinese  army  in  our 
tactics.  General  Grant  has  recommended  General  Upton  very 
warmly  and  highly,  and  desires  me  to  write  to  you  on  the  matter. 
General  Upton  is  the  author  of  the  system  of  tactics  now  in  use  in 
our  army ;  he  is  a  young  man,  not  more  than  thirty  years  old,  who 
made  a  distinguished  reputation  for  ability  and  energy  during  the 
late  war ;  and  General  Grant,  though  he  would  willingly  recom 
mend  other  young  officers  of  equal  merit  and  distinction,  would 
give  higher  recommendations  to  none  than  to  him,  and  sees  a 
peculiar  fitness  in  him  for  this  peculiar  position.  He  also  is 
favorably  impressed  with  the  plan  in  itself,  and  trusts  that  you 
may  find  equal  advantages  apparent  to  yourself  with  those  which 
he  perceives,  both  for  China  and  America. 

I    avail   myself   of  this   opportunity   to   say  how  closely  your 
countrymen  have  watched  your  career  in  England,  and  how  much 
admiration  has  been  extorted  by  the  sagacity  and  skill  with  which 
you  have  met  and  overcome  peculiar  obstacles. 
With  great  respect  and  regard, 

My  dear  Sir,  I  am 

Yours  very  sincerely, 
ADAM  BADEAU, 
Btvt.  Brig.-Gerfl,  and  A.D.C. 


MISCELLANEOUS   CORRESPONDENCE. 

No.  Nine. 
GENERAL    GRANT   TO    GENERAL    BUELL. 

This  letter  is  its  own  explanation. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Dec.  29th,   1865. 

GENERAL, —  Your  letter  of  the  2yth  inst,  calling  my  attention  to 
a  letter  which  you  wrote  me  in  August  last,  is  received.  The  letter 
referred  to  reached  my  office  in  my  absence  from  the  city,  and  was 
placed  in  a  private  desk  and  never  came  to  my  attention  until  it 
was  handed  to  me  by  a  staff-officer  on  the  cars  whilst  on  my  way 
to  New  York  city  early  in  November  last.  I  put  the  letter  in  my 
pocket  expecting  to  answer  it  while  in  New  York.  Not  finding 
time  there,  however,  the  letter  remained  pocketed  and  has  either 
been  mislaid  or  lost.  I  will  answer  the  letter  from  memory,  as  far 
as  possible. 

I  have  no  recollection  of  any  conversation  in  Springfield,  Mass., 
or  elsewhere  during  last  summer,  in  which  your  name  was  men 
tioned.  I  am  often  questioned,  however,  about  this  officer  and 
that  one  and  in  such  cases  endeavor  not  to  do  them  injustice. 
Conversations  are  rarely  quoted  correctly  and  in  the  case  referred 
to  by  you  I  know  could  not  have  been,  for  I  am  made  to  say  things 
which  I  never  believed.  For  instance  in  regard  to  your  want  of 
ability  to  command  in  the  presence  of  an  enemy  or  in  battle. 

I  have  always  thought,  and  frequently  expressed  the  opinion 
that  in  that  precise  case  you  would  do  as  well  as  almost  any 
General  that  could  be  selected.  I  did  receive  a  telegraphic 
dispatch  from  Gen.  Halleck,  dated  more  than  two  weeks  before  the 
attack  at  Pittsburgh  Landing,  Tenn.,  from  which  or  from  the 
courier  bringing  it  I  gathered  the  idea  saying  that  you  were  within 
four  days'  march  of  Savannah,  and  would  be  up  in  that  time. 
That  dispatch  was  telegraphed  to  your  care,  if  I  remember  rightly, 
and  sent  by  you  to  me  by  courier.  At  all  events,  the  dispatch 
came  by  way  of  Nashville  to  the  Army  commanded  by  you  and 
thence  to  me  by  courier.  This  fact  I  may  have  mentioned  and 
drawn  the  conclusion  that  if  you  had  been  up  in  the  time  men 
tioned  or  double  the  time,  that  instead  of  being  attacked  I  would 
have  taken  the  initiative.  On  the  subject  of  your  heart  never 


576  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

having  been  in  the  cause  I  must  certainly  have  been  entirely  mis 
understood.  I  supposed  you  to  be  as  earnest  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  and  whilst  in  command,  as  any  other  officer  engaged  in  it 
in  the  maintenance  of  the  Government.  Your  own  letters  pub 
lished  since  have  rather  given  the  idea  that  you  wanted  the  Union 
saved  in  a  particular  way,  and  that  way  different  from  the  one 
which  was  being  pursued.  I  drew  such  a  conclusion  from  them 
and  state  so  frankly,  although  I  have  no  recollection  of  ever  having 
mentioned  the  fact  in  such  a  way  as  to  have  my  opinion  get  into 
print.  But  if  I  did,  what  I  may  have  said  was  based  upon  your 
own  writing,  or  what  purported  to  be,  and  which  the  whole  com 
munity  had  access  to. 

I  do  not  remember  any  of  the  other  points  alluded  to  in  the 
newspaper  article  which  you  sent. 

I  have  in  the  course  of  the  war  been  the  subject  of  very  severe 
newspaper  criticisms,  and  never  appealed  to  the  press  for  vindica 
tion  and  now  very  much  dislike  to  be  called  on  to  deny  or  affirm 
the  statements  of  some  irresponsible  reporter  without  the  slightest 
idea  of  who  he  is.  But  I  shall  always  be  much  more  ready  to 
correct  an  injustice  done  another  than  if  I  were  the  injured  party. 

Very  Respectfully, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 

No.  Ten. 

GENERAL  GRANT  TO  MR.  RANGABE. 

Greek  Minister  to  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Rangabe"  had  been  Greek  Minister  to  the  United 
States  in  1867,  and  then  made  the  acquaintance  of  General 
Grant,  who  esteemed  him  highly.  In  1868  he  returned  to 
his  own  country  to  take  an  important  post  in  the  Government, 
but  did  not  relinquish  his  appointment  to  the  United  States  ; 
his  son  remaining  in  Washington  as  acting  Charge  d' Affaires. 
Upon  the  election  of  General  Grant  to  the  Presidency  the 
elder  Rangab6  sent  nis  congratulations  from  Athens,  and 
they  were  presented  by  his  son.  The  following  letter  is  the 
acknowledgment  of  Grant. 


MISCELLANEOUS  CORRESPONDENCE. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Feb'y  15,  1869. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, —  Your  esteemed  and  flattering  congratulatory 
letter  of  the  2oth  of  January,  accompanied  by  an  equally  compli 
mentary  note  from  your  son,  is  received.  I  sincerely  hope  that 
my  country  may  continue  to  deserve  the  high  stand  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth  which  you  ascribe  to  it,  and  be  regarded  as 
the  friend  of  those  struggling  for  freedom  and  self-government, 
the  world  over. 

For  myself  I  can  only  strive  to  deserve  the  confidence  which 
so  great  a  nation  has  bestowed  on  me. 

Thanking  you  for  the  kind  expressions  contained  in  your  letter, 
and  hoping  for  your  nation,  and  for  you  individually,  the  greatest 
prosperity,  I  subscribe  myself, 

Very  Truly  and  Respectfully, 

Your  Obedient  Servant, 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
His  Excellency, 

M.  A.  R.  RANGABE, 

E.  E.  and  M.  Plenipotentiary, 

of  His  Majesty,  the  King  of  the  Greeks. 

No.  Eleven. 
CHARLES  SUMNER  TO  GENERAL  BADEAU. 

This  letter  was  written  while  Motley  was  Minister  at  Lon 
don  and  I  was  Assistant-Secretary  of  Legation.  It  is  inter 
esting  for  the  defense  of  Sumner's  famous  speech  which  it 
contains,  and  which  he  desired  I  should  render  to  his  English 
friends. 

For  Sumner  was  always  anxious  about  the  effect  of  his 
rhetoric,  although  the  anxiety  never  induced  him  to  restrain 
its  violence.  He  was  somewhat  hysterical,  even  womanish 
in  his  temperament,  as  men  of  his  type  of  genius  often  are. 
He  suffered  and  enjoyed  acutely.  An  orator,  a  student,  a 
lover  of  pictures  and  books  and  society,  he  was  confident  in 
the  graces  and  charms  of  his  person  and  behavior,  and  both 
were  distinguished.  His  face  and  form  were  full  of  noble, 
37 


578  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

manly  beauty,  and  his  manner  was  attractive  and  sometimes 
irresistible.  In  the  latter  part  of  his  life  he  was  used  to  the 
adulation  of  a  select  circle  which  wafted  incense  to  him  as 
worshipers  do  to  a  demi-god,  and  he  snuffed  it  up  eagerly. 
I  have  seen  clever  women  —  women  with  names  that  are 
known  in  literature  and  society,  literally  sitting  at  his  feet 
and  waiting  to  catch  every  syllable  that  dropped  from  his 
lips  —  lips  full  of  elegant  and  sometimes  eloquent  language, 
in  conversation  as  well  as  public  speech. 

He  had  a  certain  flow  of  not  very  original  ideas  and 
images,  an  impassioned,  though  somewhat  stilted  manner  and 
utterance,  and  a  rhetorical  arrangement  of  expression  that 
captivated  many  and  deceived  himself  as  well  as  others  into 
the  belief  that  his  oratory  was  of  a  higher  order  than  was 
really  the  case.  It  smelt  too  much  of  the  lamp. 

His  history  also  excited  an  interest  that  was  adventitious. 
He  had  been  ostracized  in  Boston  society,  and  for  a  long  time 
in  Washington  as  well,  because  of  his  anti-slavery  sentiment, 
and  to  the  last  there  were  many  who  refused  to  receive  or 
invite  him  —  even  after  his  marriage.  But  the  dastardly 
attack  of  Brooks  evoked  a  general  sympathy  which  the  con 
tinued  suffering  of  the  victim  kept  alive.  Then  when  the 
war  broke  out  and  the  opinions  that  Sumner  had  advocated 
became  triumphant  he  was  naturally  looked  upon  as  a  leader. 
But  he  was  never  fitted  for  more  than  oratory.  He  was  no 
statesman,  no  practical  man  in  affairs,  and  as  opposite  as 
possible  in  quality  and  character  to  Grant.  Neither  indeed 
could  fully  understand  or  appreciate  the  other,  although  each 
had  originally  respected  the  achievements  or  acquirements 
that  were  so  unlike  his  own.  But  when  the  egotism  of  Sum 
ner  came  in  contact  with  the  stubbornness  of  Grant  the 
result  was  inevitable.  Sumner  used  all  the  arts  of  the 
rhetorician  in  his  attacks  on  Grant ;  he  was  unfair,  illogical, 
and  untrue ;  and  Grant  resented  the  injustice,  and  punished 
it  relentlessly.  It  was  a  pity  that  men  who  had  both  done 


MISCELLANEOUS   CORRESPONDENCE. 

honor  to  the  State  at  the  critical  hour  of  its  existence  should 
afterward  have  been  thrown  into  such  antagonism ;  but  their 
strife  was  so  bitter  and  their  passions  became  so  aroused  that 
the  excellence  of  each  was  obscured  to  the  other's  view ;  and 
neither  at  last  could  admit  or  perceive  the  merit  of  him  with 
whom  he  contended.  Nevertheless  of  the  two,  the  man  of 
deeds  did  far  more  justice  to  his  antagonist  than  the  man  of 
words ;  and  naturally  the  man  of  action  conquered. 

BOSTON,  26th  July,  '69. 

My  DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  am  obliged  by  your  good  letter,  but  I 
have  for  some  time  doubted  if  it  were  advisable  at  least  for  me  to 
try  any  longer  against  the  spawn  of  misrepresentation  in  England. 
My  own  system  is  so  essentially  pacific,  I  am  so  near  a  Quaker  in 
my  convictions,  and  I  have  such  ties  with  England  even  now  that 
I  cannot  allow  personal  indignities  to  sway  me  in  an  important 
public  duty.  Whatever  may  be  said  there,  I  shall  hope  to  keep  the 
peace. 

But  I  confess  that  this  recent  outburst  of  dishonest  attack, 
when  nobody  has  read  the  speech,  followed  by  falsehood  and 
abuse  of  every  line,  with  the  bad  temper,  haughty  tone,  and  brutal 
insolence,  which  seemed  almost  universal,  has  disheartened  me. 
How,  then,  can  the  question  be  settled  peacefully !  I  am  the 
most  pacific  advocate  on  our  side.  Others  who  take  it  up,  will 
touch  a  different  cord. 

Already  many  look  to  war.  B.  F.  B.  told  me  recently  that  it 
must  come,  as  the  people  never  would  give  back,  and  everybody  is 
profoundly  convinced  that  England  is  equitably  liable  for  several 
years  of  our  war  with  its  deaths  and  taxation.  George  Bemis  writes 
me  from  Europe  that  he  is  disheartened,  for  he  does  not  see  any 
solution  except  that  of  war.  I  do ;  and  I  am  not  afraid  of  war,  if 
our  Administration  will  make  England  see  and  understand  our  case. 
This  is  no  time  to  disown  an  authoritative  statement,  made  under 
peculiar  circumstances  and  adopted,  as  speech  never  was  before,  as 
the  voice  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  country.  If  we  give  back  there 
are  others  who  will  take  our  places,  who  will  not  give  back.  It  is  our 
duty  to  conduct  this  debate  closely,  and  make  England  know  the 


580  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

wrong  we  have  received  and  the  convictions  of  our  people.  When 
this  is  done,  we  can  take  up  the  question  of  remedy  more  or  less ; 
but  first  the  grievance  must  be  stated  in  length  and  breadth. 

If  I  reply  to  your  inquiries,  it  is  because  I  would  not  seem  in 
different  to  your  desires. 

You  can  report  whether  I  represented  the  Senate  and  the 
country, —  and  the  President  too.  I  think  you  can  say  that  never 
was  any  doubt  of  it.  This  point  is  stated  well  in  Senator 
Anthony's  article,  and  also  in  Mr.  P.  W.  Chandler's,  in  the  Adver 
tiser,  both  of  whom  belonging  to  the  most  moderate  school,  insist 
that  the  country  agrees  with  me. 

Of  course  you  know  that  the  phrase  "abject  apology,"  and 
nothing  like  it  can  be  found  in  the  speech.  I  never  had  the  idea. 
But  my  speech  makes  no  demand,  whether  apology  or  money ;  not  a 
word  of  apology,  not  a  cent  of  money.  It  shows  that  we  have 
suffered  incalculable  damages  for  which  we  have  never  received 
compensation  or  acknowledgment,  and  refers  to  other  cases  where 
money  was  paid  with  an  apology.  But  I  ask  nothing.  It  is 
humiliating  to  be  obliged  to  write  such  a  commentary  on  myself. 

The  members  of  the  Liberal  party  who  criticise  my  silence  on 
their  services,  have  never  read  my  speech,  or  like  Forster,  have  for 
gotten  it,  so  that  they  attribute  to  me  what  was  not  in  it,  or 
require  in  it  what  it  could  not  properly  contain.  The  treaty  under 
consideration  was  not  with  the  Liberal  party,  but  with  England, 
coi'porate  England —  represented  by  the  Government.  It  was  the 
acts  of  the  Government  that  I  called  in  question,  and  I  did  not 
step  aside  to  censure  Tories  or  to  praise  Liberals,  not  even  those 
working-men,  or  Mr.  Bright,  who  deserve  so  much  and  have 
always  had  my  heart.  Forster  made  this  unworthy  criticism  at  the 
same  time  he  said  that  I  complained  of  the  "  upper  classes,"  and 
then  another  taking  up  the  statement  of  Forster,  said  that  my  in 
dictment  was  against  "  Belgravia," — when  I  indicted  nobody  but 
the  British  Government.  Had  the  speech  been  read  generally  such 
absurdities  could  not  have  found  a  market.  The  honest  sense  of 
John  Bull  would  have  been  indignant  at  the  misrepresentation. 

Mr.  Motley  knows,  you  know,  everybody  who  knows  the  least  of 
me,  how  my  soul  has  clung  to  John  Bright  for  years  and  how  it 
has  throbbed  in  unison  with  him.  To  him  and  partners  I  give 


MISCELLANEOUS  CORRESPONDENCE. 


58l 


honor  and  praise  perpetually.  Little  did  I  think,  when  without 
any  seeking,  I  found  myself  obliged  to  state  the  case  of  my 
country,  that  any  English  Liberal  would  complain,  because  I  did 
not  embody  praise  of  some  of  his  friends.  The  case  was  too 
grave,  and  I  was  too  serious.  I  had  a  duty,  which  was  to  explain 
the  occasion  of  our  profound  sense  of  wrong  and  this  I  did  gently 
and  simply.  I  would  ask  any  Englishman  how  he  would  state 
the  American  case  more  gently  or  simply,  with  less  of  unkindness 
or  menace.  The  harshness  is  in  the  case,  not  in  me.  If  English 
men  would  not  put  off  upon  me,  as  Don  Quixote  did  upon  Sancho 
Panza,  the  retributive  lashes  which  their  conduct  justly  deserves, 
we  should  be  much  nearer  a  settlement. 

As  for  the  recognition  of  belligerency  being  "  friendly,"  Mr. 
Forster  leaves  the  House  of  Commons,  rushes  to  the  Commons 
Library,  takes  down  Wheaton,  and  finds  it  "friendly."  By  such 
sciolism  was  this  terrible  step  determined.  The  question  of  bel 
ligerency  is  the  most  difficult  of  unsolved  questions  in  Interna 
tional  Law.  When  Wheaton  wrote  and  died,  next  to  nothing  was 
known  on  it.  No  rule  had  been  established ;  no  rule  is  established 
now,  unless  the  English  precedent  be  accepted  as  a  final  expres 
sion  of  the  law.  This  I  think  bad  for  the  peace  of  the  world,  and 
for  International  Law.  Talk  with  Mr.  Bemis  on  the  "  friendly  " 
character  of  that  concern.  He  knows  its  history.  I  never  saw 
Mr.  Seward  more  like  a  caged  tiger,  or  more  profuse  of  oaths  in 
every  form  that  the  English  language  supplies  than  when  prancing 
about  the  room  denouncing  the  Proclamation  of  Belligerency, 
which  he  swore  he  would  send  to  hell.  To  my  mind  the  best 
point  in  his  whole  prolonged  service  at  the  State  Deptartment  was 
his  persistency  in  holding  England  responsible  for  the  Proclama 
tion.  I  never  thought  him  judicially  clear  on  the  question 
whether  the  Proclamation  alone  was  ground  of  damages  or  the 
Proclamation  with  the  detriment  from  the  ships  and  blockade-run 
ners.  The  latter  has  always  been  my  ground.  We  cannot  give 
up  the  liability  on  this  account,  without  weakening  our  case 
immeasurably. 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  English  desire  to  limit  the  case  to  the 
Alabama.  I  embrace  all  the  ships.  But  negligence  perhaps  can 
be  shown  only  in  the  case  of  the  Alabama.  For  the  other  ships 


582 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


we  rely  primarily  upon  the  Proclamation,  without  which  they  could 
not  have  been  built,  so  that  the  Proclamation  becomes  the  first  link 
in  our  case. 

But  I  write  on  —  too  much,  and  now  stop.  I  hope  you  enjoy 
London.  Society  there  is  the  best  in  the  world. 

If  I  can  serve  you  in  any  way,  command  me,  and  let  me  know 
from  time  to  time  how  the  drama  appears.  Be  frank  always 
where  it  is  possible  with  Englishmen,  and  let  them  know  our  case, 
so  that  when  it  is  presented  again,  they  will  not  treat  an  honest, 
well-meant  effort  with  indignity.  Ever  sincerely  yours, 

CHARLES  SUMNER. 

I  hope  Mr.  Moran  is  well.  I  know  not  what  I  have  written  ; 
but  I  commit  it  to  your  discretion. 

No.  Twelve. 
VISCOUNT    HALIFAX    TO    GENERAL    BADEAU. 

This  letter  was  written  while  I  was  at  the  Executive 
Mansion,  after  my  return  from  England  in  1 869.  Of  course 
I  understood  that  it  was  intended  for  the  President,  and 
showed  it  to  Grant  and  the  Secretary  of  State;  and  Lord 
Halifax  told  me  afterward  that  this  was  what  he  had  expected. 
The  English  view  of  the  points  at  issue  was  hardly  ever 
better  stated,  and  the  paper  came  with  more  force  because 
its  writer  had  been  in  the  Government  which  had  arrested 
the  Rams ;  while  its  significance  now  is  increased  by  the  fact 
that  he  was  also  Lord  Privy  Seal  in  that  which  negotiated 
the  Treaty  of  Washington.  He  died  in  1886,  full  of  years 
and  honors. 

The  article  referred  to  was  written  by  me  and  published 
both  in  England  and  America.  In  England,  it  was  signed ; 
but  Lord  Halifax  had  evidently  not  seen  the  foreign  publi 
cation. 

HICKLETON, 

April  22,  1870. 

DEAR  GENERAL  BADEAU,  —  When  I  wrote  to  thank  you  for 
sending  me  a  number  of  Harper's  Magazine,  I  had  not  read  the 
article  in  it  on  "  Our  Relations  writh  England."  I  do  not  know 
whether  I  am  warranted  in  guessing  who  the  author  of  the  article 


MISCELLANEOUS  CORRESPONDENCE.        583 

is,  but  whoever  he  may  be,  everybody  who  is  anxious  to  promote 
harmony  and  good  feeling  between  our  two  countries  must  be 
deeply  indebted  to  him  for  so  valuable  a  contribution  towards  fur 
thering  an  object  so  essential  to  the  welfare  of  both. 

I  confess,  however,  to  being  somewhat  disheartened  by  the 
account  given  in  the  article  of  the  general  prevalence  of  a  state  of 
feeling  on  your  side  of  the  water  not  very  favorable  to  the  restora 
tion  of  cordial  feeling  towards  this  country,  and  by  which  probably 
the  language  of  your  Government  is  in  some  degree  influenced. 

I  had  thought  of  writing  to  you  in  the  autumn  in  consequence 
of  some  expressions  as  to  this  country  in  a  note  to  your  book,  and 
I  am  now  the  more  wishful  to  do  so  in  consequence  of  what  I  have 
learnt  from  that  article.  I  have  been  a  good  deal  occupied  since 
I  read  it  till  I  came  down  into  the  country  for  our  Easter  holiday. 
I  write  to  you  from  here,  having  some  leisure,  that  I  might  put  be 
fore  so  fair  and  impartial  a  mind  as  yours  one  or  two  considerations 
which  I  venture  to  think  ought  to  weigh  against  the  feeling  indi 
cated  in  the  article.  The  two  principal  matters  which  are  stated 
to  weigh  against  us  in  the  mind  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
are  (i.)  The  supposed  feeling  of  England  in  favor  of  the  Confed 
erate  States.  (2.)  The  action  of  our  Government  in  two  instances. 

1.  The  early  recognition  of  the  belligerent  rights  of  the  South. 

2.  Allowing  the  Alabama  to  get  out  of  Liverpool. 
In  the  first  place,  as  to  the  feeling  in  England. 

The  article  truly  states  that  there  was  a  great  division  of  opinion 
in  this  country.  London  Society  probably  favored  the  South.  The 
Country  generally  favored  the  North.  Taking  the  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons  who  gave  utterance  to  their  opinions,  Mr. 
Gregory  and  Mr.  Roebuck  spoke  in  favor  of  the  South.  Mr.  Bright 
and  Mr.  Forster  in  favor  of  the  North. 

Surely  when  in  the  United  States  there  was  so  large  a  body  on 
the  other  side,  people  in  this  country  might,  without  bringing  upon 
England  the  hostility  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  hold  dif 
ferent  opinions  as  to  the  parties  in  the  United  States.  Again,  is  it 
not  unjust  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  find 
fault  with  the  English  people  generally,  and  to  complain  of  Eng 
lishmen  as  a  whole  because  some  of  them  entertained  views  which 
the  successful  party  in  the  United  States  condemned  ?  The  only 


584 


GRANT  IN   PEACE. 


point  on  which  England  as  a  whole  might  have  been  expected  to 
agree  with  the  Northerners  would  have  been  that  the  war  was  against 
slavery.  So  some  of  your  statesmen  considered  it.  But  that  was 
not  the  view  stated  by  your  Government  for  some  time  after  the 
commencement  of  the  war.  It  was  a  contest  on  the  part  of  the 
North  to  preserve  the  Union,  and  a  very  legitimate  purpose  for 
them  to  contend  for ;  but  upon  such  a  question  Englishmen  might 
be  allowed,  without  offense  to  the  United  States,  to  entertain  an 
opinion  on  one  side  or  the  other,  as  they  might  have  done  some 
years  ago  as  to  the  separation  of  Holland  and  Belgium. 

I  come  now  to  the  action  of  the  Government. 

I  will  not  enter  into  the  question  of  what  the  opinions  of  indi 
vidual  members  of  the  Government  may  have  been,  only  observing 
that  I  do  not  think  the  statement  in  the  article  is  correct.  With 
out  going  into  that  question,  the  material  point  is,  whether  the  ac 
tion  of  the  Government  as  a  Government,  was  unfair  or  unfriendly 
to  the  North. 

I  say  for  myself,  as  a  member  of  that  Government,  that  I  never 
from  the  first  moment  entertained  a  shadow  of  a  doubt  as  to  what 
it  was  our  duty  to  do.  We  were  bound  to  maintain  the  strictest 
neutrality,  and  to  avoid  anything  which  could  involve  us  in  the 
contest.  Most  indisputably  that  was  the  view  adopted  by  the 
Government,  as  a  Government  —  and  I  believe  that  we  so  acted. 

i.     As  to  acknowledging  the  belligerent  rights  of  the  South. 

It  is  an  undisputed  principle  of  International  law  that  a  nation 
cannot  blockade  its  own  ports.  Blockades  can  only  be  established 
against  an  Enemy.  The  question  was  considered  and  discussed 
in  this  country  at  great  length  from  1834  to  1846  or  1847  in  refer 
ence  to  a  blockade  established  by  the  French  of  the  coast  at  Port- 
endis,  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa.  We  denied  the  right  of  the 
French  to  blockade  a  port  where  they  exercised  sovereignty;  their 
answer  was  that  the  coast  blockaded  was  subject  to  the  sovereign 
of  Morocco.  It  was  a  small  matter,  and  was  referred  to  the  king 
of  Prussia ;  but  the  principle  was  admitted. 

When  the  report  of  your  blockade  was  received  in  this  country, 
application  was  made  by  merchants  to  the  Government  to  know 
whether  they  might  proceed  to  the  Southern  ports,  and  whether 
they  would  be  protected  if  they  did  so.  What  answer  were  we  to 


MISCELLANEOUS   CORRESPONDENCE. 

give  ?  If  we  had  answered  according  to  the  view  now  put  forward 
in  the  United  States  of  what  our  conduct  should  have  been,  we 
must  have  answered  that  there  could  be  no  legal  impediment  to 
their  going. 

Now,  do  consider  what  in  all  probability  would  have  happened 
if  we  had  given  that  answer.  Many  vessels  would  have  gone  to 
the  Southern  ports.  Your  officers  would,  under  the  orders  of  your 
Government,  have  stopped  or  seized  them.  Suppose  any  English 
vessel  had  resisted,  and  that  your  officers  had  fired  into  her  and 
caused  serious  damage  or  killed  some  of  her  crew.  That  is  no 
improbable  case.  What  do  you  think  would  have  been  the  state 
of  feeling  in  this  country?  and  what  would  have  been  the  conduct 
of  the  Government?  We  must  have  demanded  reparation  for  an 
injury  to  our  merchants  by  a  breach  of  International  law,  and  en 
forced  it,  if  necessary  at  the  risk  of  war.  Can  one  even  now  con 
template  such  a  state  of  things  without  the  most  serious  alarm  ? 
The  course  we  did  take  avoided  all  risk  of  such  a  crisis.  We  ac 
knowledged  the  belligerent  rights  of  the  South,  and  that  acknowl 
edgment  enabled  us  to  acquiesce  in  your  blockade,  and  to  give  the 
immediate  answer  to  our  merchants  that  they  were  entitled  to  no 
protection  if  they  attempted  to  break  the  blockade. 

Surely,  so  far  from  our  conduct  having  given  any  cause  of  com 
plaint,  it  ought  to  have  been  accepted  as  the  most  convincing 
proof  of  our  anxiety  to  avoid  any  risk  of  rupture  with  the  North. 

The  Alabama  case  is  more  complicated,  and  the  result  of  her 
operations  on  the  trade  of  the  North  has  not  unnaturally  created 
a  strong  feeling  in  the  United  States.  But  the  conduct  of  our 
Government  must  be  judged  on  the  state  of  the  case  when  she  lelt 
Liverpool. 

Your  law  and  our  law  on  these  matters  are  substantially  the 
same.  Most  of  the  recent  discussions  on  questions  of  International 
law  have  been  in  your  Courts,  to  which  we  always  look  as  authority, 
from  the  high  character  of  your  legists  and  great  judges.  I  have 
not  the  means,  in  the  country,  of  referring  to  all  the  particulars  of 
the  well  known  case  of  the  Santissima  Trinidad,  decided  in  your 
courts.  Unless,  however,  my  memory  fails  me,  she  had  been  em 
ployed  as  a  vessel  of  war,  and  she  left  one  of  your  ports  fully 
manned,  armed,  and  equipped  for  war,  proceeded  to  Buenos  Ayres, 


586  GRANT   IN   PEACE. 

was  sold  to  the  Insurgent  Government  ready  armed  and  manned, 
and  acted  at  once  as  a  Buenos  Ayrean  vessel  of  war. 

This  your  courts  decided  to  be,  so  far  as  the  equipment,  man 
ning,  and  arming  in  an  United  States  port  and  sale  of  the  vessel 
so  equipped  is  concerned,  to  be  a  legitimate  commercial  transaction. 

How  far  short  of  this  are  the  circumstances  ot  the  Alabama  ? 
She  was  partly  fitted  for  carrying  guns,  as  any  merchantman  may 
fairly  be;  she  was  only  partly  manned  when  she  left  Liverpool, 
apparently  for  a  trial  or  short  trip. 

It  was  only  after  she  had  got  out  of  English  jurisdiction  that 
she  was  put  into  that  state  of  full  equipment  for  war  in  which  the 
Santissima  Trinidad  actually  was,  when  she  left  the  port  of  the 
United  States. 

Evidently  anything  which  would  have  brought  the  Alabama 
within  the  law  was  very  doubtful.  There  cannot  be  better  proof  of 
this  than  that  when  we  seized  the  Alexandra  we  were  unable  to 
make  our  case  good  in  a  court  of  law.  We  subsequently  seized 
the  Rams,  of  whose  warlike  character  there  could  be  no  doubt  — 
but  the  proceeding  was  so  questionable  in  the  opinion  of  the  law 
yers,  that  we  ultimately  bought  them  in  order  to  avoid  going  into 
court. 

Now,  surely  it  is  no  just  cause  of  serious  complaint  that  in  the 
first  case  of  the  kind  with  which  we  had  to  deal  we  should  have 
been  cautious  in  taking  a  step  which  would  in  all  probability  have 
turned  out  to  be  an  illegal  measure.  That  is  the  utmost  that  can 
be  alleged  against  what  we  did.  Our  illegal  seizure  of  the  Alex 
andra  and  of  the  Rams  is  proof  enough  that  we  had  no  indisposi 
tion  to  interpose.  Am  I  unreasonable  in  thinking  that  the  Gov 
ernment  of  one  free  country  might  judge  less  harshly  the  conduct 
of  the  Government  of  another  free  country  when  it  hesitates  to 
overstep  the  boundary  of  the  law. 

I  will  not  add  an  unnecessary  word  to  a  letter  already  too  long, 
beyond  the  assurance  of  my  sincere  esteem,  and  of  the  pleasure 
which  it  would  give  me  if  I  succeed  in  showing  you  how  anxious 
we  were  to  act  in  such  a  way  as  to  preserve  that  attitude  of  com 
plete  neutrality  which  it  was  our  duty  to  maintain. 

I  have  not  given  up  all  hope  of  seeing  you  in  England  again 


MISCELLANEOUS   CORRESPONDENCE.  587 

ere  long,  and  it  will  give  me  great  pleasure  to  renew  so  agreeable 
an  acquaintance.  Believe  me, 

Yours  very  truly, 
Major-General  BADEAU.  HALIFAX. 

No.  Thirteen. 
GENERAL  GRANT  TO  GENERAL  BABCOCK. 

This  letter  Babcock  forwarded  to  me  because  of  my 
interest  in  its  contents.  It  shows  two  of  Grant's  traits  which 
I  have  elsewhere  described ;  his  carelessness  with  his  papers 
and  his  disposition  toward  leniency  in  criticising  other  soldiers. 

DEAR  GENERAL, —  The  inclosed  chapter  of  Badeau's  book  was 
handed  to  me  just  before  leaving  Chicago.  Having  a  large  mail 
before  me  at  the  time,  which  I  was  then  engaged  in  reading  and 
answering,  I  put  the  chapter  and  letter  in  my  overcoat  pocket  and 
forgot  all  about  it  until  after  coming  East,  when  I  was  asked  by 
some  one  "when  Badeau's  second  volume  would  be  out."  For  the 
first  time  then  since  receiving  it,  it  flashed  upon  my  mind  that  I 
had  rec'd  a  chapter  to  review.  I  was  about  to  write  back  to  Fred, 
to  look  and  see  if  he  could  find  the  missing  paper.  Before  doing 
so,  however,  I  made  a  search  of  all  my  pockets  and  found  it  as 
stated.  I  have  written  to  B,  but  said  nothing  about  the  contents  of 
the  chapter  under  review.  In  fact  wrote  my  letter  before  reading 
it.  It  is  all  right  except  I  would  like  to  see  Burnside  let  off  a  little 
easier.  Yours, 

U.  S.  G. 
No.  Fourteen. 

THE  COMTE  DE  PARIS  TO  GENERAL  BADEAU. 

This  letter  was  written  after  I  had  forwarded  the  letter  of 
General  Grant  given  in  chapter  LI,  page  498. 

CHATEAU  d'Eu, 
SEINE  INFERIEURE, 

May  nth,  1878. 

My  DEAR  GENERAL, —  I  thank  you  very  much  for  your  letter 
of  April  2ist,  and  for  the  most  valuable  information  which  you 
have  given  me.  I  had,  of  course,  the  greatest  doubts  about  the 
accuracy  of  General  Pemberton's  statement,  as  it  was  so  much  at 


588 


GRANT   IN   PEACE. 


variance  with   your  own    account ;    but  coming   from    such   high 
authority  I  could  not  put  it  aside  without  mentioning  it  to  you. 

I  am  very  grateful  to  General  Grant  for  the  trouble  he  took  to 
answer  himself,  and  to  give  such  a  detailed  account  of  what 
happened  between  him  and  General  Pemberton.  I  regret  very 
much  not  to  be  able  to  go  myself  to  Paris  to  thank  him ;  but  the 
Countess  de  Paris  having  given  birth  to  a  daughter  four  days  ago 
only,  I  cannot  leave  her  presently.  Believe  me,  my  dear  General, 

Yours  Truly,  L.  P.  D.  ORLEANS, 

Comte  de  Paris. 
No.  Fifteen. 

GENERAL    GRANT    TO   J.    H.    WORK,    ESQ. 

Mr.  Work  had  a  copy  of  my  Military  History  of  Grant 
especially  bound  for  his  library,  and  asked  General  Grant  to 
write  something  in  it  to  attest  his  opinion  of  its  merits  ;  and 
this  letter  is  the  inscription  it  contains. 

NEW  YORK  CITY, 

Dec.  22,  1881. 

J.  H.  WORK,  ESQ., —  This  book  was  revised  by  me,  chapter  by 
chapter,  as  it  was  being  prepared  for  the  publishers.  It  was  sub 
mitted  for  a  similar  review  also  to  Generals  Porter  and  Babcock, 
two  of  the  staff  colleagues  of  the  author.  In  addition  to  this,  all 
those  chapters  treating  of  events  in  which  Generals  Sherman  and 
Sheridan  held  detached  commands  were  submitted  to  those 
officers.  The  author  had  access  to  the  Government  and  captured 
and  purchased  archives.  He  also  read  and  consulted  all  that  was 
published  on  both  sides,  before  and  during  the  time  he  was 
writing  this  book,  with  the  view  of  getting  the  truth.  So  far  as  I 
am  capable  of  judging,  this  is  a  true  history  of  the  events  of 
which  it  treats.  The  opinions  expressed  of  men  are  the  author's 
own,  and  for  which  no  one  else  is  responsible. 

Very  Truly, 

U.   S.  GRANT. 

P.  S.  General  Geo.  H.  Thomas  was  dead  before  the  events 
in  which  he  held  detached  commands  took  place,  otherwise,  those 
chapters  relative  to  events  after  March,  1864,  in  which  he  took  a 
leading  part  would  have  been  submitted  to  him. 

U.  S.  G. 


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CHAPTER   LIT. 

CONCLUSION. 

WHILE  General  Grant  lay  lingering  in  his  final  illness 
one  of  the  greatest  wits  of  this  generation  called  at 
his  house  and  waited  in  the  next  room  until  he  could  be  re 
ceived  by  the  sufferer.  The  visitor  was  a  personal  friend  as 
well  as  an  admirer  of  Grant,  and  he  and  I  talked  of  the  great 
revulsion  in  popular  feeling  which  had  occurred — the  sym 
pathy  and  affection  that  had  revived  as  soon  as  the  hero  was 
known  to  be  dying.  It  made  me  think  of  Lincoln,  reviled 
and  maligned  for  years,  but  in  one  night  raised  to  the  rank  of 
a  martyr  and  placed  by  the  side  of  Washington.  "Yes,"  said 
the  other,  with  the  terrible  sententiousness  almost  of  Voltaire : 
"The  men  that  want  to  set  up  a  new  religion  ought  always  to 
get  themselves  crucified." 

The  speaker  was  anything  but  heartless,  and  the  utterance 
was  not  so  irreverent  as  it  seemed.  For  the  Head  of  our 
religion  Himself  was  brought  nearer  to  the  race  He  came  to 
save — through  suffering,  disgrace,  and  death;  and  every  my 
thology  has  been  forced  to  represent  its  deities  in  human  form 
before  the  world  could  realize  their  existence.  So,  Lincoln 
and  Grant,  the  baboon  and  the  butcher,  as  they  were  called  by 
their  enemies,  will  be  forever  associated  in  the  reverent  affec 
tion  of  their  countrymen  —  not  only  as  triumphant  colleagues, 
but  as  brothers  in  some  of  the  bitterest  trials  that  men  can 
ever  endure. 

Lincoln,  however,  like  Elijah,  passed  at  once,  in  a  chariot 
of  fire,  into  the  haven  of  historic  appreciation,  while  Grant 
was  reserved  for  a  career  in  Peace  that  rivaled  his  struggles 

(59°) 


CONCLUSION.  591 

and  successes  in  War.  The  applause  which  his  magnanimity 
at  Appomattox  extorted  from  fallen  foes  died  away  in  the 
Reconstruction  strife,  and  when  he  insisted  on  carrying  out 
the  law  and  the  will  of  those  who  had  conquered,  a  fiercer 
animosity  was  aroused  than  had  existed  during  the  Rebellion. 
The  rancor  of  his  Presidential  terms  rivaled  any  that  was 
poured  on  Lincoln,  and  the  damage  done  to  his  reputation  by 
open  enemies  and  pretended  friends  wounded  him  all  the 
more  acutely  because  for  a  while  he  had  been  used  to 
popularity. 

Then  came  the  wonderful  tour  abroad,  and  after  this  his 
return  to  party  strife.  The  aspirations  that  were  crushed  at 
Chicago,  the  hostility  with  Garfield,  the  slights  from  Arthur, 
embittered  his  final  years,  and  his  political  sun  went  down  in 
eclipse ;  while  the  odious  story  of  his  business  failure  flung 
an  additional  cloud  around  his  fame.  Last  of  all  appeared 
disease  —  the  result  of  mental  agony. 

But  the  self-same  hand  that  struck  the  soldier  to  the 
earth  tore  away  all  that  had  obscured  the  real  Grant  from 
his  countrymen.  They  saw  him  suffering,  struggling  with 
Death,  and  all  the  light  of  his  pasj:  was  reflected  on  the 
scene  ;  his  errors  were  blotted  out,  his  great  deeds  remained. 
Partisan  and  personal  hostility  alike  were  hushed,  and  the 
world  remembered,  as  posterity  will,  that  his  name  is  indis- 
solubly  connected  with  the  salvation  of  a  country,  the  eman 
cipation  of  a  race,  and  the  triumph  of  the  democratic  princi 
ple.  It  was  for  him,  not  only  to  overthrow  the  hosts  that 
threatened  the  existence  of  the  nation,  but  to  reconstruct  in 
peace  the  fragments  that  had  been  shattered  in  war ;  and 
then  to  be  recognized  by  the  whole  world  as  the  foremost 
representative  of  the  rights  of  the  individual  man;  more 
even  than  this  —  as  the  statesman,  the  diplomatist,  the  sol 
dier —  who  kept  in  view  throughout  his  entire  career  the 
sentiment  of  his  own  simple  but  historic  words  —  Let  us 
have  Peace. 


14  DAY  USE 

TO  FH7CIT 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below, 
or  on  the  date  to  which  renewed.  Renewals  only: 

Tel.  No.  642-3405 

Renewals  may  be  made  4  days  priod  to  date  due. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


1NTCR-L1BRAR1I 


LOAN 


JAN 


-- 


HtC.  CIR.     fllR     A'7<v 


^AY  0  5  1996 


RECEIVES 


MAY  0  9  1995 


CIHGULA'tlONOEPT. 


LD21A-607n-8,'70 
(N8837slO)476 — A-32 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


U.C.BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


